A/31/PV.15 General Assembly

The changes in the inter- national situation, which have occurred in the first half of the 19708, can, without exaggeration, be described as the start of a new phase in international development. Wehave witnessed the surmounting of numerous seemingly eternal road-blocks on the way to peace and good-neighbourly relations between countries and peoples. Detente resulted in creating the objective prerequisites for eliminating the threat of a nuclear war. Such evolution in international relations has been largely brought about by the active and constructive policy pursued by the Soviet Union and the countries of the socialist community, which act in the international arena in close alliance and invincibleunity. 2. We should first of all note the radical improvement of the political climate in Europe. The Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe was signedjust over a year ago, but its influence on all aspects. of relations among European countries is evident even now• 3. Understanding of the fact that relations of friendly co-operation, based on equality and non-interference in internal affairs, are more desirable and fruitful than coDfrontation in an atmosphere ofhostility', which recently reigned ill Europe. and all over the world, is something which is g.'\ining more and more ground among States which take a serious approach to the implementation of the Helsinkiagreements. 4. Processes of detente .prevailing in the political climate have accelerated positive changes in various parts of the world. Noteworthy among them are the victory of the just cause of the peoples in Indo-China, the defeat of colonial- Monday, 4 October 1976, at 10.50a.m. NEW YOlK ism and racism in several African countries such.as Angola and Mozambiqueand others. I should like to avail myself of this opportunity to congratulate, on behalf of our delega- tion, the Republic of Seychelles on its admission to the United Nations. At the same time, together with other countries, we strongly demand the immediate admissionto the United Nations of a big new peace-loving State, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, and of a young indepen- dent African State, the People's Republic of Angola. 5. We sincerely acclaim the positive changes in the international arena, but, at the same time, we realize the complexities and discrepancies in present world evolution. It would be wrongto ignore the fact that the aims race and the improvement of weapons of mass"destructioncontinue at the same destructive rate as before. It would be unpardonable complacency to disregard the fact that the military-industrial complex, nee-Fascist and other re- actionary forces are systematically attacking detente, which renders their existence senseless. V. V. Shcherbitsky, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Ukraine, said the following on this score at the Twenty-fifth Congress of the Communist Party of the Ukraine: "Those who are against the Soviets evidently mourn the past days of the 'cold war' and try to revive its sinister ghost at any cost." 6. Numerous mass media organs in the West and often some prominent figures toe the line of those forces. Such politicians makeattempts at interfering in internal affairs of other countries, sometimes even in the affairs of their partners in military and political blocs. 7. Such actions, naturally, do not contribute to detente. Though the shoots of detente are taking root in the political fields,they are still young and vulnerable, and they should be ardently guarded against various weeds of the "cold war". Therefore, concrete steps .of States aimed at the further relaxation of tensions, including steps which relate to the creation of an atmosphere of mutual trust among States, are of primary importance in this matter. 8. To protect such an atmosphere from pollution, it is necessary for peoples to have a better knowledge of one another, to respect one another's culture, historical tradi- tions and the achievements of nations and, of course, to refrain from interfering in the affairs of other countries. This goal requiresa resolute struggle against misinformation and elimination of vestiges of the "cold war", violence, racism and inhumanity. We believe that we must find common ground in the solution of sometimes very compli- cated international problems on the basis of political realism and that we must settle jointly complicated problems at the negotiating table. 10. Every thread of mutually advantageous co-operation among States, woven into the texture of peacefulrelations, strengthens the fabric of international peace and security and facilitates the achievement of agreements on problems of military detente. The majority of countries favour the policy of ensuring international peace and security, which was convincingly evident in th.~ declslons adopted by the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in Colombo in August Isee A/31/197/. 11. Reflecting the unquenchable aspirations of the peoples for lasting peace and security, for a cessation of the arms race and for disarmament and detente, the World Congress of Peace Forces, held at' Helsinki'from 23 to 26 September 1976, strongly advocated these goals. This Congress, at- tended by more than 90 countries and 50 international organizations representing various political parties, govern- mental and non-governmental organizations, called upon the peoples 'Of all countries not only to put an end to the arms race, but also to accelerate the attainment of general and complete disarmament, and also to support the ideaof the conclusion of a world treaty of the non-use of force in international relations. 12. The memorandum of the Soviet Unionon questions of ending the arms race and disarmament submitted by Mr. A. A. Gromyko, USSR Foreign Minister, for the con- sideration of the current session of the General Assembly [A/31/2321, quite rightly draws the attention of allStates and peoples to the central and urgenttask facing humanity at present-to stop the material preparation for war. The memorandum convincingly showed that, duringthe nuclear mlssile era, the arms race is a formidable danger for the future of peoples of our planet. Despite its utter absurdity, the search for ways and meansof gaining militarysuperior- ity, which is the main preoccupation of aggressive military- political blocs, entails staggering expenditures of material resources. The following figures graphically demonstrate the rate of growth in military expenditures: whereas in 1949 the military appropriations of the countriesmembers of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization {NATOI total- .led $18 billion, in 1976 this sum reached $170 billion. Conscious of obstacles in the road to the cessation of the arms race,we believe at the sametime in the possibility and feasibility of overcoming the resistance of disarmament opponents, as is shown by steps taken in the field of the curtailment of the arms race in recent times, especially in the period when the present process of improving the politicalclimate hasset in. 13. It was precisely in the period that the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons Iresolution 2!i73 (XXII), annex! came into force, that the emplace- ment of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction was prohibited in outer space as well as 011 the sea-bed and ocean floor and in the subsoilthereof, andthat 14. It is worth emphasizing the importance for the consolidation of peace of the well-known agreements between the USSR and the UnitedStatesof America on the prevention of nuclear war, on the limitation of strategic arms, as well as treaties on the limitation of underground nuclear tests and on underground nuclear explosions for peaceful purposes. 15. It is quite obvious that, because of the extremely dangerous nature of nuclearweapons, the cessation of the nuclear arms race, the reduction of nuclear weapons and their subsequent elimination are top priorities among disarmament measures, and the sine qua non for these measures is the participation of all nuclear Powers in their implementation. 16. A comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty has been an urgent necessity for a long time. The General Assembly of the United Nations has repeatedly spoken out in favour of the earlyand urgent solutionofthis problem. The treaty on the complete and general prohibition of nuclear weapon tests, the draft of which was submitted by the SovietUnion at the last session of the General Assembly,s could become a concrete solution of this important problem. The un- willingness of certain nuclear States to participate in negotiations on the conclusion of such a treaty cannot be regarded otherwise than a refusal to contribute to the cessation of the nucleararmsrace, 17. Ofspecial significance among questions concerning the limitation of the arms race and disarmament is the prohibition of the development and manufacture of new types of weapons of mass destruction and new weapons systems. We hope that the negotiations on this question within the Conference of the Comm.ttee on Disarmament in Geneva with the participation of experts will, we hope, yield positive results in the near future and w'dl lead to drafting an international document banning the develop- ment and manufacture of the most dangerous means of warfare. 18. We are happy to note the progress made in the drafting of the text of an international convention on the prohibition of action to influence the environment for military purposes. The Conference of the COmmittee on Disarmament has succeeded in overcoming difficulties it had and in coming to agreement on the draft of this important document {see A/31/27, annex 1/. The General Assembly has goodgrounds for approving the conventionat this session and for appealing to all Statesto becomeparties to it. 19. The problem of the prohibition of chemical weapons has long been awaiting a solution, although there are favourable conditions for its settlement. Since 1972, the 21. A new Soviet proposal for the conclusion of a world 25. The interests of peace in the Mediterranean requires treaty on the non-use of force in international relations has preserving the status of Cyprus as a unified, independent been submitted for consideration at the current thirty-first and sovereign non-aligned State, as well as an immediate seS!ion of the General AssemblyIA/31/243/. This proposal and complete implementation of the decisions of the is an integral part of the implementation of the programme United Nations on Cyprus. A representative international of further struggle for peace and international co-operation conference on Cyprus within the framework of the United and for the freedom and independence of the peoples, Nations would be the best forum for settling the Cyprus proclaimed by the Twenty-fifth Congressof the Communist problem. Party of the Soviet Union. Its objective, as L. I. Brezhnev pointed out, is "to make the danger of war recede still further and to create favourable conditions for progress towards disarmament". Apart from stressing the impor- tance of the principle of the non-use of force embodied in the Charter of the United Nations and numerous bilateral and multilateral treaties, the Soviet Union proposes that it should be made an effective law of present-day inter- national life. The importance of such a treaty is enhanced by the fact that its participants must undertake to refrain from using all types of weapons, including nuclear weapons, for settling disputes among them, thus effectively prevent- ing a thermonuclear war. 22. The conclusion of a world treaty on the non-use of force in international relations would make a constructive and effective contribution to the struggle of peoples aimed at saving mankind from the scourge of war. The matter in question is not of limited regional nature but is a global action of world-wide significance. 23. Of course, the renunciation of the use of force in international relations in no way restricts the right of States to individual or collective self-defence against aggression and the elimination of its consequences, as provided for in Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. Similarly, in accordance with the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and PeoplesIresolu- tion 1514(XV)J, their right to fight for national freedom and independence with all available means remains in- violable. Therefore, all who reject the policy of aggression, who oppose the suppression of peoples' stru~~ for freedom and independence by force, cannot but support this proposal which is so important for the strengthening of international peace. The continuing arms race hinders the strengthening of international security, contributes to the creation of new military hotbeds, and delays the elimina- tion of armed conflicts. 26. We demand the implementation of the resolution adopted by the General Assembly at its thirtieth sessionon the creation of favourable conditions for converting the armistice in Korea into a durable peace and accelerating the independent and peaceful reunification of Korea Iresolu- tion 3390 (XXX)J . 27. To this end it is necessary to withdraw all foreign troops from the territory of South Korea, thus creating conditions for a peaceful and democratic reunification of the country, without any foreign interference. 28. The cause of freedom and independence in Africa consistently encounters the opposition of the racist regimes of South Africa and Souzhem Rhodesia. The United Nations has repeatedly Find decisively denounced the regimesof racial discrimination and apartheid, and it is only the political, economic and military support of these regimes by major Western Powers that for a certain time can help them escape complete collapse. One cannot but become apprehensive at the efforts, which have recently become so frequent, on the part of some protectors of South Africa and Southern Rhodesia, to save the racist regimes from an inevitable defeat and to undermine the legitimate national liberation struggle of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia and the indigenous population of South Africa for freedom and independence by means of diversionary manouevres. One may rest assured that the Governments and peoples of Africa will appraise "the efforts" of this kind at their true worth. 29. The oppressed peoples in southern Africa are demand- ing that independence be granted to them immediately. Any delay is an attempt on the part of the colonialists to retain their positions, and to fmd new forms of colonial oppression. 31. The racism of Salisbury and the apartheid of South Africa are but a few examples of the fact that in those . countries where exploitation and oppression exist, the violation of human rights is institutionalized into a State policy. 32. The Ukrainian SSR, guided by the immortal ideas of V. I. Lenin concerning the liberation of peoples from social and colonial oppression, proceeds from the fact that international co-operation in the field of human rights should be aimed primarily at the struggle against massive and brutal violations of human rights and freedoms, which are the results of the policy of colonialism, racism, apartheid'and fascism. 33. All honourable people on earth must indignantly and decisively condemn the crimesagainsthumanity committed by the bloody Fascist junta in Chile. The United Nations must forcefully demand the cessation of the. flagrant violations of human rights and freedom in Chile,ensure the cessation of the cruel mistreatment of Chileanpatriots and the immediate freeing of Luis Corvalan and of other democrats languishingin the junta's gaols. 34. The struggle for peace, the elimination of hotbeds of international tension and the development of normal relations among States, as well as the liquidation of colonialism and of all manifestations of racial discrimina- tion, are therefore the ost important prerequisites for the observance ofhuman rights and freedoms. 35. It is the struggle against the most grossviolations of human rights in Chile, in South Africa and in the Arab lands occupied by Israel that constitutes a fundamental means of deepening the co-operation among States in the promotion of respect for, and observance of, human rights. The peoples of the world should do their utmost to provide for everyone, everywhere, an opportunity to live without poverty and unemployment, so that everyone can enjoy the right to work, education, freedom from exploitation, racial discrimination and oppression, as well as an opportunity to benefit from the scientific and technical revolution and progress. 36. We, in the Ukrainian SSR, where all the activities of the Communist Party and the State show concern for promoting well-being and the free comprehensive develop- ment of all the members of our society, fully appreciate and understand the efforts of those States which are always striving genuinely and consistently to ensure human rights and to participate in international co-operation in this field. 37. However, we cannot but denounce the attempts of certain circles in Western countries to use the noble slogans about the protection of human rights to camouflage flagrant and continuous violations of these rights in their own countries and to slander socialism, to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries, to undermine the national liberation movement of peoples and to discredit tile policy of peaceful coexistence and detente. 39. The ongoing changes in political relations, which have been made possible because of the relaxation of inter- national tensions, have also had a favourable impact on the whole complex of economic links, thus facilitating the search for more effective ways of tackling the most urgent problems of our time, that is the unconditional and final rejection of the methods of imperialist policy in inter- national economic relations. 40. A direct consequence of these political changes is the growing concern of the United Nations for social and economic problems of the developing countries, which are experiencing serious hardships because of the continuation of the policy of neo-colonialism and because of the lingeringcrisesofcapitalist economies. 41. The progressive decisions taken at the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly and the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolu- tion 3281 (XXIX)j marked the beginning of the funda- mental revision of the whole system, inherited from the past, of inequitable international economic relations, which perpetuate inequality and exploitation of the developing countries. It is interesting to note that these documents are in effeet a kind of a vote of "no confidence" in the ability of capitalism to ensure the development of new States. The documents have reflected the growing disillusionment of the developing countries in capitalism as a system which thwarts their efforts to put an end to their dependent position and economic backwardness. 42. Today in these countries, more than ever before, the problem of accelerated socio-economic progress is closely linked with the problem of choosing a course of development. 43. In this connexion we cannot help noticing the attempts whichhave been multiplying more recently on the part of representatives of certain countries at international forums to publicize in every way the capitalist pattern of development and to prove that the difficulties of the "third world" can be overcome only through a "market econo- my". They 'talk about "interdependence" among the advanced capitalist States and developing countries, which is being peddled as "a partnership" and "a meaningful dialogue" between them. We have recently heard similar talk in this conference hall, and, characteristically enough, in the speechesof those representativeswhose countries are most sharply criticized for the existing neo-colonialist exploitation of the developingcountries. The idea in those speeches is that the deveroping countries should seek to solve their problems by joining their efforts with those of private enterprises and international monopolies. The final goal of this so-called "partnership" is equally clear: to maintain the developing countries within the framework of world capitalist economy as "junior partners", but in fact as an object of exploitation, in order to use their resources to consolidate the world positions of capitalism in its strugglewith socialism. 45. Regarding the restructuring of international economic relations and the struggle for the relaxation of international tensions, disarmament and a lasting peace as an inseparable whole, we stand for the further promotion of the principles of equality t mutual benefit, non-interference in the internal affairs of States and respect for national sovereignty as a condition for the development of world economic ties and inter-State co-operation. 46. A world built upon these principles would be indi- visible. The creation of this world is an important pre- requisite for the advancement of mankind; it ensures the right of every nation to choose its own destiny freelyt sovereignly and without outside interference. The thirty- first session of the General Assembly should devote its efforts to the creation of such a world.

Let me begin by extending to the President my Government's warm congratulations on his unanimous election to be President of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly. We are happy indeed that this high office has been filled by his country this year, and that the choice has fallen on him in particular. It is a mark of international tribute to Sri Lanka and its noteworthy role in the United Nations. It is also yet another mark of recognition of his own wide experience and skill in conference diplomacy. We feel sure that the success of the thirty-first sessionis in safe hands. 48. I wish to place on record also our appreciation of the work of his distinguished predecessort the Prime Minister of Luxembourg, who under difficult circumstances maintained a high star-< J ofleadership and objectivity. 49. It is customary for us to say a few words about our Secretary-General, Mr.Kurt Waldheim. He has tried always to represent the United Nations as accurately as possible. He has reaffirmed his faith in the United Nations when it was most needed. Hisloyalty to the principles and purposes of the United Nations has been demonstrated on many an occasion, when a lesser man might have faltered. We wish him many more years of dedicated service to the United Nations. 50. We are glad to welcome Seychelles, our youngest Member. The attainment of its independence through peaceful constitutional means is a tribute to the maturity of its people and its leaders. 51. It is unfortunate that Viet Nam and Angola have not yet' been admitted to the United Nations, despite their clear entitlement to membership. The peoples of these two countries have had to wage prolonged and bitter struggles for winning their national independence, and having won their birthright, their Governments have applied for admis- sion to the United Nations. This is a remarkable manifesta- tion of their belief that the best guarantee of their independence and future development lies in joining the United Nations. And yet, our doors remain closed to them for reasons that do not carry conviction. We feel sure 52. An important recent event was the -Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-AlignedCountries held in Colombo in August 1976. It was the largest ever of its kind and demonstrated that, despite their diversityt . non-aligned countries are united in their struggle for freedom, equality and peace. The fact that most States on attaining independence from colonial rule have joined the non-aligned family is proof of the continued validity and importance of non-alignment. My Prime Minister, Mrs. Indira Gandhi, stated at the Colombo Conference that in a fast changing world non-alignment remains the bulwark of the ever-widening area of peace, a shelter against external pressures and a catalyst for a new 'world economic order based on equality and justice. The Action Programme for Economic Co-operation adopted by the Colombo Con- ference [A/31/197, annex 1111 is a significant achievement and provides a basis for further collective action. 53. The United Nations has now been in existence for 30 years and it has seen dramatic changes in the world. It has survived the years of the cold war and has entered a period of detente between the great Powers. It has managed to contain situations of active hostilities and in the process it has acquired useful experience in peace-keepingoperations. Its membership has increased rapidly and the United Nations has become a nallmark of independence of coun- tries that have liberated themselves from colonial rule. 54. The United Nations stands for the promise of peace, equality t justice and full opportunities for the common man everywhere. When one examines the resolutions adopted by the United Nations on a wide variety of subjects, one sees that a quiet revolution has been taking place during the last 20 years-a revolution in the realm of ideas about the quality of peace and the quality oflife for all in the future. 55. On the one hand, the United Nations has been trying to cope with current problems and controversies. Some- times these are issues that could be resolved outside the United Nations by the countries concerned. It is our belief that if the United Nations is to survive and grow into a co-operative organization equipped to deal with problems of the future, we should not unduly burden it with issues that lend themselves to solutions outside the United Nations in conformity with the principles of its Charter. After all, Article 2, paragraph 3, of the Charter stipulates that all Members shall settle their disputes themselves by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and security and justice are not endangered. 56. On the other hand, there are other types of issues that concern a number of countries and they seem to need the healing hand of the United Nations. But the experience of dealing with even such issues indicates that in the final analysis it is necessary for the parties directly involvedto sit together and negotiate practical and reasonable solutions to their mutual benefit. This is as true of the Cyprus question as it is of the Korean question or any other such question for that matter. 'Yewish to draw attention to this basic fact 57. Issues that directly pose a continued threat to inter- national peace and security merit our attention asa matter of priority. The situation in the Middle East has been a source of grave anxiety. Another war in that region will affect all of us in one way or another. It will almost certainly plunge the peoplesof that region into disasters of unprecedented magnitude. The continuing civil war in Lebanon makes us very sad, because of the heavy loss of life and destruction of property. It has also added a new dimension to an already complex situation. . 58. There is no doubt that peace mustcome eventually to that troubled part of the world. The essential ingredients for a peace settlementhave already beenset out in Security Council 'resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). In sub- sequent resolutions the United Nations has recognized the national rights of the Palestinian people and affmned the vital Importance of the exercise of those rights for the maintenance of peace in that region. The root of the problem of course is the continuing occupation of Arab lands and territories by Israel. Ways and means must be found for implementing the Security Council resolutions and ~ proper climate for their implementation should be quickly created by an early resumption of the workof the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East. 59. The process of decolonization has maintained its momentum everywhere, except in southern Africa. We had hoped that after the withdrawal of Portuguese colonialism, white minority rule elsewhere in southern Africa would quickly yield to majority rule. But it would seem that our hopes were based on wrong premises, The national libera- tion movements havebeenleft with no optionbut to resort to armed struggle. It is particularly sad that the peoplesof southern Africa should have to make many moresacrifices before winning their freedom, because it is within the competence of the United Nations to prevent them by takingenforcement action. 60. In Zimbabwe the time i~ overdue for the introduction of majority rule. The question of a constitution,safeguards for minorities, etc. surely must follow the establishment of majority rule. Diplomatic efforts are being made by front-line African States and others to resolve the problem democratically and peacefully through negotiations. The regime of IanSmithclearly hasno basis inlawor in the will of the people, and it must yield to majority rule without any delay, if further bloodshed isto be avoided. The United Kingdom, whose legal responsibility continues, could play a helpfulrole at the presentjuncture. 61. It is necessary to remind ourselves that the Territory of Namibia has internationalstatus andthat South Africa's presence there is illegal. South Africa's open challenge to the authority of the United Nations has remained un-. answered in effective terms. Almost every Member of this Organization agrees that stepsshould be takento retrieve in practice what the United Nations legally holds in trust, which is the Territory of Namibia and the destiny of its people. But nothing has been done so far except to' adopt recornmendatory resolutions. Nothing could cause greater 62. The infamous policy of apartheid, which isthe device employed by the white minority regime in South Africa to perpetuate its rule, has been roundlycondemned by neady all Members of the United Nations. That poJ1cy, racist in concept and rooted in slavery, containswithi1,l it the seeds of its own violent destruction. It is a flagrant violation of the concept of equality of human beings regardless of colouror race. We seealready the beginnings of its end and we hope it will be peaceful. We extend our sympathies to the victims of racist oppression in Soweto andCape Town. 63. We hopethat the whiterulers in SouthAfrica·, in order to avoid further loss of life and property, will give up the policy of apartheid and replace it with a forward-looking enlightened policy. that willenableallpersons, regardless of race or colour, to live together on a basis of complete equality. The intention of the whiteSouthAfrican Govem- ment to grant so-called independence to Transkei and to create similar "bantustans" is no solution. It is nothing more than the logical extension of the policy of apartheid and is intended to create statellite black areas without any real independence. It will intensify racial discrimmation rather than eliminate it, and it should be rejected by the United Nations. 64. Turning now to some other importantproblems, may I mention that while wehave welcomed thestate of detente in East-West relations, we have always stressed that efforts to consolidate and intensify detente should respond posi- tively to the anxieties and aspirations of the rest of the world. This can best be done through meaningful disanna- ment measures, through implementing agreed measures for securing a rational and eqUitable new economic order, and through non-interference ill the internal affairs of develop- ingcountries. It is onlythroughsuchsteps that detentecan spread to all regions and create" its own momentum for establishlng mutually co-operative and beneficial relations between allStates. 65. The frightful dilemma facing mankind today is the incredible accretion of enormous military powerby a few countries and their seeming inability to de-escalate the arms race. They seemto be under a strange compulsion to race faster and faster in order to remain in the same positionof parity. The price of this parity is reported to be of the order of SUS 300 billion per annumat present. Despite the astronomical waste involved in the diversion of vast resources for achieving the so-called balance of strategic power or mutual deterrence, war continues to remain a likely consequence. It is significant that the United ~tates Secretary of State should have cautioned that anyone of 67. Several speakers have referred to the problem of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. India has consistently supported efforts in the direction of achieving nuclear disarmament. We are surprised that attempts are contin- uously being made to confuse the question of non- proliferation of nuclear weapons with the legitimate righ; of all Member States to engage themselves in programmes involvmg peaceful uses of nuclear energy. We reject the thesis that access to the benefits of nuclear energy should be limited only to a few nations, or that only some countries can be trusted to behave in a responsible manner in embarking upon and implementing programmes in the area of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. 68. The initiative of the USSR in proposing a treaty on non-use of force in international relations is a positive step and deserves the most careful consideration by the General Assembly. It is in fact an attempt to elaborate the principle already enshrined in Article 2, paragraph 4, of the Charter that all members shall refrain from the threat or use of force in their international relations. 69. Another initiative of the USSR, which is of direct interest to us, is the statement made by the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union the other day that his country did not have "any intention of building any military bases in the Indian Ocean" [7th meeting, para. 185J and that it was "prepared, together with other Powers, to seek ways of reducing on a reciprocal basis the military activities of non-coastal States in the Indian Ocean and the regions directly adjacent thereto" [ibid., para. 186J. This is a welcome statement. We trust that it will be reciprocated by other great Powers so that existing foreign military bases such as Diego Garcia are eliminated and the Declaration of the General Assembly that the Indian Ocean shall be a zone of peace [resolution 2832(XXVI)J can become a reality. 70. India attaches great importance to the work of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. While it has succeeded in evolving a consensus on many important issues, the search for a consensus is still continuing on the remaining issues like the system of exploitation of the international sea-bed area and its resources which are the common heritage of mankind. The developing countries, which have suffered from the conse- quences of colonial domination and the arbitrary opera- 71. I should like to say a few words about a problem that has been recently plaguing many countries and affecting the lives of all travellers. It is the pernicious practice of making hostages of innocent persons for political or other reasons. I feel sure that this practice deserves to be condemned by all States in the strongest terms. But what is more important is that we should all do something more to put an end to it. The initiative taken by the Federal Republic of Germany to propose an international convention against the taking of hostages [A/31/242J is timely. The terms of such a convention should be so drafted as to secure the widest possiblesupport. 72. In our part of the world, India has been pursuing a deliberate policy of normalizing and improving relations with all its neighbours. We intend to continue to persist in developinggood neighbourly relations with all. 73. The Minister for Foreign Affairs of Pakistan referred the other day i 8th meetingJ to the so-called dispute relating to Jarnmu and Kashmir, which is an integral part of India. He also referred to the resolutions of the Security Council of 1948 and 1949. Those resolutions were not implemented at that time because Pakistan did not fulfil certain essential pre-conditions that had been laid down in them. As a consequence the resolutions becsme obsolete and this was repeatedly made clear to the Security Council. In our opinion it is now entirely unrealistic to hark back to those resolutions. The Simla Agreement of 2 July 1972, however, provides a practical and realistic basis for over- coming all impediments to friendly and co-operative rela- tions between India and Pakistan. The implementation of that Agreement has already resulted in a large measure of normalization of relations in several fields. It is our intention to persist in this process because we believethat it can lead to stability and durable peace in the subcontinent. 74. With Bangladesh we wish to develop, on a basis of equality, close and friendly relations to our mutual benefit. Unfortunately Bangladesh has chosen to bring before this General Assemblycertain misconceived allegations concern- ing the equitable sharing of the waters of the river Ganga during the lean period of the dry season every year. My delegation expressed our views on this issue when the question of the inclusion of the item came up before the General Assembly [4th meeting}. I should like to take this opportunity to reiterate our firm belief that the discussion of this question in the United Nations will only serve to complicate the situation and impede bilateral negotiations. 75. I should like to turn now to the struggle in the United Nations for a square deal for developing countries-a struggle that has already entered its second decade with no promise or even hope of an early solution. The grievances and expectations of developing countries have been clearly set out in previous sessions of the General Assembly and in various other conferences. But we still seem to be con- vening one conference after" another for no ostensible reason other than to repeat and reaffirm earlier resolutions. Developing countries fmd themselves in a state of political 76. The indebtedness of developing .countries has ex- ceeded SUS 150 billion with repayments increasing every year. Developing countries now face the dilemma of either not paying their debts, or suspending altogether the process and tempo of theirnational development. This problem can be resolved only if the international community asa whole draws up mutually agreed norms for affording realistic and immediate relief to debtor countries. Even a 5 per cent reduction in the military budgets of developed countries could facilitate the transfer of much needed resources and open for two thirds of mankind vast opportunities for development. 77. The survival of mankind in all its many splendoured diversity depends on planned expansion of areas of equi- table interdependence. My Prime Minister Shrimati Indira Gandhi observed recently at the Colombo Conference of non-aligned countries: "The community of nations should jointly and peace- fully achieve that elusive equationbetween global produc- tion and consumption that yi~lds the right share for each nation. Patchwork remedies are nosubstitute for genuine reform. We need a global perspective plan that would relate resources to human needs and provide a system of early warning of imbalances and disasters. Improved terms of trade and credit, easier access to markets and better value for rawmaterials and industrial goods areall essential to secure greater equity in the distribution of benefits." 78. To that end weneedto evolve a global ethlc, a code of conduct and a set of prmciples for managing intetdepen- dence for the purpose of sustaining economic development. We need also the sort of interdependence among nation States that preserves their sovereignty, transcends political ideologies, harmonizes the actions of States for common ends, strengthens the weak and prevents their exploitation by the strong, prohibits policies which beggar one's neighbour and envisages an equal share in decision-making. 79. Recognition of this mutuality of interests and of the need to rearrange the present economic system on a more equitable basis should influence the attitudes of the affluent countries in such a manner that their people respond readily and positively to the modest national objectives of developing countries. Unfortunately, the. response of the developed countries so far indicates a certain wavering of political willto meetthe fun dimension of the challenges and opportunitiesinherent in the present situation, as evidenced by the slow progress made by the Paris Conference on International E<:onomic Co-operation. Perhaps fear of the unknown future, or reluctance to 81. The strength of the developing countries rests, of course, entirely on their own unity and their sense of purpose. Theirs is not the strength that comes from numbers alone but rather from the shared awareness that they form the backbone of peace-loving nations. They represent not only the majority of the nation States of the world but also the majority of the world's population. Their aspirations therefore acquire a special meaning for mankind's future, for they represent the hard core of suffering humanity. Their collective position should make an appropriate impact on the attitudes of developed countries and theirpeoples. 82. As the United Nations enters the fourth decade of its existence, I would like to recall in conclusion the words of our former Prime Minister and leader Jawaharlal Nehru, who said on the first day of our independence: "Peace is said to be indivisible; so isprosperity, andso also isdisaster in a world that can no longer be split into isolated fragments."

First of all, Mr. President, I should like on behalf of the Albanian delegation to express to you our warmest congra- tulations on your election as President of the General Assembly at this session. 84. During the periodthat haspassed since the lastsession of the General Assembly of the United Nations many events have taken place in the world which bearwitness to the continuing apgravation of contradictions and confron- tation which exists between peace-loving people on the one hand and imperialism and the forces of reaction on the other. ~\5. Peace-loving countries and peoples are continually aware of the fact that it isonly witha resolute struggle that they can defend their freedom, independence andsovereign rights. They are strongly opposed to imperialism, hege- monism, colonialism and neo-coloniahsm, In various parts of the world the people who are suffering fromimperialist exploitation, colonial oppression and racial discrimination are fighting for national and social liberation. The deter- mination of sovereign States to strengthen their political and economic independence and to ensure their free 111d independent development has increased. The developing countries are making their voices heard ever more courage- ously on the importantproblems of our time. Intemational solidarity .is increasing among '(hose countries who are fighting for freedom, among those countries who are victims of aggression and are constantly threatened by the 87. The primary source of all the dangers which threaten the people of the world and cause tension and insecurity in the world is the hegemonist aggressive policies of American imperialists and Soviet social-imperialists. The development of events, the complicated situation in Europe and the Middlfl East, the tragedy in Lebanon,· the crimes perpe- trated against the Palestinian people, the tense situation in Cyprus and the growth oftension in the Mediterranean and conflicts and quarrels in Africa and other parts of the world show that the two imperialist super-Powers are constantly intensifying their rivalry to dominate the world, to preserve their zones of influence and to maintain areas where there are now sovereign States. The United States and the Soviet Union are trying to camouflage their policies of war and aggression, their methods of violence and blackmail by making a great deal of demagogic noise about "detente", about their "good intentions", about their "efforts" to contribute to the settlement of world problems, to contri- bute to the establishment of peace and general security and so forth. The two super-Powers speak a good deal about disarmament, about the reduction of military forces. They have much to say about the farce of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks, about the Vienna talks and about many other proposals from conferences and international meet- ings devoted to these subjects. At the same time, though, they obstinately pursue the unbridled armaments race. They increase their arsenals. They perfect their weapons, outrageously increase their military budgets and cover the world with their naval fleets and air forces, their military bases and their troops. The Soviet Union and the United States have become the largest purveyors of weapons that history has known. They have soll\ colossal quantities of weapons to suck the blood of the peoples of the world and to encourage other countries to wage war; a~ the same time, they de ~10t hesitate to produce for themselves new modem . weapons to preserve their superiority in this area and to implement their policies of aggression and hegemony. 88. There is no continent or zone in the world where the two imperialist super-Powers have not made their presence 89. Many fine phrases have been devoted to the results of the conference on so-called European security, and that in spite of the hesitations and scepticism of,the participating countries. Those results have been considered as the "beginning of a new period of peace in Europe". life has shown, though, that the rust anniversary of that conference has been celebrated without glory. As could be expected, what had been si,gned at the conference has remained on paper; nothing, in fact, has been implemented. Nothing has been put into effect, because everything had been worked out disregarding European reality. 90. In Europe after Helsinki the' dangers for national independence and the security of the European peoples have not decreased but in fact have increased. Insecurity has increased. The military bases of the two super-Powers and the aggressive military blocs of NATO and the Warsaw Pact have remained intact. Each of the two super-Powers, claiming that there is a need to defend itself against the other and to maintain balance, has redoubled its efforts to create new bases to strengthen its aggressive bloc, and at the same time they have endeavoured to enlist other States. The military manoeuvres of NATO and the Warsaw Pact have become more frequent and more threatening. The military manoeuvres of the imperialist Powers have always been a prelude to aggression. It is pure illusion and even a dangerous one to think that it is enough to implement the Helsinki decisions on the prior announcement of these manoeuvres and the sending of observers for the danger to be -iuced and for there to be no longer any danger of war and aggression. 91. There is no need for us to dwell on this undeniable truth, that the demagogicnoise of the two super-Powers on the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe is nothing but an attempt to subjugate the European people, to lull them to sleep, to create further possibilities for imposing their will in Europe. Even before the ink.on the Helsinki documents had drietl. the two super-Powers once again proclaimed their reactionary doctrines of diViding Europe into zones ofinfluence. 92. The position of the People's Republic of Albania on the question of European security is. well known. The Albanian delegation wishes once again to stress that genuine peace and security in Europe cannot be brought about unless there is effective action 1:0 do away with the dangers for the people of Europe of the aggressive policies of the two super-Powers and to modify the existing situation in that continent. Firstly, that requires the liquidation of the aggressive blocs of NATO and the Warsaw Pact. It requires the withdrawal of American and Soviet troops from the territories of European countries, the dismantling of all Ih~ military bases of the two super-Powers, a ban on thetr military manoeuvres near the borders of sovereign Euro- pean countries and the departure of war fleets from the Mediterranean. Any illusions regarding the value of the decisions adopted in Helsinki, far from servingthe cause of European peace and security, will be taken advantage of by the two super-Powers to the detriment of the vital interests of the peoples of Burope. 94. The Federal Republic of Germany, interalia, is trying to take advantage of this situation. Using the rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union it is trying to assert itself as a Power of the fiBt rank in Europe. The support.and constant encouragement that it gets from the United States and the repeated concessions from the socio-imperialist SoViet Union have only served to en- courage revanchist tendencies in the Federal Republic of Germany. The successive Governments of this country have intensified from year to year their efforts to have the Federal'Republic of Germany go down in history without havil\g discharged its obligations as a conquered country in the Second WorldWar after the crushing of Hitler's nazism by the peoples of the anti-Fascist coalition. 95. The Government of Albania oa a number of occasions in many documents has clearly dermed its views on this question and three years agll we stated our views on this question in the General Assembly when the two German States were accepted as Members of the United Nations.3 The delegation of Albania believes that it is necessaryonce again to say that the Federal Re1'1ublic of Germany has major obligations and great debts to the Albanian people for its innumerable barbaric crimes and the damage and devastation caused by the Nazis in Albania during the Secon~ WorldWar. 96. The Government of the People's Republic of Albania recently made a request to the Federal Republic of Germany for war reparations. The Government of the Federal Republic of Germany has not taken any measures to satisfy the rights of the People's Republic of Albania regarding the question of war reparations but has put forward justifications which are completely unfounded to deny us our rights. That is an attitude which is hostile toward our people and which reminds us of the cruelty and killing of German Nazis dUring the Second World War in Albania. By pursuing this course of action the Government of the Federal Repu~lic of Germany is only assuming an even heavier responsibility. 97. The People's Republic of Albania will nevergive up its legitimate claims, which cannot be denied and which are permament. On no pretext can the Federal Republic of Germany avoid its responsibilities and be freed of its obligations. The Albanian delGgation declares that the only just and acceptable way to settle this problem is for the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany to reconsider its position and to begin to pay Albaniathe war reparations which are our due. 98. The considerable increase in the intensification of the rivalry between the United States and the SovietUnion for the expansion ofhegemony in the Mediterranean makes the ~aving a number of ports in the Mediterranean and have tried to remain at anchor as long as possible. And those ports have practically become permanent bases for mooring and resupply. Today there can be no illusions about why the two super-Powers' fleets are in the waters and ports of the Medit:rranean and what their designsthere are. The just action taken this year by the Egyptian Government, which drove from the ports of Egypt the war vessels of the Soviet social-imperialists, once again confirms that the war fleets of the two super-Powers, even when they arrive in a country allegedly to bring assistance and with friendly purposes, become a constant danger for the freedom and independence of the countries where they are found and other neigabouring countries. 99. The Mediterranean belongs to the Mediterranean countries, and the people of those countries want that sea to become a zone of peace and tranquillity. The Govern- ment of Albania has stated its view publicly that to achieve that goal it is necessary for each Mediterranean country resolutely to oppose the aggressive policies of the United States and the SovietUnion. The countries where those two super-Powers have established their military bases must see to it that they are liquidated and that no port facilities are givento Americanand Soviet fleets. Comrade Enver Hoxha, the leader of the Albanian people, has stated: UNo pretext is valid when it is used to make it possible for the fleets of the two super-Powers not only to have permanent bases but also to moor, to make repairs and to obtain supplies. That is veri dangerous not only for the countries making those concessions but also for their neighbours. We cannot agreewith anyone regarding those practices," The visits of Americanand Soviet war vessels in the ports of the Mediterranean are in no way friendly visits. They are but an expression of gunboat diplomacy. What kind of friendship is it when the so-called friend comes to you armed to the teeth with guns and weapons and ready to open fire? 100. Nor is there peace and tranquillity in the Balkan peninsula, and that is due primarily to the policies of hegemony of the United States and the Soviet Union in that part of the world. Those countries have sought to interfere in the internal affairs of the Balkan countries. They have tried to cause conflict there and to pit the people of that part of the world against each other. That situation givesrise to legitimate concern on the part of the Balkan peoples. The higher interests and lofty aspirations of those peoples who wish to be free and sovereign people 101. The People's Republic of Albania has been con- sistently pursuing a policy of good-neighbourliness with countries near ours and we have not spared any effort to contribute to genuine peace and stability in the Balkans. Through our concrete actions we have shown that we have not pennltted and indeed will never permit the peoples of neighbouring countries and other Balkan peoples to be the victimsof any wrongson our territory. 102. The Government of the People's Republic of Albania appreciates all sincere efforts to bring about understanding and co-operation of a genuine kind in the Balkans and, on the basis of the present situation in the Balkans, we have openly expressedour viewson what course of action should be followed precisely in order to bring about that com- prehension and co-operation. Our ';'iew basically is that at the present 'time it is through the development of relations among the countries of the Balkans by bilateral means and within -ate spirit of a policy of good-neighbourliness that the aspirations of the peoples of this peninsula can best be met. 103. A just settlement of the problem of Cyprus is of particular importance for peace and stability in the Balkans and ln neighbouring areas. The Albanian Government has always been in favour of the existence of a free and independent State of Cyprus. We have always supported respect for its sovereignty and territorial integrity and a settlement of the' problem of Cyprus by the two com- munities of the island, who should live in harmony and understendlng, We are opposed to any intervention on the part of the imperialist Powers in the internal affairs of Cyprus and we are opposed to the plans and intrigues of the United States and the Soviet Union to exploit the question ofCyprusfor their own policies ofhegemony. 104. The events which have taken place this year in the Middle East have had the effect of aggravating and further compUcating the already explosive and dangeroussituation in thst part of the world lIS a result of the imperialist Zionist aggression against the Arab people. The events that have taken place there confirm once again that the two super-Powers and Israeli Zionists have neverabandoned and indeed never will abandon their hostile plans against the Ara~ countries. At present one may see particularly clearly that American diplomacy and "step-by-step" diplomacy there and the demagoguery of the Soviet socialist- imperialists at the Geneva Conference, the hypocritical smiles and promises of friendship on the part of the two super-Powers toward the Arab countries have been nothing but a smoke-screen to camouflage their rivalry in the Middle Bast, to cover up their efforts to undermine the positions of others and to plot intrigue against the Arab peoples. 1OS. The clearest example of the harmful consequencesof their deeds is today the tragedy in Lebanon. The fratricidal war which has been raging for the past few months in 106. It is not the first time that the Palestinian people have been the object of odious attacks and machinations on the part of imperialistZionist and Arab reactionary enemies who wish to deny their rights, leaving them without a homeland for ever. But the Palestinian people are with- standing these difficulties and they will not be deterred from their struggle for their rights, nor will they ever fall into the traps that have been laid for them. The just cause of the Palestinian people is one that has been supported and upheld by all the peace-loving peoples of the entire world, who condemn those who would subject them through arms or drive a knife into their backs. ' 107. As they fan the flames in Lebanon the two im- perialist super-Powers are also intensifying their efforts to cause conflict and contradictions among other Arab States, to create difficultiesand internal difficulties in one country and then in another according to the theory "divide and conquer". 108. In the face of all these dangers the Arab people now fully realize that their unity must be strengthened and that they must fight with resolution for the restoration of their national rights. The Albanian people strongly support, as indeed they always have done, the just struggle of their Arab brothers and they condemn the Zionist imperialist aggression and all hostile activities and plots against the Palestinian people. 109. The year 1976 has alsomarked the intensification of rivalry among the two super-Powers in Africa. Their intervention in the internal affairs of the sovereign States of Africa, intrigues to sow the seeds of discord and undermine African unity, have had the effect of aggravating certain conflicts and sources of tension. They tried to cover up their activities with demagoguery and noisy promises. The high officials of the American administration who hwe been travelling throughout Africa in all directions and who are planning to pursue their ill-fated "step-by-step diplo- macy" in that part of the world too, swear that the United States will put pressure on the racist regimes of Salisbury and Pretoria. But it is well known that they are the most ardent defenders of those racist regimes and that they are the enemies of the liberation struggle of the peoples of Namibia, Azania and' Zimbabwe against racial discrimina- tion, apartheid, colonialismand neo-colonialism. The Soviet 110. The African peoples from their long experience and their long struggle for freedom and independence against imperialism and colonialism are familiar with the flattery and pi"omises of the imperialist Powers, They have had many opportunities to understand the designs of the neo-colonialists and the super-Powers on the African continent. The Albanian people welcome and support the liberation struggle of the peoples of Zimbabwe, Azania and Namibia. They are convinced that the peoples in the sovereign States of Africa wlll fight resolutely against imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism and racism and are convinced that they wlll defend their national interests and that they wlll resolve the problems which are of concernto their continent. 111. The Korean peninsula has been and remains a source of tension and a threat to peace and stability in the Far East as a result of the aggressive policies of the American imperialists which have long been pursued against the Korean people, as a result of the maintenance of American occupying troops in South Korea and the provocation and warlike action of the United States and their puppets in Seoul against the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. The United States, acting against the will and legitimate aspirations of the people of Korea, continuesto undermine a possible just settlement of the Korean problem. It has done its utmost to prevent the reuniflcationof the nation of Korea in a single State and to pursue its "two Koreas" plan. 112. The Albanian people and their Government de- nounce the aggressive policies of American imperialism against the Korean peopleand denounce their provocations against the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. They support the just demands of the Korean people that American troops should be withdrawn from South Korea and that the so-called United Nations Command in Korea should be dissolved, and the righ't of the Korean people to the independent reunification of the country without foreign interference. 113. The Albanian people welcome the success of the developing countries and peoples in their struggle to put an end to the plundering and exploitation of the two super-Powers and other imperialist Powers. We supportthe just demands of those countries that the existing system of exploitation in international economic and trade relations should be changed. We support their efforts to strengthen their political and economic independence and their meas- ures to establish their owncontrol and nationalsovereignty over their natural wealth and natural resources and we support their free and independentdevelopment. Naturally the imperialist Powers are not very pleased with the demands of the developing countries. Time hasshown that they obstinately sabotage the efforts of those countries and that "they bring pressure to bear and use blackmail in the form of assistance and creditsto preserve their position and their abllity to plunder and exploit others throughout the 114. The year 1976 is a year that has been filled with events of political, social and economic importancefor the People's Republic of Albania. The Seventh. Congress of the Labour Party of Albania, which will be held in November and which coincides with the celebration of another great event, the thirty-fifth anniversary of the founding of the LabourParty of Albania, will draw up the balance-sheet of the success achieved in building socialism in all fields in Albania and will open up still greater prospects for the future of the Albanian people. US. The fifth five-year plan, 1971-1975, has been an important stride forward in the building of socialist society in Albania. There has been great success in strengthening the material and technical base of socialism and we are continually ralsing the living standards of the working masses and strengthening the defence of our country. Our country's economy is on a Bound, solid basis and we know neither stagnation nor crises. DUring the fifth five-year plan the social product, the national income and industrial production and agricultural production and investment have increased two or three times faster than the popula- tion. Industrial production in 1975 was 52 per cent higher than in 1970. Agricultural production increased 33 per cent, investments for development in the economy in- creased 53 per cent. During the same period the national income increased 38 per ~ent. Therealpercapita income in cities increased 8 per cent and in the countryside 20.3 per cent. 116. The sixth five-year plan for the period 1976-1980 will represent a new phase of economic and cultural progress. During that period it is plannedthat there will be an industrial production increase of about 41-44 per cent, an agricultural production increase of about 37-40per cent and an investment increase of 35-38 per cent. National income will show an increase of 38-40 per cent, whereas real per capita income will show an increase of 11-14 per cent. 117. The debate among the masses for a nowconstitution for the socialist People's Republic of Albania hascreateda new and exciting atmosphere. This document is of parti- cular importance to the presentandfuture ofthe people of Albania, and it reflects the major victories and radical transformations of a political and economic and social naturewhichhave taken place in socialist Albania underthe aegis of the Labour Party of Albania and under the leadership of Comrade Enver Hoxha and establishes a new foundation for continuing and irresistible progress along the path of socialism. 118. The draft for the new constitution reflects the principles of the foreign policy of Albania, which are the policies of a free and independent socialist State serving the 119. In conclusion, the delegation of Albania declares that, once again at this session of the General Assembly of the United Nations, we will spare no effort to make a modest contribution to the consideration of the various items on the agenda.

Mr.President, please accept my congzatulations on your election to your responsible office. We see your mandate also as recognition of Sri Lanka's role in the United Nations and in the group of non-aligned countries. Your country received great acknowledgement recently as host to the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, whose constructive activity we value. 121. I also wish to extend best wishes and words of appreciation to Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim for his successfuland untiring work. 122. We cordially welcome the Republic of Seychellesas a newly admitted member of the United Nations. 123. The German Democratic Republic notes with satis- faction that political detente continues gainingmomentum as the decisive trend in international affairs. Peaceful co-operation for mutual benefit is an objective for which there is growing commitment. In Europe, the Conference on Security and Co-operation has had a sensible effect on the relationship between the States and peoples. 124. In Asia, the endeavour to achieve greater security has increased in strength due to the successful liberation struggle of the peoples, above all those of Indo-China. Further strongholds of colonialism collapsed during the last year. The people of Angola have liberated themselves. The struggle for equitable international economic relations is unfolding very dynamically. 125. At the same time, there remain many problems to be solved. The arms race is jeopardizing detente. Serious and armed conflicts are threatening security and peace. In southern Africa, colonialist and racist oppression is raging. . Most aggressive forces are even trying to push mankind back to cold war. Therefore, those are well advised who value duly, but without illusion, what has been achieved on the road of detente. Let me express my conviction that the 127. The German Democratic Republic allies itself with all those who strive to liberate mankind forever from the scourge of war. War must no longer be a means of settling international issues. . 128. Profound changes in the world have created con- ditions for excluding aggressionand the use of force forever from the relations between States. A world treaty on the non-use of force is now imperative. Single-minded action to implement this Soviet proposal would be highly appropriate to extend detente to the world as a whole. 129. Such a significant move would have a beneficial effect on the international atmosphere as well as onthe solution of questions of disarmament, both conventional and nuclear. As a matter of course, the renunciation of force would in no way impair the inalienable right of peoples to resist national suppression and exploitation and to fight for, and achieve, the exercise of their right to self-determination. In addition, it would render imperialist aggression and intervention much more difficult and would help to eliminate them finally. 130. This initiative has really historic dimensions. Rulers of past times postulated jus ad bellum. The Great October Socialist Revolution abolished it with the Decree on Peace and, as a result of the Second World War, the peoples fighting against fascism compelled its universal banning. And now the noble task is to make non-use of force in International relations an inviolable, sacred law. 131. In his report to the thirtieth session of the United Nations General Assembly, the Secretary-Generals Mr. Kurt Waldheim, stated that the annual arms spending already amounted to approximately $300 billion.s Meanwhile, this total has largely been exceeded. Immense intellectual and material resources are employed for the development and perfection of weapons and weapon systems and are withheld from the solution of pressingeconomic and social problems. 132. Those to whom the arms race is a source of maximum profit go to any length to burden their peoples with ever greater arms expenditures. Mendaciously they seek to justify their policy of strength with an alleged "threat from the East". But it is a notorious fact that the fiercest anti-Communist attacks are launched whenever greater funds are demanded for armament. 134. Proceedings in the General Assembly, its competent Committees and in the Geneva Conference of the Corn- mittee on Disarmament, and the negotiations in Vienna indicate who is willing to proceed to drawing up inter- national agreements and who is obstructing. 135. The state of the disarmament negotiations is not satisfactory. Yet we do not share the purposive pessimism of various circles. Given the requisite political will of all sides, practical steps towards arms limitation and disarma- ment will be immediately possible. For example, the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons has provedits viability, not least because a hundred States by now have acceded to it. It remains the aim of the German Democratic Republic to strengthen the regime of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons along the lines of the FinalDeclaration of the Geneva Conference in May 1975.5 Nuclear weapons must be totally removed from the wararsenals. A complete and general prohibitionof nuclearweapon tests is no doubt another step towards this end. We deem it imperative that last year's resolution {resolution 3466(XXX)] be not only reafffrmed but that all States be called on to co-operate in an. active way. We welcome the text of a convention on the prohibition of the misuse of the human environment for military purposes which the Geneva Committee on Disarm- ament has prepared and which is before this General Assembly for approval {see A/31/27.annex I]. We willvote for it. The talks of expertsin the Geneva Conference of the Committee on Disarmament on the prohibition of the development and production of new weapons of mass destruction and systems of such weapons can expedite the preparation of a relevant agreement. These activities should be continued with priority. like the majorityof States,we also consider that armslimitation and disarmament should be discussed at a world conference. The special session of the United Nations which the non-aligned countries pro- posed at their Conference in Colombo could gain impor- tance for that. The German Democratic Republic hopesfor regulations covering the transfer of nuclearmaterial, equip- ment or technologies for peaceful purposes. Theywillhave to exclude any misuse. To ensure an even more effective application of the principles of the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons it wouldbe goodto work out and agree regulations to this effect without delay. 136. Somewhat over a year ago the Final Act of the Helsinki Conference on security and Co-operation in Europe wassigned by 33 European countries as well as by the United States of America and Canada. Already nowwe may say that this has ushered in a change in the relations between the European States having different social sys- tems and marked out a broad field for multifaceted, mutually beneficial co-operation. To develop it fullywillno doubt require the active co-operation of allsignatory States in keeping with the spirit andletter of the document. 5 Final Declaration of the Review Conference of the Partiesto the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Seedocument A/C.l/I068, annex I. . 138. Only a policy renouncing all arrogation and respect- ing realities is in accordance with thepurposesand tasksof the worldorganization. 139. Asa socialist State, the German Democratic Republic wants to pursue its peaceful construction workin tranquil- lity and security. It does everything to translate the document of Helsinki into reality, to make it the basis for the conduct of bilateral relations with other signatory States and to implement it multilaterally. On the basisof the principles of peaceful coexistence and with a view to peace and security, my country maintains mutually bene- ficial relations with countries having other social systems. We participate in the negotiations on the mutual reduction of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe. Re- markable progress could certainly have been made there, were all parties prepared to respect in practice un- diminished security for all participants. It has been un- contested for a long time that multilateral arrangements ought to be found concerning problems of energy, environ- mental protection and transporton our continent. Nowthe appropriate political conditions do exist. We are in favour of convening all-European conferences for this purpose. 140. The' German Democratic Republic notes with grati- fication a growth of endeavours to strengthen regional security in Asia. It values lasting, good-neighbourly rela- tions between the States as an important prerequisite for converting Asia into a continentof peace and co-operation, and it welcomes what has been accomplished along these lineson the Indiansubcontinent. 141. The founding of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam has an extremely favourable effect on co-operation among the States of the region. Hence we expressly demand the admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to the United Nations. Viet Nam's equal membership would not only accord with the Charter, it would indeedenhancethe authority of the worldorganization. 142. We express our solidarity with the demand, which was recently supported by the Colombo Conference, that foreign troops along with their nuclear weapons be with- 143. The German Democratic Republic expresses its deep concern about the aggravating situation in the Middle East. We share the view expressed by many States that, in the interest of international security, a political settlement of this problem is necessary and, we believe, possible. 144. The pre-condition is Israel's complete withdrawal from all territories occupied since 1967, the fulfilment of the legitimate national rights of the Arab people of Palestine, including the right to establish a State of its own, the establishment of international guarantees for the security and for the inviolability of the frontiers of all States in the Middle East, as well as assurances for the right to independent existence and development. 145. The clashes and bloodshed in Lebanon are a direct consequence of the unsettled Middle East conflict. The resulting dangers necessitate an immediate end to these clashes without outside interference and with safeguards for Lebanon's independence, sovereignty and territorial in- tegrity. It must not be permitted that the hard-hit Arab people of Palestine suffer further harm. The German Democratic Republic wishes the United Nations to take action to ensure the overdue reconvening of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East. Any delay will make a comprehensive political settlement more difficult, favour the aggressorand his backers who have ignored the essential demands of the United Nations since 1967. 146. Likewise, the resolutions of the United Nations on Cyprus should be implemented. Their purpose is to ensure, at long last, peace and sovereignty for this non-aligned State. 147. In Africa, the struggle for the liquidation of the remaining strongholds of colonial exploitation and racist suppression has grown in strength. Denying the right of peoples to self-determination in southern Africa affects security, both regional and international. South Mrica has become a source of war. Increasing domestic terrorism combines with constant aggression against free Mrican States. 148. But regardlessof repeated condemnation of the racist regimes by the Security Council of the United Nations, certain circles, only too well known to the world, are continuing their political, military and economic collabora- tion with the Vorster regime, and are even dangerously extending it to the nuclear field. 149. In the name of the people of the German Democratic Republic, we protest against the bloody outrages in South Africa against a people that wants, at long last, to be free 150. We stand flrmly by the side of the free African States in defending and strengthening their hard won inde- pendence. Our solidarity is with the People's Republic of Angola with which the German Democratic Republic is linked by fraternal bonds. We strongly support Angola's legitimate right to membership in the United Nations. 151. the total elimination of colonialism and racism is at the same time the condition for many millions of people to exercise their human rights. The United Nations has a remarkable record in this regard. Its Charter declares peace and the right of peoples to self-determination the Organize- tion's main concerns. On the basis of respect for equal rights and sovereignty, the precept of non-interference, and the right to self-determination, it strives for. a state of stability and welfare for all peoples. This is the frame where the international protection of human rights belongs. And with this in mind the United Nations has defmed the elimination of massive violations of human rights as an area of international co-operation. 152. But certain circles are eager, under pretexts that are only too transparent, to change the instrument for the protection of humanity as embodied by the Charter of the United Nations into the contrary. They seek '~o establish so-called supra-national institutions. The intention is always the same: to pave the way for interference in the affairs of other States and to call into question their personal and territorial sovereignty. But it is on record to what an appalling extent these very circles, contrary to the resolu- tions of the General Assembly and the Security Council of the United Nations, support the regime of apartheid in South Africa in the political, economic, scientifIc, techno- logical, fmancial, and evenmilitary, fields, 153. Nobody can, for instance, relieve a State of its responsibility for all of its citizens to enjoy their right to work and education and to live in secure social conditions, for men and women to be assured of equal rights in all spheres of public life, for so-called guest workers not to be subjected to any discrimination and for nobody to be exposed to political witch-hunting and to be barred from certain types ofemployment. 154. We exercise solidarity with the peoples in southern Africa in the struggle for their national self-determination. We vigorously urge the restoration of human rights which are being violated on a massive scale by reactionary and Fascist regimes. In Chile, thousands of upright persons have vanished without a trace behind prison walls and in concentration camps. The world has a right to know about their fate. We demand the immediate release of Luis Corvalan and the other political prisoners. 155. There can be no doubt that one of the areas of world-wide co-operation vital to mankind is the develop- ment of marine resources. The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, to which the German 156. Owing to changes in international life and the degree of present political detente, many peopleshavebeen able in the last few decades to win their political independence. Now they are striving for economic independence and the elimination of all forms of neo-colomalist exploitation. 157. The sixth and seventh special sessions of the United Nations General Assembly,the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States as wen as a number of other important international decisionsare, not least, a reflection of the fact that the Asia.."l, African and Latin American countries have become an important and active force in shaping truly equitable international economic relations. 158. The German Democratic Republic concurs with the statement of the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Alignvd Countries that 'one of the major needs of the present time is to change international 159. The States members of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance support the developing countries in their struggle for economic independence. 160. To the German Democratic Republic, detente and development are not incompatible alternatives but inter- dependent sides of the process towards human progress whichis palpably taking placein today's world. 161. The representatives at this session of the United Nations General Assembly have busy months before them. Our delegation expects the thirty-first session to make an important contribution towards the preservation of peace and towards equal eo-operation of all States and peoples on the basis of the purposes and principles of the Charter of the world Organization. May I assure you that the delegation of the German Democratic Republic will co- operate constructively with all delegations to attain these goals.