A/31/PV.17 General Assembly

9.  General debate 1. Mr. MOTEE'A (Democratic Yemen) (interpretation from Arabic): Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure to congratul&te you upon your unaminous election to the presidency of the thirty-fIrst session of the General As- sembly. I am confident that, as an eminent representative of a friendly Asian country, you will greatly contribute to the success of this session of the General Assembly, because of your wide experience and dedication to the United Nations. 2. I should like also to express my appreciation to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Waldheim, for his untiring efforts in the search for a more effective role for our Organization in its efforts to achieve international peace and harmony. 3. At the outset of almost every session of the General Assembly of the United Nations history registers new victories for the peoples of the- world-victories against colonialism and imperialism in all their manifestations. The admission of an increasing number of independent States to the United Nations is symbolic of the progressive changes that have taken place and are still taking place in the international arena since the establishment of the United Nations. We were greatly looking forward to the admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and Angola as Members of our Organization this year, and this hope could have been realized had it not been for the United States ~etoes, which were not based on any logical justifIcation. On this occasion we should like to welcome Seychelles to the United Nations. 4. The struggle of peoples for. political independence has given the United Nations its universal character by increas- ing its membership; but that struggle has, at the same time, brought about new challenges, because independence from the colonial yoke is not an end in itself. The aim for which NEW YORK 5. Despite certain developments here and there, and particularly in the Middle East, traditional colonialism is fading away and the system of apartheid is being violently shaken in southern Africa, while zionism has been inter- nationally condemned as yet another racist and exclusivist ideology. Since the great victories achieved by the peoples of Viet Nam, Cambodia and Laos, international imperialism has resorted to a new system-one which assigns the role of combating national liberation movements and progressive forces to local subimperialist Powers, which have jointly undertaken the task of consolidating its influence and domination. 6. In our part of the world a national liberation move- ment, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Oman, has been struggling for genuine independence and national sovereignty since 1965. Today, it is not only facing an expatriate army and a host of international mercenaries in the pay of the Sultan but also the military intervention of a neighbouring State, which is acting as a military gendarme in our area. The People's Democratic Republic of Yemen strongly condemns all military intervention in Oman and reiterates its fmn support for the just struggle of the Omani people against foreign intervention and for self· deterrnination-a principle which we uneqUivocally uphold, whether it be in Oman or elsewhere in the world. 7. fu the Middle East, too, the Palestine liberation Organization [PLO] is being subjected to an unprecedented military and political assault. While expressing our increas- ing concern over those regrettable developments, we strongly condemn all actions designed to stifle, weaken or circumvent the political and military integrity of the PLO-for the liquidation of the PLO would be tantamount to the liqUidation of the Palestinian cause as a whole. Without a strong and viable PLO any solution to the Palestine question is simply inconceivable. The warm welcome shown by the Governments of the United States and Israel to the realization of the murderous plans to annihilate the Palestinians and the progressive Arab forces is living proof of the extent of the conspiracies that aim at the 8. If the Palestine problem is the core of what is called the Middle East conflict, the PLO is the sole legitimate leadership of the Palestinian people. Without the satisfac- tion of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, including its right to establish an independent secular State in Palestine, peace will be elusive. But without the consolidation of the PLO genuine peace will be unattainable. 9. The recent Israeli plan for a peaceful solution of the conflict, proposed by its Foreign Minister, is' indeed a mockery, when unremittingly new colonial settlements are established in the occupied territories and when the corner-stone of the Israeli policies is the increase of its immigrant population and the displacement and disposses- sion of the Palestinian people. Now, more than ever, it is cl"ar that no solutions or resolutions can force Israel to withdraw from all the occupied Arab territories; neither will the national rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination and statehood be implemented unless they are backed by force. For what has been taken by force can be retrieved only by force. . 10. in soutllern Africa, the long and arduous struggle of the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania is beginning to bear fruit. The minority rebel regime in Rhodesia is staggering; Namibia is on the verge of drastic changes; and the apartheid regime in South Mrica is profoundly shaken by popular revolt. No pacifying moves or delaying tactics can deprive the Mrican peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania of the attainment of their final gQals. We salute their struggle and call for their unreserved international support. 11. At long last, the Mrican continent is ridding itself of the yoke of colonialism. In two areas, however, the process of decolonization shoula not be delayed. We call upon France to respect the national unity of the Comoros and to return the island of Mayotte. In East Africa, we look forward to the earliest independence of the territory of Djibouti, and call for the removal of all military bases or installations from that territory. 12. In Korea, we call for the unconditional withdrawal of all foreign troops from South Korea, so that unity can be achieved by peaceful means and a unified Korea may be admitted to the United Nations. 13. And in Cyprus, too, we call for the withdrawal of all foreign troops and bases and for the full respect of its sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence. 14. In the Latin American continent, we salute the Cuban revolution, which is proving to the world that a small nation can resist all sorts of imperialist pressure 'and economic blackmail, thanks to the determination of the Cuban people and its leadership. We fully support the struggle of the people of Puerto Rico for self-deterrilination and national independence. We also support the just demands of the people of Panama to assert their sov- ereignty over the Panama Canal. In Chile, we strongly 15. At the outset of the fourth decade of the United Nations, we are faced with new problems and issues, such as the new international economic order, the law of the sea, and organized State terrorism on an international level. But some of the old problems still remain with us. Although the imminent danger of large-scale war has subsided, partly because of the policy of detente, the arms race and its qualitative destructive capacity is ever-increasing. Almost simultaneously, the gap between the developed and the developing countries is widening, thus creating an im- balanced international growth, which 1\'1 itself is not conducive to peace and stability. It is in this sense that the new international economic order is seen as yet another necessary condition for international security and harmony. For, without" collective economic security, international peace is illusive. The new international economic order, whose gUidelines were laid down by the sixth and seventh special sessions, is not only intended to redress the economic grievances of the developing nations; it is primarily an important condition for genuine international co-operation and peace. 16. The maintenance and promotion of international peace and security is a prerequisite for progress and prosperity. Permanent peace cannot be realized through a state of no war accompanied by temporary tranquillity and stability; it can be realized only when it is established on principles of justice and equality. We notice with satisfac- tion the easing of tension in some parts of the world; yet the continuation of foreign occupation and imperialist aggression in other parts, the arms race and the economic imbalance pose a threat to international peace and security. 17. The People's Democratic Republic of Yemen supports all measures to curb the spiralling arms race. The declara- tion of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)J should guarantee the security, sovereignty and independence of both the coastal and land-locked States and the reduction of huge expenditures on arms by the States of the area, thus releasing those amounts for the purpose of their economic and social development. The security of the coastal and land-locked States in the Indian Ocean "is not only endangered by the establishment of foreign aggressive military bases, such as the base in Diego Garcia, but also by the expansionist ambitions of certain States in the area through their direct military interventions in the affairs of the others. 18. The role of the United Nations in preserving inter- national peace and security is indispensable. That role can be enhanced only when the Charter of the United Nations, its principles and its purposes are fully respected and when its resolutions are implemented. "Before we set to review the Charter, we should ask how its principles and purposes are being observed by Member States. 19. Democratic Yemen once again reaffIrms its flfffi support for the United Nations and its commitment to its ideals and purposes. 25. Chairman Mao Tsetung pointed out: ''Who are our enemies? Who are our friende? This is a question of the fust importance for the revolution."! Chairman Mao's concept of the three worlds provides orientation for the workers and oppressed nations and oppressed peoples of the world in their fight in the realm of international class struggle. 22. Chairman Mao Tsetung drew a whole series of pro- found conclusions from the contemporary international situation. The compiete correctness of these conclusions is being more and more corroborated by the developing situation. 26. In me past year, the struggle against colonialism, imperialism and hegemonism waged by the people of the third-world countries has made great progress, though it suffered temporary setbacks in individual places. These people have further awakened and have strengthened their unity in struggle. The heroic people of Egypt, unable to bear social-imperialist bullying and oppression any longer, resolutely abrogated the Egyptian-Soviet treaty. The Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries withstood outside pressure and main- tained the position of opposing imperialism, and particu- larly super-Power hegemonism. The people of Asia, Africa and Latin America have come to see more and more clearly the true colours of social-imperialism. The great African people are now launching an offensive on barbarous racism, and the handful of colonialists have been cornered in southern Africa. The situation there is complicated owing to the meddling of the two super-Powers. But the long- tempered African people are clear-headed. They do not believe the nice words of imperialism and social- imperialism, nor are they intimidated by their bluster. They will surely win their liberation by relying on their own armed struggle, strengthening their unity and persisting in this course. Chairman Mao Tsetung said: 23. Back in the early 19608, Chairman Mao Tsetung ViVidly portrayed ilie contemporary world situation in these verses: ''The Four Seas are rising, clouds and waters raging, The Five Continents are rocking, wind and thunder roaring." The world situation has been in a stat~ ofgreat turmoil. All the political forces in the world ha-le undergone drastic division and realignment as a result of i'lrolonged contests of strength and struggles. On the one hand, there is the rise of the third world; on the other hand, there is the rivalry for hegemony between the two super-Powers-the Soviet Union and the United States. Countries want independence, nations want liberation, and the people want revolu- tion-this has become an irresistible trend of history, Looking around the globe, one cannot find a single place of tranquillity. "The wind sweeping through·the tower heralds a rising storm in the mountains." The factors for both revolution and war are increasing. As Chairman Mao Tsetung pointed out, the current international situation is characterized by great disorder under heaven, and it is excellent: this great disorder is a good thing, and not a bad thing, for the people. It throws the enemies into disarray and divides them, while awakening and tempering the people, thus pushing the international situation to develop further in a direction favourable to the people and unfavourable to imperialism and social-imperialism. "The evil system of colonialism and imperialism arose and throve with the enslavement of Negroes and the trade in Negroes, and it will surely come to its end with the complete emancipation of the black people." The future of Africa is infinitely bright. 1 See Quotations from Chairman Mao Tse-tung (Peking, Foreign Languages Press, 1960), p. 12. 2f The rivalry between the two super·Powers, the Soviet Union and the United State!!, extends to all parts of the globe. The United States has vested interests to protect around the porld, and the Soviet Union seeks expansion. This st:!te of affairs is unalterable. In this world-wide rivalry, the expansionist activities of the Soviet Union are all-pervasive. A Soviet leader has openly declared that there is no corner of the earth that is not taken into account by them. Now more and more people have come to realize that the so-called "i."Teversible process of detente" con- stantly peddled by Soviet ~ocial-imperialism is but a frauduient and hollow phase; elfery day it talks "peace'" but practises expansion; every day it talks "disarmament" but practises ..rms expansion. Soviet social-imperialism is !he biggest peace swindler and the most dangerous source of war today. The continued fierce rivalry between the two super-Powers is bound to lead to war some day. This is independent of man's will. The so-called "balance of po",-er" is only a temporary, superficilll and even deceptive thing. It cannot be relied upon to maintain peace. As Chairman Mao Tsetung pointed out, in an era when classes exist, war is a phenomenon between two periods ofpeace. The danger of a new world war is visibly' growing, and the people of 1l.!1 countries must get prepared. 29. There is now a strange phenomenon in the world. Some people are terrified f.t the mentwn of the Snviet Union, thinking that i~ cannot be touched. This is supersti- tion. So..iet social-imperialism is nothing to be afraid of. H is outwardly strong but inwardly weak. Alicmated frcm the people, it is essentially feeble.':t fgces ecooomic difficullties "People of the world, be courageous, dare to fight, defy difficulties and advance wave upon wave. Then the whole world will belong to the people. Monsters of all kinds shall be destroyed."3 30. Following Chairman Mao Tsetung's teachings, th~ Chinese Government and people firmly and unswervingly support the just struggles of all oppressed nations and oppressed peopills. Now, I would like to state our con- sistent position on some of the issues to be considered by the current session of the General Assembly. 31. We firmly support the people of Zilnbabwe, Namibia and Azania in their just struggle against white racism and for national liberation. We warmly support the relevant resolutions adopted by the recent Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of Mrican Unity and the Fifth Conference of Heads of ::tate or Government of Non-Aligned Countries [see A/31/197]. We fmnty support the people of Zimbabwe in their armed struggle ag.'linst the Smith white minority regime. We firmly support tile people of Namibia in their armed struggle against forcible OL"A.1pation by the reactionary authorities of South Africa at d for national independence. We V''>tmly hail the powerful mass movements of the people of •.£al1ia against racial dis,climination and apartheid. We strongly condemn t.1le Soviet Union for disrupting the unity of the Angolan nationai liberation movemen.ts and carrying out armed intervelItion in Angola. We are firmly opposed to the rivalry betwe.en the two super-Powers in southern Africa, and especially to social-impelialist attempts to ~~ze the oppor- tunity to sow discord and carry out armec. intervention while pretending to support the national liberation movements. 32. We firmly support the Palestinian and other Arab peoples in their just struggle for the restoration of their national rights and the recovery of their lost territories and against the rivalry between the super-Powers for hegemony in the Middle East. We sincerely hope that the various political forces in Lebanon, together with the Arab States concerned and the Pale~,tinian people, will set store by the national interests of Lebanon and the militant unity of the Arab countries and fmd a reasonable solution to their temporary differences through peaceful consultations free from super-Power interference. 33. We fmnly maintain that the independence, sovereignty and territorial integ&ity of Cyprus shouid be respected. We 39. The Chinese Government and people are determined to carry on the cause left behind by Chairman Mao, to adhere to the basic line of 0 ur Party and to keep to Chairman Mao's revolutionary line and policies in foreign affairs. This has been solemnly declared in the message to the whole party, the whole army and the people of all nationalities throughout the CO\Ultry issued by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, the Stand- ing Committee of the National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China, the Council of State of the People's Republic of China and the Military Commission of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and in the memorial speech by Comrade Hua Kuo-feng, First Vice-Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and Premier of the Council of State, at the mass memorial meeting to mourn our great leader and teacher, Ch2irman Mao Tsetung. The revolu- tionary line and policies in foreiE,n affairs laid down for us by Chairman Mao personally are a beacon that has illUminated and will forever ill\UlUnate the successful advance of our external work. The Chinese Government vrill continue unswervingly to implement Chairman Mao's revolutionary line and policies in foreign affairs, keep the people in mind, place hopes in them, uphold proletarian internationalism, and n~ver seek hegemony or to be a super-Power. We will strengthen our unity with the interna- tion&1 proletariat and the oppressed nations and oppressed peoples the world over, our \Ulity with the people of the third-world cO\Ultries and our unity with all the countries subjected to aggression, subversion, interference, control or bullying by imperialism or social-imperialism so as to form the broadest possible united front against imperialism, and particularly against the hegemonism of the two super- Powers, the Soviet Union and the United States. We consistently maintain that all countries, big and small, should be equal. The affairs of any country should be managed by its own people; world affairs should be managed by all countries in the world. As in the past, we will establish or develop relations with all countries on the basis ofthe five principles ofpeaceful coexistence. 34. We tirmly support the Korean people in their just struggle for the independent and peaceful reunification of their fatherland. United States aggression and its inter- f"rence in Korea are the main cause for recurrent tensions in Korea and for the failure to achieve an independent and peaceful reunification. The United Nations Command must be dissolved, and the United States armed forces must be withdrawn from South Korea. The division of Korea must end, and the independent and peaceful reunification of Korea must be realiZed. This is not to be hindered by any force on earth. • 35. We ftrmly support the admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to membership in the United Nations. The United States threat to use the veto is utterly \Uljustifiable. We firmly support the just struggle carried on by the people of East Timor under the leadership of the Frente Revolucionaria Tinlor Leste Independente [FRET/UN} in defence of the independence and territorial integrity of their country '-sainst foreign aggression. We hold that the position of the Association of South-East Asian Nations for the establishment of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality free from interference by foreign Powers should be respected. 36. We fmnly support the proposal of the Government of Sri Lanka to declare b'1e Indian Ocean a zone of peace.4 We fmnly support the proposal of the Government of Pakistan to establish a nuclear-free zone in South Asia.s We firmly support the solemn statement of the King of Nepal declaring Nepal a zone of peace. We firmly support the reasonable position taken by Bangladesh on the question of sharing the water of the Ganges river. 37. We fumly support the just struggle of the third-world CO\Ultries for the establishment of the new international economic order. To attain this aim, the third-world countries have, since the sixth special session of the United Nations General Assembly, made many efforts at various international conferences. But owing to obstruction hy the super-Powers, these efforts have so far not achieved the progress they ought to have. Facts prove that the super- Powers will never lightly give up their prerogative of exploiting and plundering the developing countries. We approve of dialogue, but first of all one must be strong. The developing countries can wrest back, step by step, positions on the economic front occupied by the super-Powers only if' th~y maintain independence and self-reliance, fully exercise their state sovereignty, take ftrm hold of their national resources, develop and expand their national economies, consolidate and expand the associations of raw material-producing CO\Ultries and str.mgthen their mutual help and co-operation. . . . 40. Chairman Mao Tsetung taught us that "In our inter- national relations, we Chinese people should get rid of great-Power chauvinism resolutely, thoroughly, wholly and completely."6 We will follow this instruction of Chairman Mao in handling all our foreign relations. China is still a developing socialist country. However great our future achievements in national construction, we will keep fmnly in mind Chairman Mao's teaching always to be modest and never become arrogant, not even after a hundred years, arid never become cocky, not even after the twenty..frrst century. 41. China is a vast and richly endowed country with a population of 800 million. Chairman Mao Tsetung taught 6 See Quotation' from OJairman Mao Tse-tung (Peking, Foreign Languages Press. 1960). p. 180. 42. Surveying the whole world, we see that there i:; great disorder under heaven and that the situation is excellent. The way ahead is tortuous, but the future of mankind is bright. The people of China are ready to join hands with the pec-' "If all other couhtries in our common endeavour. 43. Mr. .<.OSLAND (United Kingdom): The thirty-fIrst session of the General Assembly is an auspicious occasion for the Commonwealth. It is particularly gratifying te, the United Kingdom that the President of this session should be not only a distinguis.'ted and lon(·standjng servant of the United Nations but also an outstanding representative of a Commonwealth coootr)'. I extend to you, Mr. President, the warm congratulations of my Government on your election. At the same time, I should like to pay my country's tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, for his unremitting efforts over the last fIve years to promote peace and international understanding. 44. I also take pleasure in welcoming here for the fust time the Republic of Seychelles, a coootry whose member- ship in the United Nations was sponsored by the United Kingdom and by fellow members of the Commonwealth IA/31/L.1 and Add.1 and 2J. I take this opportunity to convey my Government's thanks for the kind words of the President of Seychelles in his address to the Assembly last week11st meeting]• 45. It is self-evident that the British Government's foreign policy should reflect the values of the British people themselves. We in Britain are trying to create a society based on the ideals of morality, equality and justice. lne United Kingdom is no less committed to these ideals in its foreign policy. 46. This is a foodamental fact which shapes my Govern- ment's attitude to the great challenges facing the inter- national community today: the search for peace; the 47. This is also a pledge of support for the United Nations itself. More than ever before, the problems that confront our societies can be effectively tackled only on a regional, or even a global, basis. "Interdependence" is a fashionable word; it is on everybody's lips these days-but rightly so. 'Dere is not a nation represented here today that can confidently assure its security and prosperity in isolation. With universal membership as its ultimate goal, with international co-operation and the peaceful settlement of disputes as its ideals; and with its ability to offer the world's nations a forum in which they can discuss their problems freely and openly, the United Nations is uniquely placed to meet the challenges of an interdependent world. That is why today, as over the last 31 years, support for the United Nations is an axiom of British foreign policy. 48. It would be invidious to arrange these challenges according to some neat order of priorities. We need to meet them all if we are to create the better world we seek. The deprivation of human rights is just as offensive to human dignity as economic deprivation. The establishment of the rule of law is inseparable from the establishment of conditions of peace and security. 49. But, this said, the relationship between the developed and developing countries is a matter of particular concern to the international community at the present time. The gap between the rich and the poor (',ountries is not just a matter of economics; it is a moral question which requires a fum and principled stand. The United Kingdom's position was demonstrated when, in July, at a time of severe economic pressures, we exempted one programme, and one programme alone, from the widespread cuts in public expenditure-the overseas aid programme. W~thin this pro- gramme, moreover, it is our policy to put increasing emphasis on the poorer countries; and not just the pnorer countries, but the poorest people in those countries. For when we say that we want a fair and rational world economic system in the management of which the develop- ing countries will have their proper share, we mean also that the poor coootries of the world should obtain a new deal, which enables them to offer their peoples the prospect of lives no longer dominated by hooger and chronic insufficiency. 50. Now we should not belittle what has already been achieved in the comparatively short time since the seventh special session of the General Assembly last year. The Conference on International Economic Co-operation has now resumed its detailed work in the four critical areas of energy, raw materials, development, and fmance; and I hope that this work will culminate in a successful minis- terial conference at the end of the year and in a major and positive step forward in the north-south dialogue. The fourth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development in May, for all the initial diffIculties 51. It is espec.ially pleasing to the United Kingdom that the European Community has taken effective action in this field. I welcome the words of the Netherlands Foreign Minister, speaking on behalf of the ':::jmmunity, when he addressed the Assembly last week [7th meeting]. Of particular significance was his reference to an outward- looking Europe. For Britain, an essential justification for the Community's very existence and for our membership of it is that it should play an active and constructive role in the world, so enabling its member States to contribute more effectively to the solution of international problems than if they were acting on their own. The Community has played just such a role in the dialogue between the developed and developing worlds, deploying its collective economic strength to excellent effect. In his speech, Mr. van der Stoel rightly stressed the importance of the Lome Convention,1l which grants, as representatives know, preferential access to Community markets to some 50 developing countries and offers a scheme for the stabiliza- tion of export earnings for certain raw materials. In recent years, the Community has also steadily improved its generalized scheme of preferences, a scheme which is revised every year and is now of particular benefit to the poorer countries. And, of course, at the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, the Community speaks for all its nine members. • 54. However, the North-South dialogue is about political as well as economic: partnership. This brings me to an area of the world in which we fmd distilled all the challenges that confront this Organization today. I refer of course, to ~outhern Africa. There the need for international co- operation and peaceful reconciliation is overwhelming if multiracial societies are to be able to live in freedom and prosptirity. 55. In Rhodesia, I believe, the acceptance of majority rule by the illegal regime-a turning point the achievement of which is largely due to the skill and energy ofthe Secretary of State of the United States, Mr. Kissinger-has given us at long last the basis for a peaceful settlement. That, as Mr. Callaghan, my '?rime Minister, made clear earlier. this year, was the essential frrst requirement. We must now seize this opportunity to make real progress towards an inde- pendent government that will truly represent the peoples of Zimbabwe. 52. The Tnird United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has an important contribution to make to the dialogue between the industrialized and developing nations. The concept of an international authority to administer the mineral resources of the deep sea-bed for the benefit of all mankind is bold and imaginative. Her Majesty's Govern- ment has played a full part in attempting to promote general agreement on the structure of the authority, on the regime itself, and on the many other issues which are currently before the Conference. But while-and you know better than anyone, Mr. President-the Conference has made progress on other issues, we are disappointed by the lack of movement on this basic question of the deep sea-bed. At the fifth session, some States seemed to abandon their previous willingness to consider possible compromise solutions. The United Kingdom was not among these. We shall persist in our efforts to fmd solutions acceptable to all, and we hope that, before the next session of the Conference, other States will also consider carefully how we might achieve consensus. 53. It is a measure of the size of the problem that so much still remains to be done before a proper balance is achieved between the richer and the poorer "amongst the nations": a 7 See Proceedings ofthe United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Fourth Session, vol I, Report and Annexes, (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.76.I1.D.lO), part one A. 8 APC-EEC Convention of Lame, signed on 28 February 1975 at Lome. 56. Britain will continue to play a constructive role in this. As you will know, I have agreed, in response to the requests of all the parties concerned, to convene a conference to discuss the early formation of an interim government. I am sure you will agree that Mr.lvor Richard has all the right qualifications to be chairman of that conference. I may add that his knowledge and exp6rience of the United Nations was an important factor in my choice. 57" I emphasize that, while we are ready to help in whatever way is appropriate, we look to the parties concerned-the parties on the spot-to work out for themselves the best means of achieving a rapid transition to independence based frrmly 011 majority rule. 58. All of us hope that the threat to peace and stability which Rhodesia has posed for too many years will soon be at an end. Once the interim government has been estab- lished, the justification for the various pressures which have been maintained agairist t.1}e illegal· regime should fade away. At that stage there should no longer be any reason for the international isolation of Rhodesia. But until that time comes, it would be right for the international community to continue with the enforcement of economic sanctions. We cannot afford to let the momentum of the present initiative be lost. 59. I hope that when I next have the honour of addressing the Assembly we shall have seen great progress. We all look forward to welcoming a truly independent Zimbabwe into the international community and to giving it our full support and encoUragement. 61. In the past year Namibia has rightly remained the subject of extensive debate, both in the General Assembly and in the Security Council. We were pleased to vote in favour of Security Council resolution 385 (1976) of 30 January. This was a constructive attempt to press on towards the common aim of securing South Africa's withdrawal from its unlawful occupation of the Territory. The United Kingdom has been active in" a number of contexts and we have repeatedly make our views clear to Soutli Africa, both in bilateral and in multilateral ap- proaches. We hope that Mr. Kissinger's success in producing movement over Rhodesia wiJI be followed by similar succesS in producing movement on Namibia. We fully support his efforts and those of the African leaders directly concerned to help to bring Namibia to early self-determina- tion and independence. 62. If our efforts to achieve international co-operation and peaceful reconciliation in southern Africa fail, we face the prospect of a catastrophic conflict that not only will engulf the peoples of the region but could also have serious results for world peace. 63. We hear much about the need for detente, in the aftermath of the Helsinki Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. But recent history has given a forcible reminder to us all-and particularly to those, like the Soviet Union, who disparage the present attempts to bring peace to southern Africa-that, in the pursuit of detente, the need fOl a sense of responsibility is world-Wide and not confmed to Europe. 64. We cannot limit detente by geography or by subject. More important, ifwe are to aChieve a genuine detente on a world-wide scale, we must all as a first step honour the undertakings which we gave when we pledged ourselves to the United Nations Charter. This requires a high degree of restraint and mutual tolerance between nations. We are a long way yet from bringing these qualities to international life. Nowhere is this need for restraint more necessary and obvious than in the field of arms control. It is crucial that the international community take urgent steps to curtail the proliferation of nuclear and conventional weapons. Lord GoronWY-Roberts, my Minister of State, will set out the British Government's views on disarmament at greater length in the First Committee. 66. An endUring settlement must of course be based on compromise; but that compromise must fulfIl the basic aspirations of all the parties and leave no underlying grievances to fester and yet again to threaten the peace of the area. On the one hand, the Arabs must accept that Israel is a fact and that its right to exist is not in question. No peace can survive unless the Arab States give Israel formal recognition, within secure, recognized and com· monly agreed boundaries, as a permanent feature of the geography and politics of the Middle East. 67. On the other hand, if Israel is to obtain this iecognition, it must, in a settlement, put an end to the t,mitorial occupation which it has maintained since the war of 1967. The nine members of the European Community have declared that that is an essential element in a settlement. On behsIf of the British Government I under· line that need today. A settlement must also prOVide a place for the Palestinians, whose fate is at the very heart of the Middle East dispute. They regard themselves and are now generally recognized as a people distinct from their Arab 1'leighbours, with their own strong aspirations towards nationhood. One essential e~ement in a settlement will be a land for the Palestinians, not necessarily a sovereign State, but a place where they will be free to look after their own affairs. 68. There are things which both sides can do now to help prepare for the negotiations which must come, and I hope will come soon. Above all, bGth sides must show restraint: the Israelis, by not seeking to change the situation in the occupied territories; the Arabs, by validating their claims that they really want peace. 69. In the thirty-first year of its existence, the United Nations has come close to its goal of universal membership. The welcoming of new Member States, a feature of past General Assemblies, will become an increasingly rare occurrence as the age of decolonization draws to a close. Universality will not of itself bring greater mutual under- standing; the more diverse the membership, the greater the challenge to consensus. The prospect of universal mem- bership therefore obliges us more than ever to ensure that the Organization functions promptly and effectively in the interest of world peace and harmony. 70. There are surely a number of ways in which we can increase the effectiveness of the Organization. I have already mentioned the Conference on the Law of the Sea; a successful conclusion of that Conference would bring a vast 71. But I want to sound a warning. Sometimes the work of our specialized conferences and agencies is made more difficult by the introduction of divisive political issues into their proceedings. I believe that the huge majority of professionals and experts attending those meetings are becoming more and more concerned at what they regard as unnecessary obstruction of their work. The British Govern- ment shares that concern. We want to make the specialist and technical work of the United Nations as effective as we can. In many areas ofour shared concern, we cannot afford the luxury of prolonged political debate wht:n the harsh realities of, for example, 'water shortages, starvation and waste of resources cry out for immediate joint action. Of course the political issues of the day are crucial to us, and must be debated; free debate is t.he life-blood of this Organization. But at the United Nations we have plenty of opportunities for the political disputes and issues of the day. We have this Assembly and its Committees and we have the Security Council. But we cannot afford to allow those disputes to reduce the effectiveness of specialist international co-operation. If this trend persists, there will be a growing pressure to achieve results outside the United Nations 3ystem. And so I appeal to all Members of this Organization to maintain the effectiveness of our work together in the many fields where joint action is in the interest of us all. • 72. I also believe that we should identify those areas where our aspirations and standards of conduct are not negotiable and should enjoy t.'J.e full support of the membership of the United Nations. I refer in particular to the question of human rights-. The normative work of the United Nations in drafting instruments has, I think, in general been well done. We already have the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which has been the inspira- tion of many constitutions and conventions, including the European Convention9 to which the United Kingdom has long been a party. The year 1976 has now seen the entry into force of the two International Covenants on Human Rights [resolution 2200A (XXX)J. These give legal force to the rights set out in the Universal Declaration. The United Kingdom's ratification of the Covenants last May re11ects the seriousness of its approach. We hope that other States will join us in ratifying and giving full support to the Human Rights Committee, whose task it will be to supervise the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights with vigour and impartiality. But vital though it is, legislation alone cannot of course guarantee human rights. We must all approach this question with frankness, with honesty and, where necessary, with self-criticism. Our task • .--------~---- -_I!lDIliiii"-~ 9 Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Funda- mental Freedoms, signed at Rome on 4 November 1950. 73. Our task is to create a world in which all men can live in peace, prosperity and freedom, guaranteed by the rule of law. This is an ambitious goal and some may despair of ever reaching it. But I believe that if we approach the problems that beset us in [\ spirit of peaceful reconciliation, co-opera- tion and restraint-and if, above all, we display these qualities in our dealings with one another in this Organi- zation-the task will not appear so daunting and the goal will not prove impossible of achievement.