A/31/PV.13 General Assembly

I' should confess, Mr.President, that every year that I have approached this rostrum-and I have been doingso, off and on, for 31 years-I have felt increasingly like a defendant about to be asked why judgement should not be rendered againsthim.I submit that it is of primary importance that we should face up to the growing scepticism, cynicism and even hostility with which our deliberations are viewed by many, and I propose to address myself to this problem in the course of these remarks: SO. No doubt, Sir, you and the Secretary-General have shared this unease, and it was for that reason that I hesitated to offeryou at this time the ritual congratulations upon your well-deserved election to the presidency of the General Assembly this year. The controversies and con- frontations that marked past sessions did not seem to provide favourable and happy auguries for your incum- bency. 51. None the less, I avail myself of this traditional opportunity to extend to you my most cordial and sincere . wishes for your success, and indeed to express my confidence that you will achieve it with the personal qualities of leadership which you have more than amply demonstrated in guiding the complicated negotiations on' the law of the sea, as well as the devotion and dedication, displayed during your many years of service here, to the ideals and objectivesof the United Nations. 53. This scepticism is focused, above all, on this General Assembly, where it is claimed that a so-called automatic majority imposes its will without rhyme or reason, deaf to argument, contemptuous of compromise, coherent only in cant and prejudice, approving resolutions that cannot be realistically enforced, proclaimingobjectivesthat cannot be reasonably achieved. What is more, it is charged that this majority is not a majority at all, but a conspiracy of wilful minorities, each pursuing its own selfish purpose or advantage, or coercing the real majority into a meaningless unity under threats of exclusionand isolation. 54. There is an easy way to dismiss these accusations. One can reply that the sceptics, critics and cynics come from some of the rich industrial Powersthat have seen their own automatic majorities of the past dwindle and disappear, that are frustrated by the united political will of their former coloniesand clients, and that fear the end of the old international economic order, whose inequitable privileges and advantagesthey are determined to defend and preserve. 55. I have said that that is an easy answer. I suggestthat it may also be a superficial and even dangerous view: superficial, because it does not correspond to the realities of the world in which we live; and dangerous, because it invites division and confrontation. We are all going through an era ofprofound changesin international relations, and in a time of change the primordial need is for adjustment and acceptance of that adjustment. 56. Those of us who met in San Francisco in 1945 and who worked in and with the United Nations in the following two decades-personally, I have missed only about flve sessions of the General Assembly-look back now and have reason to exclaim: "How the United Nations has changed! " And that is perhaps at the bottom of the disenchantment, even the shock, experienced by many of the present critics of the Organization and our General Assembly. 57. Of course the United Nations has changed. It has changed because the world has changed-changed in ways that the United Nations itself helped to bring about. It may be that some of the founding fathers .at San Francisco sought or hoped to immobilize the patterns of power at the end of the Second World War, to-so to speak-stop the world at 1945. If so, such a hope was unfounded and doomed. 58. But speaking for myself, I must say that that was not my view or expectation when I helped to write the Charter in 1945. I have always had a kinetic view of the United Nations; I have always believed that the United Nations was and should be an instrument of change, that change was its mission: change in the old colonial empires, with the 59. Now the process of change has reached its critical point and, as in the past, it can best be judged in this GeneralAssembly. If the balance of forces here is what it is, it is because that is what our world is like. We are out of Bretton Woods, thank God, and we have not remained asleep since Lake Success. We cannot keep the calendar at 1945. 60. That is what I should like the sceptics, critics and cynics to bear in mind when they pass judgement on the work and the workings of the General Assembly. Our task now, as-in my conception-it has always been, is to bring about a better world) and that meansnecessarily to change the world. Our task here is to voice the demand of the majority, a true majority, of the inhabitants of this earth, for a meaningful change in their lives,to seek and promote that change, to ease the essential adjustments to that .change, not -through recrimination and confrontation, but through the recognition and reconciliation of legitimate interests. 61. If we consider the world as it really is today, we shall, I submit, understand that in bringing about the change we covet the arbitrary imposition of the will of one side upon the other can lead us nowhere. The so-called automatic numerical majority in the General Assembly is in real terms matched by what a Spanish wit called the vast minority- the vast minority of wealth and power constituted by the industrial States. Indeed, they have nothing to fear but their own short-sightednessand selfishness. 62. Having said what I felt needed to be said, allow me now to undertake a brief reviewof the foreign policy of my Government. We in Manila too, and foremost among us our President Ferdinand E. Marcos, have for the past several years taken a hard look at the world as it really is, nowin 1976, and not as it wasin 1945. . 63. Without fanfare we have in fact brought about a basic reorientation of our foreign policy as far-reaching in its implications for our foreign relations as those of our revolutionary new society are for our national develop- ment. 64. As recently as 1972 we had no diplomatic relations with a single socialist State. We have since quietly rectified that omission. Our establishment of diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of Chinalast year, and with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics last June, completed the normalization of our relations with the leadingsocialist countries. 65. At the same time, determined to maintain cordial relations with all friendly countries regardless of differences in ideology and social systems, we have steadily expanded our diplomatic links with developing countries in Asia, 67. Thefundamental reorientation of our foreign policyis reflected not only in its enlarged scope but also in its content and direction. We have beenmoving with deliberate speed towards non-alignment-non-alignment in its true sense-a course made possible by our disengagement from the South-East Asia Treaty Organization, which we. have helped to phase out; by the review of our bilateral defence agreements with the United States, in which we have reaffmned Philippine sovereignty over the military bases in our territory-we are seeking to reduce further the period of theiroccupancy and insisting onstrictadherence to their defensive purpose; and by our establishment of diplomatic and trade relations with the great majority of socialist States. 68. We have also consolidated our identification with the third world of developing countries by a series of significant initiatives including the hosting of' the Third Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77 in Manila last January and February and the personal participation of President Marcos at the fourth session of UNCTAD in Nairobi last May. At that Conference, as the chosen spokesman of the Group of 77, President Marcos presented the Manila Declaration and Programme of Action3 embodying the Group'spositions on the great issues pertaining to the new international economic order. He seized the opportunity to speakforcefully on the need for change. He said: "The time has come for the dominant powers to renounce their desire for national advantage, to proclaim an end to all unequal relationships which the developing countries have had to accept as former possessions, protectorates or colonies .•. If the rich do not intervene to hasten the growth of the under-developed countries, they cannot hope to avoid bei.1g themselves caught under the weight of thosewhomthey will not help." 69. Earlier in Manila President Marcos had said in his opening address to the Groupof 77mmlstenal meeting: . "Power itself cannot be indefinitely monopolized; it should be shared progressively among nationsif weare to inhabit a tranquil and orderlyworld •.. Andunless there is an equitable sharing of the world's resources, it could not be a question of whether, but how soon, the ever-growing number of the world's poor would ch,Jlenge the ever-diminishing number of the rich for the just sharing of thoseresources." 70. The Philippine commitment to the new international economic order,be it noted, goes beyond lip service. Outof 3 See Proceeding, oftheUn!tedNatioIU Conjel'ence on Trade and Development, Fourth Sellion, vol. I, RtpOI't andA.nnexe, (United 71. These actions reflect our concept of the new inter- national economic order as an edifice with three levels. At the national level eachcountry shouldstrive to put its own house in order, rectifying economic and social inequalities, ensuring a full share for every citizenin the benefits aswell as the tasks of national development, improving the quality of life nationwide. This is precisely whatin essence wehave been doing for the past four years in our newsociety.We are, of course, doing this primarily for the benefit of our own people, but we are also hoping that our new society could become a microcosm of what the newinternational economic ordershould be on a global scale. 72. At the regional level we are hard at work in the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN) with our neighbours and associates Indonesia, Malaysia, Singa- pore and Thailand. At an historic summit meeting in Bali last December the Heads of Government of the ASEAN countries resolved to co-operate in accelerating the econo- mic development of the member-countries. At the same time the foundation was laid for regional collaboration in selected industries. 73. We in ASEAN have our differences: reljpous differ- ences, ethnic differences, differences in political and social systems. But we are united on some things which we consider important: to secure a better life for our peoples; to do everything we can, individually and collectivelyt to enhance the prospects for peace and to maintain the climate of freedom in our region; to support with our combined strength the concerted efforts of the third world to restructure the world economic order on the basis of justice and equality for all Members of the international community. 74. ASEAN is stillmisunderstood and sometimes maligned and misrepresented. This has not deterred us from extend- ing the hand of friendship and peaceful collaboration to all our neighbours in South-East Asia. 75. To the great Powers, we say simply, "Please leave us alone". Kindly refrain from making South-East Asia an arena of your competing ambitions. All we want is to proceed unhampered withour own development. ASEAN is not an insignificant association. Its member na~ionst with a combined population of over230million people, inhabitan area strategically situated, rich in natural resources, poten- tially powerful. But our ambition is limited to seeing South-East Asia become a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality. In his policy statement on the opening day of the gen~ral debatethisyear,Mr. Krishna Raj Aryal, Foreisn Minister of Nepal, correctly described the ASEAN proposal towards this end as: "a constructive effort towards the strengthening of the peace, stability and development of the South-East Asian region"[5th meeting, partL 174}. We welcome with deep appreciation his statement that Nepal "fully andstrongly support[s] thiseffort[ibid}. 77. The time is past when developed countries could dolate themselves from the problems of the developing countries. That time is past. like it ornot, we all belong to one world, which cannot be half-rich andhalf-poor, or, to be more precite, one-third rich and two-thirds poor. The a11co/iation of poverty is a shared and collective obligation of theworld community. 78. So is the liqUidation of the remaining pockets of that older and more blatant form of colonialism: the physical subjuption of onepeople by another. Nowhere isthisduty more pressing today than in southern Africa, where rampant oppression and racism have provoked violent uprisings threatening the peace of the entire region. The remnants of colonial tyranny and exploitation have abso- lutely noplace in thenew world order now being buBt. 79. Through the years, the Philippines has consistently anduncompromisingly supported the righteous cause of the Africm peoples. We helped write the provision on self- determination in the United Nations Charter in 1945, and have since then faithfully espoused the right of all colonial countries and peoples to independence. With the propess of decolonization elsewhere, our profound concern with tb.e attainment of this major United Nations goal has increasingly focused on Africa. 80. In the case of southern Africa, the Philippines has scrupulously implemented United Nations decisions, includ- ing the application of economic sanctions, theseverance of diplomatic and consular relations, andeven the observance of sanctions in the field of sports. We dare say that few can match, let alone surpass, that record. 81. In this context, we welcome the determined ongoing efforts to fmd peaceful solutions, acceptable to all con- cerned, to the explosive confrpntations in Namibia, Zim- babwe and SouthAfrica, and we earnestly and prayerfully hope thatthose efforts will succeed. 82. Care should be taken, however, to ensure that the formulas offered for transition to majority rule ia, Zim- babwe, or Southern Rhodesia, should conform to the legitimate demands of the African people. Proposed solu- tions should not be dictated by expediency or solely by considerations for the balance of power. They should fmt and foremost be just solutions, consonant withthe Charter and with the expresled desires and aspirations of the African people. 83. In the ClIe of Namibia, the right of its people to lelf-determination andindependence should be upheld. The PhWppines joins in the demand for the withdrawal by South Africa from Namibia to enable its people to achieve freedom and independence in accordance with relevant General AslCmbly andSecurity Council resolutions. 85. I wish to speak now about two upects of terrorism, and fmt, about nuclear terrorism. There is all too little leparating the zealot from the nuclear trigger. Adequate safeg~rds have not been made available to protect nuclear reprocessing plants and tllifaS!!vrtation facilities. Since nuclear lecrets are no longer .~ts, the danger of nuclear terrorism increues with eachpusing day. It is no longer a science-faction scenario to foresee a city heldhostage anda nation lendered impotent by the threat of a nuclear explosion. 86. The second aspect of terrorism::-and this I want to emphuize and to refer to now-is the taking of innocent hostages, which has become widespread in the hijacking of airliners. Strinaent international measures can undoubtedly be directed toward the protection of the innocent, in addition to those which now exist under the terms of The Hague Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Seizure of Aircnft, and the Montreal Convention for the Suppres- sion of Unlawful Acts llainst the Safety of Civil Aviation, and through the elaboration of the Standards andPractices Governing Airport Security and Aircraft Safety recom- mended by the International CivB Aviation Organization. The taking of innocent hostages is a heinous crime, andthe Government of the Philippines, itself a victim of leveral aerial hijackinp, will Vigorously support the development of lepl instruments and meuures directed toward its inhibition and suppression. We now have before the Assembly the proposal of the Federal Republic of Germany [A/31/242]. 87. I turn now to the vital question of disarmament. We share the aeneral concern over the lack of progless in disarmanent. The situation has, in fact, been deteriorating, IS the Foreign Minister of Singapore, Mr. S. Rajaratnam, leminded us the other day in histhoughtful and thought- provoking policy statement [10th meeting]. I suggest that that statement be reread by the members of the General Assembly. 88. We are deeply disturbed by the continuing upward trend in the production, stockpiling and proliferation of umaments and particularly of the means for the produc- tion of.nucleu armaments. The years go by, but not one plane or missile is dismanded except because ofoldage, to be replaced by new and ever more destructive models; and although welI'ow accustomed to their presence, theypose anever greater threatto the survival of mankind. 89. The world has become increuingly alarmed-and rilhtly so-about the spread of the means to produce nudeu weaponry. But the threatinherent inthecontinued "horizontal proliferation" of nuclear capacity is not as 90. The wastage in resources that could otherwise be put to constructive uses is, indeed,staggering. Asthe Secretary- General hasreminded us: "Resources devoted to the urns racesince the end of the Second World War have exceeded $6,000billion, which is roughly eqUivalent to the 1976 gross national productof the entireworld".{A/31/1/Add.1, sect. VJ. That istragic, indeed. 91. It is time, certainly, for an act of high statesmanship which can break the vicious circle of action and reaction now spiralling towards catastrophe. An announcement, for instance, ending all nuclear tests and placing a moratorium on peaceful nuclear explosions could break the present deadlock and set iD motion the processes of successful negotiations. The renunciation'of the mostdeadly chemical weapons-nerve gases-could alsoleadto successful negotia- tions, as a similar initiative did in the case of biological weapons, which are nowbannedfromnationalarsenals and destroyed. 92. What, additionally, can the United Nations do? If a world disarmament conference caM""t be held under appropriate United Nations auspices, the Philippines is prepared to support the proposal of the non-aligned group to hold a special session of the·General Assembly in 19.77, devoted to the problems of the arms race and disarma- ment.4 This is the very leastwecan do during the so-caned Disarmament Decade, nowfast running out. 93. The instrumentalities which we employ to reach decisions and agreements, and to carry out and implement their terms, must be adequateto the task.When I noted on the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nationss that it had provedremarkably adaptable, and its founders unusually prescient, I also pointed out that the Organization was not adequate in all respects to the new requirements confronting it. 94. This realization was shared by others, and we are gratified that a large majority of Members nowagree that a review of the structureof the UnitedNations, of its Charter and of possible improvements in both is, as I stated during the twenty-fifth anniversary session, "no longer defer- rable". We welcomed the establishment by the General Assembly at its; twenty-ninth session of an Ad Hoc Committee on the Charter of the United Nations to coD.sider the observations of Governments on needed changes in the United Nations Charter, specific proposals for enhancing the ability of the United Nations to achieve itlS purposes, and any other suggestions for the more. effective functioning of the UnitedNations, whetheror not they would require amendments to the Charter{resolution 3349 (XXIX)J. 4 See document A/31/197, annexI, para.139. S See O//k~I R,cords of the G".,ml AJwnlJly, Twenty-fifth Selllo", 1'1'1UII'Y Meetings, 18SSth meetiIJI. 96. We cannot, and will not, rest in this task until the United Nations is adequately equipped with the machinery and mechanisms it needs in the field of peace-keeping, the peaceful settlement of disputes, decision-making and the promotion and protection of human rights. Whatever the reasons for inaction on the part of its Members withregard to the major problems and tasksfacing the UnitedNations, the excuse of the inadequacy of the world Organization mustbe removed once and for all by its improvement. 97. We have the responsibility to assure for present and future generations that the spaceship, earth, has an ade- quately instrumented guidance centre to direct it through the trying, yet creative, daysthat lie before us. Andwhatis that global guidance centre,if not thisUnitedNations? 98. I should like to conclude this statement with a brief tribute to our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whose term of office ends in December this year. He has done an outstanding job at an extremely difficult time in the life of the United Nations-a time, as I have noted, of disenchantment and even of antagomsm towards the Organization, and a time, moreover, of portentous change, marking a far-reaching shift in emphasis from political confrontations between great Powers to an economic dialogue between the richand the poor nationswhich could shape the future of our world. As he has correctly observed: "Although East-West problems persist in many fields, the North-South relationship is in one form or another increasingly the basic theme of our debates". [A/31! 1/Add.1, sect. IIJ. While effectively practising "quiet diplomacy"-he is a quiet man-to forestall violence in southern Mrica, to maintain the precarious peace in Cyprus and in the Middle East, and to damp down dangerous tensions in other places, the Secretary-General has also performed invaluable service in facilitating the crucial dialogue on the newinternational economic order. The key office of Secretary-General could not have been placed in better hands during this time of historic change and transition. In our estimation, Secre- tary-General Waldheim deserves to be highly commended fora difficultjob wendone. ·99. Mr. MACOVESCU (Romania) (interpretation from French): First of all I should like to extend most cordial congratulations to you, Sir,on your electionasPresident of the General Assembly. Theunanimous confidence placed in you for presiding over our debates is warmly shared by the 100. I should also like to pay a tribute to your predeces- sor, the representative of a friendly nation, Mr.Gaston Thorn, the Prime Minister of Luxembourg, for the com- petence and effectiveness with which he directed the work of the thirtieth session. 101. May I also take this opportunity to renew to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the assurances of our high appreciation of his devotion to the cause of the United Nations and of his efforts to strengthen the United Nations' role in international life, efforts which we follow with keen interest and which we hope willbe continued in the years to come. 102. The delegation of the Socialist Republic of Romania is participating in this session of the General Assembly firmly determined to contribute to the settlement of the issues on the agenda, to the successful conclusion of the debates and to the raising of United Nations activity up to the legitimate hopes placed by the peoples in this Or'6,lniza- tion. The touchstone for the success of our endeavoursis to what degree we shall be able to meet by deeds the imperative of our days: the building of a new international economic and political order which, based on new and democratic principles steeped in equity and justice, can truly guarantee the economic and socialadvancementof all nations. 103. The ferment stirred in the world arena by the ideas and objectives of a new international order, of a better.and more just world, comes from the great revolutionarysecial and national changes that have been occurring throughout the world, from the ever stronger assertion of peoples' determination to decide their own fate, to securetheir free and independent development and to live together in a climate of peace, security and co-operation. An important part in bringing about those changes has been played by the socialist countries, by their achievements in economic and socialdevelopment and by the influence of socialism upon mankind's entire historical evolution. At the sametime, the course of international life is strongly influenced by the policy of the newly independent States, which have freed themselves from colonial domination and are asserting themselves more arid more firmly as distinct, free and independent nations. The combativeness of the broad masses everywhere in the world for a renewed society and for a policy of peace and international co-operation is also a factor of particular importance in the changes that have occurredin the world. 104. Those changes find expression in the unflinching determination of peoples to fight for the observance of their right to m.ake decisions in their own country, to do away with the imperialist, colonialist and neo-colonialist 105. A significant moment in the assertion of the peoples' right to free and independent development and of the participation of all States in the world political life, on an equal footing, was marked by the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, which took place in Colombolast August. Considering that the non-aligned movement is an especiallyimportant factor in international life, the Romanian people welcomedwith great satisfaction the Conference's decision to invite Romania to participate in the activities of the non-aligned countries. 106. As a result of the changes and transformations that have occurred in the world, a process of detente and co-operation has begun to take shape in international life. But that process is still only beginning; it is stillfragile and not irreversible. There are still forces capable of endanger- ing international peace and security. It is therefore more necessary now than ever before that all States and peoples intensify their endeavours to put an end to the old policy based on relations of subordination among States and peoples, on relations of paternalism, and on the logic of force and arbitrariness in international life. It is that policy that has engenderednumerous confrontations and conflicts, and has created a profoundly unfair international division of labour, which has caused the great gaps existingbetween the development levels of different States. 107. The fulfilment of the peoples' aspirations for free- dom and independence is inconsistent with the mainte- nance of the old order. Nowadays it is becoming ever clearer that, as President NicolaeCeausescu hassaid: "... the old domestic and international relations created by the capitalist regime and by imperialist' policy no longer correspond to the present stage of developmentof society and no longer offer appropriate solutions to the complex issues confronting peoples and contemporary mankind as a whole." 108. In our view, to set up a new international order means to undertake an innovating process of ending the outdated relations of domination and of building a new series of democratic relations among all States based upon the principles of international law. This implies the estab- lishment of new, universally valid rules of conduct in inter-State relations which should, by ruling out the old inequities, open vast prospects for peaceful and freely accepted co-operation among partners having equal rights. The substance of those rules is the observance, in relations among all States, of the principles of national sovereignty and independence, equal rights, non-interference in the internal affairs of others, mutual benefit and. non-use of force or the threat of force. Those are the pillarson which 109. Socialist Romania has adopted those principles asthe foundation of its relations with all States. This has been enshrined in my country's Constitution. Those principles represent the quintessence of our people's concept of the ethics that should govern international life. It is in this spiritthat Romania has concluded treaties of friendship and co-operation, as well as joint declarations, at the level of Heads of State, withone third of the StatesMembers of the United Nations. These documents areknownto the General Assembly since almost all of them have been circulated as official documents of the United Nations. Thusan effective contributionhasbeen madeto the workof establishing new relations among States. At the present stage of international relations we think that those principles should be better defmed and developed with the participation of all States and that their authorityshouldbeenhanced. 11O. A basic factor in the construction of the new international order is disarmament and, first and foremost, nuclear disarmament, which is the vital requirement of mankind's future. 111. After years of lengthy discussions on disarmament within the United Nations as well as in other forums, the absence of tangible results in this field can be neither explained nor understood by the peoples. Without denying the contribution made by the few treaties concluded sofar to the creation of a climate of understanding, we have to admit that they have by no means affected the bases of armaments. On the contrary, the reality is that during all those years the arms race, especially the nuclear one, has taken a dizzily rapid upward spiral extremelydangerous to . the very existence of man on this planet and to all his achievements. . 112. The arms race not only seriously endangers the peace and security of the world but also does immense harm to the cause of development. It is quite dear that armaments have harmful economic and social consequences because they contribute to inflation, create artificial barriers to the. transfer of technology and equipment and decrease the exchange of information and scientific knowledge. J13•. At the same time, we cannotignore the fact that the continuation of the arms race acts as a stimulating factor for the imperialist policy of force and diktat, of interfer- ence in the internal affairs of other peoples and of the 114. We think that stopping the arms race is the highest responsibility and greatest obligation of Governments and politicians to their own peoples and to the cause of civilization and progress. As President Nicolae Ceauseseu emphasized: :'••. it would be an unforgiveable mistake to give the peoples the illusion that they can live quietly and safely while more and more new stockpiles of destructive weapons are accumulated at an extremely rapid pace in the world. We must openly show the reality of the situation to the peoples and take action before it is too late to adopt resolute measures for stopping the arms race." 11S. In the view of the Romanian delegation it istime to go beyond routine action and inertia and to strengthen the role of the United Nations and, above all, the role of the General Assembly, which should include disarmament issues among its essential concerns and proceed to a meaningful discussion of them and to the adoption of effective measures. 116. Starting from these considerations and desiring to contribute to getting the disarmament negotiations out of the present stalemate so as to make possible the adoption of measures that would finally leadto general andcomplete disarmament, the Romanian Government submitted to the previous session of the United Nations General Assembly an official document containing my country's position on the problems of disarmament, particularly nuclear disarma- ment, and on the establishment of a lasting peace in the world.s In that document Romania proposed a set of measures concerning the following: the freezing and reduc- tion of military budgets; the banning, gradual reduction and, in the long run, liquidation of nuclear armaments; the creation of nuclear-free zones of peace and co-operation; the adoption of partial and regional measures of disarma- ment and military disengagement; the conclusion of a treaty on general and complete disarmament; the strengthening of the role of the United Nations and of the General Assembly in the field of disarmament; the banning of war propaganda; and the mobilization of all forces of society to achieve disarmament. 117. Taking into account the ever increasing urgency of the problem of disarmament, I should like to reaffirm the importance which Romania attaches to the measures proposed in the above-mentioned document and, at the same time, to stress once more the necessity that all States should intensify their effortswitha view to taking effective disarmament measures, particularly in the field of nuclear disarmament. It is necessary that public opinion be widely infonned-and here the United Nations can play a decisive role-of the present situation in the field of armaments, of 118. The urgency of the adoption of concrete measures with regard to disarmament and military disengagement appears particularly evident in viewof the present situation in Europe. It is here that we find the largest concentration of military forces and the most powerful arsenal, including nuclear weapons, ever known in history. It is also here that the two military blocs confront each other. In our opinion, the process of buildingpeace and security in Europe as well as throughout the world cannot take on durability and substanceuntil the problems of disarmament and, aboveall, of nuclear disarmament are tackled in substance and with the clear determination to reach a basic settlement. 119. That is why we stress the need for determined action aimed at rapid and concrete measuresof military disengage- ment and disarmament, at the withdrawal of foreign troops from the territories of other States, at the dismantling of foreign military bases, as well as at the adoption of other similar steps, thus creating the necessaryconditions for the simultaneous liquidation of the two military blocs-the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Warsaw Pact. The necessity of concluding agreements providing for adequate guarantees that will effectively lead to the outlawing of the use or threat of force is becoming ever stronger. The peoples willthus become more confident that they are not going to be the victims of any foreign aggression or interference, whatever form or pretext it mighttake. 120. In this context the Romanian delegation wishes to draw attention to the fact that lately, along with the intensification of the nuclear arms race, actions are being taken to prevent the peaceful uses of nuclear energy by countries which, having signed the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons {resolution 2373 (XXII), annex], have renounced the acquisition of these weapons. Theseactions demonstrate an unawarenessof the provisions of the Treaty, which in article IV states that: . 124. Within this process we attach particular importance to the establishment of new relations of co-operation and good-neighbourliness among the Balkan countries, with a view to transforming that zone, as well as other zones in Europe and in other continents, into a zone of peace and peaceful co-operation, which is part and parcel of European security. '~arties to the Treaty in a position to do so shall also co-operate in contributing alone or together with other States or international organizations to the fur-ther development of the applications of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, especially in the territories of non- nuclear-weapon States Parties to the Treaty ...". The .measures and actions taken by a limited group of States in order to restrain and hinder the peaceful uses of atomic energy could undermine the very substance of the non-proliferation Treaty. It must be clear to everyonethat the future of this Treaty is linked to respect for the right of 121. In my Government's opinion, any approach failing to take these considerations into account, any limitations, restrictions or disregard of the right to the peaceful use of atomic energy, will encourage States to reconsider their position on this Treaty. 122. European security and the establishment of new relations of trust and co-operation among all the States of the continent can only be a joint enterprise and the responsibility of all the countries of Europe. That is why we consider the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, basedon the equal rights of the participants, as a historic event in European political life. 123. Although certain results have been achieved in the implementation of the Final Act adopted by the Confer- ence, we have to admit that the hopes placed in the document signed at Helsinki by our peoples are still . awaiting fulfilment. As we have pointed out,' in Burope there are still unresolved complex and serious issues on whose settlement the peace, security, freedom and welfare of the peoples of the continent depend. We think that we should act with all the energy at our command in order to implement the documents of the Conference and to continue the multilateral process of achieving security and co-operation in Europe. Otherwise, the Final Act will remain a mere statement of good intentions such as Europe has already known in the course of time; and that would mean that no wisdomhas been gained from the hard lessons European history has taught us more than once. Therefore, the meeting which is to take place in Belgrade in 1977 will have to give strong impetus to the execution of the measures and actions agreed upon in the Final Act and bring about new progress in the process of building up lasting security and co-operation among the participating countries. This will be highly beneficial for the cause of peace and co-operationof all peoples based on equality. 125. The achievement of a new international order also requires determined endeavours for the liquidation of the sources of tension and animosity and for the extinction of hotbeds of conflict. Under present international circum- stances, the attempts at settling these issues by force can only lead to new tension and conflict. That is why, in order to arrive at just settlements of disagreements among States, it is necessary to act in a spirit of high responsibility, through direct talks and negotiations among -the parties concerned which should be based upon the observance of 126. In that spirit, we are of the opinion that there should be an intensification of the efforts to attain, in the shortest possible time, a fair and lasting peace in the Middle East. The essential components of an equitable solution which could bring about that peace are: Israel's withdrawal from the Arab territories occupied in 1967, the attainment of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian Arab people-including their right to have their own independent State-and the guaranteeing of the independence and sovereignty of all the countries in the region. 127. We think that in Lebanon too peace can be restored only through negotiations. We declare ourselves to be in favour of the immediate cessation of fighting and the reaching of an understanding among the political and social forces in Lebanon that would ensure the integrity, unity and sovereignty of that State and would lead to the ruling out of any foreign interference in its internal affairs. 12~. In Cyprus as well there is no other way for settling the situation except the. political way, based on the maintenance of that State's independence and sovereignty and on the peaceful coexistence of the two communities. We place legitimate hope in the furthering of the dialogue between the two communities and in the role which such II dialogue might play as a means of restoring confidence among all the inhabitants of Cyprus. 129. In Korea the fragile armistice has to be replaced by a lasting peace. We think that the political initiatives and the constructive proposals of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, if receptivity is shown towards them, could lead to that peace, to the fulfilment of the Korean people's vital aspirations to the peaceful, independent and democratic reunification of their homeland. 130. In the spirit of the aforementioned basic principles, Romania acts with perseverance, within the means at its disposal, to contribute to the extinction of all hotbeds of tension and to the settlement of all controversial issues by peaceful and political means. 131. The establishment of a new order in the world also requires the adoption of decisive measures aimed at securing the quick and final liberation of all peoples from any foreign oppression and the complete elimination of colonialism and its manifestations: racial discrimination and the policy ofapartheid. 132. In that connexion, we actively support the struggle of the peoples in Namibia and Rhodesia, as well as in other Territories, to put an end to colonial domination. .In the same spirit we firmly condemn also the bloody repressions engaged in by the racist regime in South Africa. 133. In our view, firm meallures should be taken, within the framework of the United Nations, to give effective support to the national liberation movements in these Territories, especially since the General Assembly has 134. We deem it to be a duty of honour on the part of the United Nations and all States to take resolute action for the permanent liquidation of the coloniallst policy and all forms of colonialism and domination, as well as for the rejection of any acts aimed at their revival. 135. On the economic plane, one of the foremost objec- tives of the new order is the promotion of the more rapid advancement of the under-developed countries, the elimina- tion of under-development and the bridging of the great economic gaps among States. That is a sine qua non for real security and lasting peace throughout the world. 136. Of decisive importance for the liquidation of under- development and the bridging of gaps are the efforts made by all peoples, the mobilization of their entire material and human potential for the development of forces of produc- tion. Life itself and the experience of many peoples, including the Romanian people, bear witness to that fact. It is precisely in this way, by perseverin.g work, by the pursuit of a policy of systematically allotting a large part of the national income to development, that the Romanian people have succeeded in scoring great achievements in economic and social development and in raising their living standard. 137. At the same time, international economic co- operation has an important part to play in assisting the endeavours of the developing countries to speed up their progress. The economically advanced countries that have exercised colonial domination have the moral duty now to make their contribution to the liquidation of under- development and to the narrowing of the gaps. If is also a great duty of honour for all countries to help accelerate the economic and social advancement of the under-developed States. The establishment of the new economic order designed to ensure the stability and harmonious develop- ment of the economy of the whole world is a common cause for all countries and peoples, and no one can avoid this imperative of history. This is an imperative necessity for the development of human society. Mankind can no longer advance in a situation where there' are a small number of prosperous and rich countries and a large number of extremely poor countries. 138. Poverty and wealth, increasingly polarized, cannot coexist indefinitely, Such a state of affairs will lead unavoidably to instability, to explosive situations and to conflicts leaving serious repercussions for international peace and security. It is in the interest of all nations; including the advanced States, that the developing countries should receive ever greater help in building up their own industries; developing their economies more rapidly, render- 139. An outstanding and highly responsible role is to be played in this connexion by the United Nations and its agencies. We have a positive assessment of the actions taken so far towards the establishment of the new economic order. In this connexion, we emphasize the importance we attach to the work of the recent fourth session of UNCTAD, recently held in Nairobi, which highlighted the determination and concern of the developing countries to unite their efforts in order to achieve just and equitable solutions for international economic problems, in the spirit of the programme adopted in Manila, the capital of the Philippines, a friendly country whose contribution to the formulation of the document is greatly appreciated. We deem it necessary that measures should be taken to ensure steadfast supervision of the implementation of the measures agreed upon. On the other hand, further and greater efforts should be made within the framework of the United Nations to fmalize concrete programmes and determine means of practical action aimed at the attainment of the various objectives of the new economic order. We shallalso have to envisage the most appropriate framework for the working out, with the participation of all States, of a unitary concept to guide the multilateral negotiations held to that end. 140. Wishing to contribute to the fulfilment of the requirements of the new international economic order, Romania, which is a socialist country and a member of the Group of 77, has both in the United Nations and in other international organizations presented a number of concrete proposals involving steps to be taken towards a gradual bridging of the great gaps between States, to the growth of international co-operation and to the establishment of new and fair relations between States. It is in the spirit of those proposals that we shall make an active contribution to the identification of the best ways and means of fulfilling the desiredgoals. 141. The establishment of a new international order, therefore, involves a large number of the aspects of international relations. It raises complex issues whose proper examination and settlement call for the co-operation and active contribution of all States on an equal footing. The natural framework for approaching and analyzingthese questions is the United Nations, its organs and agencies. 142. For all these reasons, and as a matter of principle,an elementary requirement is the creation of appropriate conditions which would ensure the participation of all States in United Nations activities. 143. In this respect I should like to extend our greetings to the new Member of our Organization, the Republic of Seychelles, to which we address a cordial welcome and assurances of our entire co-operation, We warmly support the lawful desire of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam as soon as possible to take its rightful seat in the United Nations. The admission of Viet Nam to membershipin the United Nations would be an act of justice towards the VietNamese people, which has suffered greatly during its struggle for independence and national unity; it would also Republic of Angola to become a Member of this Organiza- tion will soon be unanimouslyrecognized. 144. 11te universality of this Organization, which we favour, also has a qualitative aspect. It is in the general interest that problems directly concerning all peoples, progress and peace should be tackled and discussed within the United Nations, whereeach has his say, and not outside the Organization. It is here, and only here, that a consensus can be reached for their fair and equitable solution, which must be our common goal. 145. Undoubtedly it is necessary to improve the working style and methods of the Organization so as to make possible a quicker and more efficient examination of the issues before it. There is a need for improvement in the structure of the Organization, which should adequately reflect the great changes that have occurred in the world since the establishment of the United Nations, the growing role of the small and medium-sized countries and the developing and non-aligned countries which form the greatest part of the world and are directly interested in the fair settlement of international issues. Romania's proposals concerning the strengthening of the role of the United Nations in international life, submitted to the General Assembly in a document at the last session," were conceivedpreciselyin that spirit. 146. We are happy that, thanks to the initiative of the Romanian Government in 1972, we have been able to contribute to the initiation of a process meant to strength- en the Organization.We believe that the SpecialCommittee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strength- ening of the Role of the Organizationhas done useful work, but it is necessaryfor that Committee fully to carry out the mandate entrusted to it. In our opinion, it should make great efforts-possibly through a more precise mandate-so that it might become a real laboratory in which generally acceptable solutions and measures aimed at raising United Nations activitiesto a higherlevelcould be prepared. 147. We are confident that the need for the democratiza- tion of the United Nations taking due account of the changesthat have occurred in the contemporary world will be understood by all. By reflecting those changes and the fundamental objectivesof present-day international life, the United Nations Charter will in its entire contents have to inspire and direct the process involvedin the establishment of truly democratic and fair relations among States, the process of setting up a new international economic and political order. By acting along those lines the United Nations will be able to make a more substantial and efficient contribution to the consolidation of the new direction taken in international relations and to the creation of a climate of detente, co-operation and under- standing among nations. 148. The United Nations has begun to have its own history. More than three decades have elapsed since its creation. But that is one more reason for us to ask ourselves 149. That question cannot be rhetorical. Our concrete activity shouldbeits answer. 150. The Romanian delegation is confident that by combining our endeavours and by approaching the debates of this session in a highly responsible manner, we shall succeed in responding to the hopes of our peoples, the 4 billion human beings who wish to live in peace and co-operation. 151. We have to fulfll our duty towards them. 152. We have to doour utmost to builda better and fairer world.

8 In speaking for the first time from this rostrum in my new. capacity as Minister for Foreign Affairs of the ItalianRepublic, I wish, on behalfof the Government of which I have the honour to be a part, to convey to Ambassador Amerasinghe warmest congratula- tions on his election to the presidency of the United Nations General Assembly. I also wish to associate myself with the expressions of appreciation which have been voiced for the effective and impartial workof hispredeces- sor,Mr. Thorn. . 154. It is, in ouropinion, particularly significant that such an eminent international personality has been chosen to discharge the highest responsibilities of the thirty-first session of this Assembly, the representative of it country known and appreciated for its active and incisive work in the cause of the strengthening of peace and the devel- opment of world co-operation. 155. This year, the Republic of Sri Lanka has rightly occupied the centre of worldattention for the dignified and successful way it organized and acted as host for the Fifth Conference of Heads .of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries. My Government has followed carefully the work of that important meeting and has noted witli great interest its conclusions,' which were so significantly recalled yesterday by the Prime Minister of SriLanka [11th meeting]. 156. In recent years world history has evolved more and more according to a single pattern in which all States, the various economic systems, and the prospects of progress and peace for all peoples of the world are united in interdependence. 157. Italy is convinced of the need, which was also stressed at the Colombo Conference, to achieve a new 8 Mr. Forlani spoke in Italian. The English version of hill statement was supplied by the delegation. 9 See document A/31/197. 158. Ail essential component of this new international economic order is the development of the emerging countries. Italy, within the framework of the European Community, but also in its own right, intends to continue making every possible effort to ensure progress in this direction. 159. In particular, we intend to continue giving our fmancial and political support to the initiatives taken by the United Nations in favour of development. We support those programmes in the developing countries which are designed to promote the balanced development of the economy-that is, which not only promote the expansion of the industrial sector, but are also aimed at achieVing a modern agricultural sector capable' of ensuring self- sufficiency in food. Along these lines Italy has actively encouraged the establishment of the International Fund for' Agricultural Development, has pledged a substantial contri- bution to its ~tial capitaland hasdeclared its readiness to act ashost for the newagency. 160. Italy, in agreement with the other countries of the European Community, will continue to make an active and concrete contribution to the establishment of an equttable and stable system of International economic relations, working in the various appropriate forums, andprimarily in UNCTADandother United Nations bodies, aswell asin the Conference on InternationalEconomic Co-operation. 161. The field of international economic relations is, in our opinion-and I want to stress this-one where the United Nations and its dependent bodies have an essential role to play, a role which we think shouldbe strengthened, extendedand deepened. 162. This spirit of open-mindedness and friendly eo- operation \,Vith the developing countries has just been significantly reaffmnedby myGovernment on the occasion of the welcome visit to Rome of the Prime Minister of Angola, Mr. Lopo do Nascimento. 163. A condition which is necessary-thoughnot in itself sufficient-to bring about the desirable strengthening of the role of the United Nations in this as in other fields of its work is the universality of the United Nations. Further progress has been made also this year towards the achieve- ment of this goal with the admission of a newMember, the Republic of Seychelles, to which the Italian Government . wishes, throughme, to convey its warmest greetings, hoping at the same time that other countries, whose aspirations are well known, will soon be able to join the Organlzation. 164. Universality and the constructive participation of all will allow the United Nations to fulfil the task which the international community expects of it: the safeguarding of internation.J peace and security. We all feel the need for a 165. With these convicdons, Italy intends to participate activt.ly in the efforts now being made to bring about the strengthening of the United Nations and the increased rationalization of its machinery while at the same time, in a responsible manner, it will not disregard the need felt in certain respects for an updating of the Charter, including its terminology, so as to reflect changed realities. 166. This Assembly has already heard the statement of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of the Netherlands {7th meeting],' the representative of the country now exercising tne presidency of the European Community. I wish to recall everything that he has said in that capacity as the expression of the joint convictions of our nine European countries and also as the expression of our common feelings in the face of conflicts which involve-as in Lebanon-an intolerable burden of destruc- tion and human suffering. 167. The Italian Government, Parliament and public opin- ion are deeply concerned at the tragic events which have brought mourning and ruin to a country to which Italy has been and remains linked by ancient ties of solidarity and friendship. 168. In Lebanon there has for too long continued a situation which is further undermining security in an already very troubled region and which involves obvious risks of repercussions on a larger scale which would be difficult to'control. Also, in accord with the other countries of the European Community, we have done our utinost to encourage every initiative to secure a truce and to support all efforts to settle the crisis, particularly those undertaken by the League of Arab States. The process of the political settlement of this crisis can be started only if it is based on respect for the unity, integrity and independence of Lebanon, which, in our opinion, are essential for the establishment of a just and balanced peace in the Middle East. 169... We maintain that the United Nations must stimulate the efforts being made at the regional level and facilitate them as much as possible. 170. We wish to express our appreciation for the humani- tarian work which the United Nations has been and is canying out in Lebanon, particularly under the direction of Secretary-GeneralWaldheim. 171. Italy, too, is participating in the humanitarian work of assistance and relief to the stricken peoples, but it is clear that the conscience of the international community 173. Notwithstanding the complexity of their origins, the tragic events in Lebanon are also linked to the failure to find a just and lasting solution of the Arab-Israeli conflict. In particular, the connexion between the general Middle East crisis and the Lebanese situation clearly reveals the crucial need to reach a just solution of the Palestinian problem. Without a defmite prospect of finding such a solution, the spiral of mistrust and tension will only increase. 174. We must work urgently and with determination to promote a sincere acceptance of the negotiating option involving all the parties concerned and covering all the different aspects of the Arab-Israelidispute. 175. To this end, Italy is convinced that the negotiating process must be aimed at a comprehensive peace settlement within the framework of the resolutions of the Security Council. This settlement should be sought through the application of the following principles: first, the withdrawal of Israel from all territories occupied in June 1967 and the cessation of all those measures which, by consolidating the fait accompli of the occupation, are aimed in a direction opposite to the desirable one; secondly, respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of all the States of the region, including Israel, within secure, recognized and internationally guaranteed frontiers-pre- cmely in order to meet this need in a concrete way, Italy, together with its partners in the European Community, may at an appropriate stage put forward suggestions for an effective system of international guarantees-and thirdly, recognition of the national rights ofthe Palestinian people, aiming at the establishment of their own State, national rights which must betranslated into facts. 176. The events in Lebanon and the crisis in the Middle East are not the only sources of serious concern to be found in the eastern Mediterranean, a region of such vital importance for world peace. We continue, in fact, to be deeply preoccupied by the question of Cyprus because of the prolonged delay in the achievement of a negotiated settlement. Italy, in the context of the political co-opera- tion of the member States of the European Community, is actively encouraging the good offices rendered for some time now in such an intelligent and constructive way by the Secretary-General, Kurt Waldheim, to whom I am glad to convey the deep-felt appreciation of the Italian Govern- ment. We earnestly hope that the talks between the two communities will be resumed as soon as possible and will rapidly bring about a just solution based on respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of the Republic ofCyprus. 177. Because of the traditional friendship which links us to both parties and because of the ties which unite us with them within the' North Atlantic Alliance and through the 178. The most recent and dramatic developments in southern Africa involve not only the defence of peace and security but also the realization of the principles of freedom, equality and justice In which the values of the international community and the Charter of the United Nations are based. 179. The people of Namibia, in spite of the resolutions of the United Nations, which is responsible for this Territory, have not yet been granted the opportunity to exercise their right to independence through a democratic process in- volving all the political forces of the country, including SWAPO, under the supervisionof the United Nations. 180. In Rhodesia, the spiral of armed clashesruns the risk of leading to an armed conflict with nelghbounng countries and may be stopped only with the acceptance of a peaceful transition .of Zimbabwe to a system based on majority rule. 181. In South Mrica, events have confmned the collapse of the policy of apartheid, so often condemned by the United Nations, while tension is increasing throughout the country and prospects of achiesinga just reorganization of interracial relations appear more and more difficult. 182. Together with the other countries of the European Community, Italy has expressed its support for the libera- tion of southern Mrica from colonialism :MId racism. Italy supports the initiatives undertaken in co-operation with the front-line Mrican countries in the search for peaceful solutions through which the genuine aspirations of the peoples concerned will be realized. 183. In particular, Italy, together with the other countries of the European Community, has followed with favour and expectation the efforts being made by Secretary of State Kissinger and the Mrican leaders. Accordingly, the Italian Government expresses'its appreciation and support for the British Government's intention to convene a conference to layout the ground for the creation of a provisional Government in Rhodesia. 184. The crises that I have mentioned are certainly the major causes of tension which today threaten international peace and security since the long war in Indo-China was fmally brought to an end. 185. In that region, a patient work of reconstruction is in progress and the Italian Government, mindful of the, mourning and sacrifices that this conflict has entailed, shares the hope that a national reconciliation will allow all available energies to be channelled towards objectives of progress and civilization. 187. To defend peace not only in those areas where it is today directly threatened but also ill regions where the presence of large military forces confronting each other is a constant source of concern, there is no other path but the progressive and balanced reduction of these forces. Italy intends to make its own active contribution to this goal in allappropriate international forums. 188. We are therefore taking part with conviction in the Vienna negotiations for the mutual and balanced reduction of the forces in central Europe, and we are looking forward with confidence and expectation to the steps which we hope the major nuclear Powers will take along the path traced out by the first agreements for the limitation of strategic weapons and by the subsequent understandings reached at Vladivostok. 189. Moreover, we cannot conceal our disappointment at the limited progress so far achieved in the field of reductions of atomic weapons, in spite of the provisions of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapofilil [resolution 2373 (XXII)]. Everything, or nearly everything, still remains to be accomplished in this respect; and Italy, which has signed, ratified and implemented that Treaty and expects the other signatories to do the same, is fully aware of this situation. 190. Italy is, furthermore, continuing to be actively engaged in Geneva in the work of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament. This is still considered by us the main forum for disarmament negotiations, whether on nuclear or conventional weapons. Its work, however, I must stress, can go forward only to the extent that the States participating in it have a reaJ desire to make progress. In this respect, we cannot refrain from emphasizing that the summer session of the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament has produced certain important new elements which could be further developed. We cite among others the new proposals for the prohibition of chemical weapons, the substantial and positive beginningwhich has been made by the seismic experts in their meetings on the control of nuclear explosions and the progress achieved with regard to environmental war, with the elaboration of a draft conven- tion on that subject. 191. it is, however, not the intention of the Italian Government to confme its action to the negotiations within the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament. It is indeed our intention to offer an active contribution to the achievement of concrete progress towards new operational agreements wherever possible. But disarmament is merely an element-at the same time, one of the causes and the effect-of detente in East-West relations. 192. Certainly, in accordance with the spirit and commit- ment of all the signatories of the Final Act of the Helsinki Conference on ~curity and Co-operation in Europe, detente must continue to inspire East-West relations; but, if it is to be maintained and consolidated, detente must be given new dimensions and must be nurtured with more ambitious ideals. It is not enough merely to create better 193. In thisspirit, andin anticipation of the conference to be held next year in Belgrade to review the status of the implementation of the Final Act of the Helsinki Confer- ence, Italy insists on the balanced fulfilment of the Final Act in all its parts,particularly the part concerning the free circulation of individuals and ideas. 194. I believe that what I have saidgives a fairideaof the basic guidelines of Italy's foreign policy. It is a policy of dialogue, open discussion and co-operation. But it is also a policy of principles based on respect for and affmnation of the rights of States and the fundamental freedoms of their citizens. 195. Inspired by those principles, we are operating not only in the broad framework of bilateral relations but also on a series of different levels which are none the less interdependent: the European Community, the Atlantic Alliance andthe United Nations. 196. it is a policy whose general aspects are well known; its basic choices date back many years and on them there exists a full measure of agreement in our national Parlia- ment, among our political forces and throughout our country. 197. The dl"lign of the European Union remains a funda- mental political choice which we wish to confirm and develop. This process has now entered upon a new phase involVing deeper commitment as a result of the decision taken by the Heads of State and Government of the nine members of the European Community to elect the Euro- pean Parliament on the basis of universal and direct suffrage. We have thus created the pre-conditions for the more vigorous participation of our peoples in the pro- gramme for the unification of Europe of which they must be the protagonists. 198. The European Community is not, in our view, a politicalarea sufficient unto itself and closed within itself. On the contrary, we conceive it as a new reality better suited to the needs of international co-operation and equilibrium, capable of enriching and improving the dia- logue with other regions and of making a more substantial and comprehensive contribution to the peace and progress of peoples. • 199. Thisprospect does not undermine the full validity of our participation in the Atlantic Alliance. During the last 30 years the Atlantic Alliance has beena decisive factor for equilibrium and peace in Europe and has encouraged the gradual process of detente, which has led to the improve- ment of relations between EastandWest. We are convinced that the role of the Alliance is still essential for the maintenance of peace and for the preservation of a balance which will allow further possibilities of co-operation be- 201. We maintain relations of friendship and co-operation with all the countries of the Mediterranean area, to which we are linked by historical, cultural and economic ties which date back centuries, and we wish to make these relations even closerand morefruitful. 202. in the same spirit and in fun respect for the autonomy of others, Italy intends to develop co-operative relations on a basis of effective equality with all other countries, both near and far. 203. Aware of the objective limitations irfuertlnt in this national dimension of modern States,Italy confirmsits full commitment to the United Nations, its firm determination to contribute to the work of the Organization in favour of peace, security and international co-operation, disarmament and detente, the liberation of peoples,'from the colonial yoke, the abolition of racial discrimination, and economic andsocial development based on equilibrium and justice. 204. Confronted with the seriousness of the phenomenon of terrorism and with the recent increase in some ofits most heinous manifestations, Italy. maintains that the UnitedNations is in duty bound to make a validcontribu- tion to the solution of that problem also. We therefore regard as timely the proposal announced by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Germany for the elaboration within the United Nations of a draft convention against the takingof hostages /A/31/242]. 205. We attach particularimportance to action in defence of human rightsand humanfreedoms, andwehope that the Commission on Human Rights will be raised to the status of a constitutional organ of the United Nations with the parallel establishment of the post of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. Every possible increase in the responsibilities of the United Na~ions in that field will have our support and we shall continue in every forum to protest against and to condemn all violations of human freedom and dignity wherever they occur and whoever commits them-in Africa as in Latin America, in Asia asin Europe. 206. In this spirit and inspired by these principles, Italy is taking part in the thirty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly. 207. The agenda before us is vast and complex and comprises questions of great importance, for the peaceful and orderly development of international relations. 208. In the coming weeks we shall examine and discuss these questions in a constructive spiritand with the mutual respect which, I am certain, under the President's eminent guidance, will always characterize our debates. 209. I can assure the President that my delegation and I will spare no effort to ensure' that the results we shall

Before adjourning this meeting, I should like to inform representatives that the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Peru and Ecuador have asked to speak in exercise of their rightof reply. 211. In conformity with the decision adopted by the General Assembly at its 4th meeting, rights of reply must be exercised at the end of the afternoon meeting. However, since the Foreign Ministers of Peru andEcuador mustleave New York this afternoon, I should like to ask representa- tives whether they have any objer.:tions to hearing those representatives this morning. As there is no objection, I shall call on them. Before doing so, I shouldlike to recall that the General Assembly, at its 4th meeting, also decided that statements in exercise of the right of reply would be limitedto 10minutes.

The delegation of Peru considers it timely to make a brief comment withreference to a passage in the statement made here yesterday afternoon by the Minister for Foreign Mfairs of Ecuador, the text of which is as follows; "In Latin America, p'''oblems which compromise soli- darity and endanger th/'$ peace and development of the region persist-problems deriving from the arrogance of certain countries or involving territorial considerations or vestiges of colonialism which we ~ould like to see eliminated quickly and permanently. First of aU, I refer to the problem which affectll my own country, which, basing itself on its historical and legal titles and the geopolitical need for the harmonious development of the region, reaffirms .its right of sovereignty in the Amazon River." [12th meeting. panL 210.] 213. In this regard, I must mention that my country has embarked on a clearpolicy of co-operation with the Latin American countries towards the peaceful development of its peoples and the necessary harmony which must prevail in relations among sister countries. That policy applies particularly in the case of the sister Republic of Ecuador. In recent years we have established with that Republic irnportant forms of co-operation and dialogue, which, in our view, have yielded very positive results to the benefitof both countries. 214. This common policy has opened for both peoples broad prospects of joint action and integration which Peru wishes to maintain and strengthen. But that firm decision on the part of my country is fonnulated with regard to both Stateswithin the standards of the protocolsubscribed to in Rio de Janeiro in 194210 and approved by both 10Protocol of Peace. Friendship. and Boundaries between Peru and Ecuador. signed at Riode Janeiro on 29January 1942. 215. Finally, I must add that the true problem which exists in the geographic areato which I have referred andto which we must devote our attention arises out of a lackof adequate integration of efforts and action for the joint development of our peoples and aspiration towards a future of peace and harmony which Peru desires and to which it wishes to devote all the efforts of its people and all its resources.

If a country is unable to comply with its elementary duty to face its own problems, how much less can it have a voice worthy of being heardwith regard to problems affecting other regions of the world? 217. It would be a serious mistake, for the cause of the integration and the harmonious progress of development which the historyandgeography of LatinAmerica demand, to remain silent in this international forum with regard to this basic question and to confine ourselves only to old secret matters which have been superseded at a time when public opinion among all peoples wishes to share openly in the process of defming their destinies. 218. Ecuador understood the statement made yesterday by the Foreign Minister of Peru{11th meeting] as a clear and encouraging prospect for the future and as the reflection of a pragmatic and progressive way of thinking withregard to international coexistence andwas gratified at that statement. 219. Therepresentative of Peruhasstatedthat hiscountry has no territorial difflculties, and Ecuador would liketo say the same thing. 220. Since we are passing through an era of reality in the last quarter of the twentieth century, we must state things clearly and faithfully if we wish to worktowards solutions. 221. The facts and statistics given by the Foreign Minister of Peru reminded us of a regrettable page in the historyof our Americas and has confirmed the existence of the problem. But Ecuador does not wish to live on the basis of recriminations. My country wishes rather to repeat in a constructive and fraternal spirit its readiness to search for solutions to the problem that we have withour neighbour, since it hinders the development which is so necessary for the utilization of our resources and the improvement of our marginal populations, precisely in order to attain the social justice mentioned in the excellent statement made in the general debate of this session of the General Assembly by the Foreign Minister of Peru, my long-time friend, Jose de la Puente Radbill. The meeting rose at 1.40p.m.