A/31/PV.19 General Assembly

Permit me first of all, Mr. President, to convey to you the warm salutations of His Excellency Abdel Halim Khaddam, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Syrian Arab Republic, who, because of some important duties, is unable to attend today's meeting in person but who has entrusted me with the honourable task of delivering his statement before this august Assembly. It is my pleasurable duty to fulfil that task and to add to all that he has expressed in his statement regarding your election to the very high office of the Presidency of the General Assembly my personal expressions ofhigh esteem and admiration. 47. It pleases me to commence my statement by stating how proud we are, Sir, of your assuming the presidency of the thirty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly. We all know the role you have played since you assumed the representation of your esteemed country at the United Nations in upholding. the principles of the international organization and supporting the rights of the underprivileged peoples, as well as in the constant initiatives you have taken to uphold justice. In doing so, you have expressed the adherence of your country to the principles of right and its major contribution to the call for liberating humanity from slavery and backwardness. The last initiative taken by your country in this connexion was the recent Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries and. the efforts Sri Lanka exerted for its success. Therefore, please accept our best wishes for your continued .success. Hope is pinned on the present session for consolidating the bases of right, justice, peace and progress. 48. On this occasion, I likewise praise Mr. Gaston Thorn, the Prime Minister of. Luxembourg and President of the previous session, for the efficient way in which he conducted the proceedings of the thirtieth session and for his endeavours to translate its deeds into tangible results. 50. Last, but not least, I take this opportunity to praise the untiring efforts exerted by Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General, in the service of justice, progress and peace. We would like to assure him of the continued support of the Syrian Arab Republic in the pursuit of these efforts. 51. The present session of the General Assembly is meeting today, following an event that attracted the attention of the whole world. Two months ago, the Fifth Conference of the non-aligned countries met in Colombo, where the Heads of State or Government of 85 States met and issued declarations and resolutions that embodied the will of more than half the countries of the world to affirm the identity of the non-aligned movement, upholding it and affirming its principles. Events have proved that these humane and international principles are designed to achieve justice, equality and coexistence among States and peoples. 52. The fundamental significance of the Colombo Con- ference lies in the determination of more than one half of the world population to rid themselves of the system of unequal relations; to establish democratic relations among nations in political, economic and scientific spheres; to eliminate all forms of colonialism, racism and apartheid; and to end domination, occupation, backwardness and deprivation. The Colombo Conference has proved that the non-aligned movement is moving with sure steps towards the realization of these goals. The clarity of concepts that characterized the work of the Conference enabled it to conform to international changes and to develop its positive aspects without deviating from the principles and bases of the non-aligned movement. We hope that the General Assembly will support the demands included in the declarations and resolutions of the Colombo Conference {see A/31/197j, since all the stands and demands expressed therein are in full harmony with the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter. 53. International peace cannot be established as long as the differences between rich and poor countries remain as big as they are at present, the technological gap between industrial and developing nations continues to increase, and trade dealings remain tarnished with aspects of exploita- tion, rising prices of manufactured goods and production 54. Should the economic strategies of the majorindustrial countries continue to be guidedby the questfor maximum profits without regard for the principle o~ e~ual c~­ operation, and should they cont~ue' to maintain ~e1f dealings with the developing countnes on a purely m~tenal­ istic closed and narrow basis, and should they not app:eciate the major problems-whether current, medium term ,or long term-and the burdens of the third world, and, , consequently, participate seriously in relieving its debts and supporting its development, then the present world situation foreshadows an explosion the victim of which willbe the whole of humanity. 55. Our earnestdesire for peaceand the realization of true equality and the shaping of a better future for the overwhelming majority of mankind promptsus to press for the implementation of the resolutions adopted dunng the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly {resolutions 3201 (S-VI), 3202 (S-VI) and 3362(S-VHJ/ I supported by the resolutions of the fourth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development {UNCFADj4, and by the Economic Declaration of the non-aligned Colombo Conference {A/31/197/annex Ill, ~s well as of the resolutions of the Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries held in Mexico in September.s 56. On thi~ occasion, it should be pointedout that one of the foremost dutiesof our Organization isto implement the transfer of part of the funds spent by the super-Powers on the arms race to development purposes. Thesincere appeals of the non-aligned and developing countries in this regard must not remain unheeded. 57. We, in the Syrian Arab Republic, believe that no solution can be found to the suffocating world economic crisis that would produce an impact on over-all inter- national relations-particularly that of international co- operation-unless we expedite the establishment of a new international economic order based on equality, equal sovereignty, co-operation and commoninterests among all the countriesof the world. 58. We hope the debates of the present session will yield the best positive results. Apart from the serious crises it has to deal with this session has before it critical matters to tackle, since 'it is on the effective' solutions for theseissues that the future of humanity depends. Total disarmament, strategic arms limitation, the prevention of nuclear pro- 4 See Proceedingr ofthe United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Fourth Session, vol. I, ReportandAnnexes (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.76.I1D.I0), part one A. 5 See document A/C.2/31/7, part one. 59. The whole of the human race pins its hopes on the exploration and useofthe wealthin thebo~t?m of seas an~ oceans for the sakeofthe whole ofhumalllty. Therefore, It would be worth while if we move ahead·in shaping the exact executive international framework that would realize such hopes in order to secure new sources of food supplies and eliminate hungerand backwardness. 60. Of no less importance is the possibility of enacting advanced rules for maritime law and materializing the keen desire to safeguard the environment through tangible comprehensive measures that would eliminate all kinds of pollution threatening allnations. 61. Moreover, the numerous economic, culturaland s~ial matters whereby the Organization is trying to dissemmate the spirit of the Charter in theory ~d,' pra~tice an~ to ensure justice, equality and progress m th~ mte~atlonal community,mustbe given the greatest attentl~n, smcethey help in strengthening international friendship and under- standing among peoples" especially since attention is fo- cused at present on the fruits of the intema~onal det~nte which wehope mightbecome general, embracmg all regions and not limitedto B:aropean or to East-West relations. 62. Moving to other spheres in which the Unite~ N~tio~~ plays a leading role, we note that, though decolonization IS making important progress, this process, however, falters sometimes because of the obstinacy and manoeuvres of some colonial Powers confronting it. Therefore, numerous peoplesand regions are stillstruggling for their freedom and right to self-determination. 63. Racism, which is causing many peoplegreatsuffering, notably in South Africaand Rhodesia, is a shameful blot on the history of mankind and an obstacle 1.0 the advance of civilizatioo. The racist regimes in those African regions persist in slaughtering African patriots and co11!mitting aggression against independent States, suc~ ~ Angola and Zambia,even going so far asto occupyNamIbia. 64. Tho~' regimes which are the enemies of mankind could not have persisted in their crimes',were.it not for the political, military,and econo~c suppo~~.and ~ac~ing they are receiving from someWestem Powers;and ~ere'lt not for the close collaboration between the said ~regimes and the Zionist racist entity in occupied Palestine. 65. While those racist regimes have'managed to impose their existence through injustice and aggression, the aware- ness of the indigenous. population was able to create national liberation movements that are endeavoUring by every possible means to elimmateractsm andIts regimes and to create the necessary conditionsenabling the peoples of those regions to exercise their right to ,self- determination, sovereignty and independence. We hall the struggle of the peoples of South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe under the leadership of their liberation move- ments. We also applaud the decision of the Government of 67. The problem of Cyprus remains unsolved due to imperialist manoeuvres and attempts to transform the island into a NATO base. We hereby declare the necessity of speeding up the implementation of the United Nations resolutions related to this problem. We call also for the respect of the sovereignty of the island, its independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment. We commend the efforts exerted by the UnitedNations Secretary-General for the resumption of negotiations between the two parties to the conflict. 68. While we warmly welcome the Helsinki documents and the constructive spirit enshrined in it, we still believe that any talk about international detente and European security remains inadequate if the causes of tension in the Middle East are not eliminated. This can be done only through the evacuation by the Zionist forces of all the occupied Arab territories, and the guaranteeing of the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people as provided for by United Nations resolutlons. The world community has realized this fact, as was manifested by the October war. It has also realized that the core of the problem is the Palestine question and the expulsion of the people of Palestine from their homeland, and Israel's occupation of this homeland in addition to its occupation of important Arab States in the region. Therefore, it was natural and logical to regard the policy of partial solutions and small steps as merely a policy of anaesthetization and bluff, the failure of whichhasbeenproven by events. It has also been shown that the Sinai Agreement, signed over a year ago,' was nothing but a move that immobilized peace efforts and restored to the region the state of no war, no peace. Syria has therefore refused to fall into the trap of the agreement and has put an end to the step-by-step policy. 69. The manoeuvres of imperialism and the enemies of peace have not stopped there. While the Arabs were struggling to recover their occupied territories, the forces hostile to the Arab nation concerted their efforts to provoke a new crisis in the Middle East. Those forces 6 Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, signedat Helsinkion 1 August 1975. 7 Signedat Geneva on 4 September 1975. SeeOfficialRecords of the Security Council, Thirtieth Year, Supplement for July, August and September 1975, document S/11818/Add.1. 70. In the face of thisexplosive situation, and considering the fraternal and national ties, as well as the special ties, which exist between Syria and Lebanon, andin response to the sentiments and to the appeals of the diverse parties to the COli~,ct in Lebanon, Syria had no alternative but to contribut, to the efforts aimed at putting an end to the fratricidal fighting and to encourage the parties to find a common ground on which dialogue would take place in a democratic manner. To do this, Syria has exerted all possible efforts. Youareundoubtedly aware of allthe steps that we have taken, the latest of which was our effective contribution to enabling the new President of Lebanon, Mr. Elias Sarkis, to assume his constitutional functions and to create the necessary positive conditions for him to be able to solve the crisis. We shall not fail or hesitate to provide him withall necessary assistance for the restoration of stability to our brothers in Lebanon and for the preservation of the country's territorial integrity and the national unity ofits people. 71. We have alsoexerted every possible effort to alleviate the sufferings and diminish the difficulties of our Lebanese and Palestinian brethrenin Lebanon. Syria has had, at the same time,to shoulder the burdenandmeetthe daily needs of nearly 1 million Arab citizens-Lebanese, Palestinians and others-who fled death and hunger. These sincere efforts have been successful in bringing security and tranquillity to vast regions in Lebanon. Syria ispursuing its national and humane efforts until the conspiracy ~gainst Lebanon, the Palestine cause and the Arab nation is completely defeated. . 72. If the first task of our Organization is admittedly the consolidation of internaiional peace andsecurity, it follows that any talk about such peace and security cannot be separated from the Middle East situation, which is becom- ing increasingly explosive asa resultof Israel's intransigence andits flouting of United Nations resolutions. 73. The Palestine question and the problems arising therefrom, notably the June J967 aggression, have oc- cupied the various bodies of the United Nations, especially the General Assembly and the Security Council, for nearly 30 years. TheGeneral Assembly hasexamined the Palestine question year after year until the number of resolutions adopted by the United Nations and itsspecialized organs on the Palestine question and its ramifications exceeded 360, towards which Israel has adopted an attitude of rejection anddefiance. 74. This obstinacy and arrogance led to the October war, exposing the world to the menace of a new war.By pursuing this path, Israel ispushing.the world onceagain '1;0 the verge of a general world conflict.Daily declarations and innumerable incidents confirm that the Zionist entity will 75. Following the October war, the international com- munity became aware of ',~he dangers implicit in the troubled situation in this region. The United Nations was moved by the gravity of the tragedy of the Palestinian . people. Engaged in settling the conflict with a measure of justice, and recognizing that the Palestine issue is the core of the Middle East problem, the United Nations has called upon Israel to withdraw from the occupied Arab territories and to recognize the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. The world community has also recognized the legitimacy of the struggle of the Palestinian people by receiving the Palestine Liberation Organization in the General Assembly and the Security Council as the represen- tative of this people who voices their rights and aspirations. 76. Israel has gone far in its continued rejection of all the United Nations resolutions related to the Palestine cause . and the Middle East problem. By such conduct, Israel has never, since its admission to the United Nations, departed from the line it set for itself, namely that of violating the principles of the Charter, of international law, of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, and the United Nations resolutions. Such conduct on the part of Israel is not to be wondered at, since its structure is founded on aggression and usurpation. Israel has never hesitated to .resort to lies and deceit although it undertook before the United Nations and in the context of its membership to abide unreservedly by the Charter and its principles, and to implement General Assembly resolution 181 (11) of 29 November 1947, and resolution 194 (Ill) of 11 December 1948 relating to the return of the refugees. It is high time for the General Assembly to act firmly and decisively and to assume its responsibilities and exercise its powers under the Charter by reconsidering Israel's membership in the United Nations. It is high time for the General Assembly to take the necessary measures with regard to the present explosive situation by implementing its resolutions 3236 (XXIX), and 3376 (XXX) on the question of Pales- tine and its resolution 3414 (XXX) on the situation in the Middle East. The General Assembly must determine the steps and timing of the implementation of the said resolutions and take practical measures both to ensure their effective implementation and to deter the recalcitrant party. 77. Having felt profoundly the grave injustice suffered by the Palestinian people, and desiring duringits last session to implement the international will to do justice to this people and to restore their rights not only by reaffirming general principles but also by ensuring their practical application, the General Assembly adopted its historic resolution 3376 (XXX) relating to the establishment of the Com- mittee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. The general functions of this Committee are based on the principles of the Charter and the United Nations resolutions. Its task is to draw up a procedural plan aimed at enabling the Palestinian people to exercise the rights recognized in resolution 3236 (XXIX). 79. This constructive initiative manifesting the will of the international community and the valuable work that has been accomplished by the Committee, was reaffirmed by the majority of the members of the Security Council. Last June, however, the United States vetoed the draft resolu- tion approving the report of the Committee {ibid., annexes III and IV}. Thus, the United States aborted a valuable effort which was bound to achieve the most concrete tangible move towards the establishment of peace and justice in this strategic region, so vital to international peace and security. The United States veto this year also aborted two other attempts when we resorted to the Security Council, which is the highest international organ, and won the support of the majority of the Council's members. Thus the United States has blocked other paths that could have led to a just and durable peace. 80. The Zionist occupation of Arab territories following the June 1967 aggression has continued. Israel has persisted in carrying out its settler-coloniallst plans and designs and in annexing the occupied territories, aswell asin oppressing the Arab population in order to force it to submit permanently to occupation, or to depart. About 70 settlements have been established in the occupied territories. 81. In the face of all these aggressive acts, the Palestinian people had no alternative but to organize their ranks inside and outside the occupied territories and to fight with every means at their' disposal to recover their usurped rights. This was the cause of the widespread popular uprising that has been raging in the occupied territories since last spring despite all the Nazi-type measures used by the 'forces of occupation to suppress the rebelling population and to perpetuate occupation. 82. The revolt of the Palestinian people and the Zionist- Nazi methods of annihilation and oppression, and the explosive situation in the Middle East have constituted a decisive answer to all those who imagined that Israel would withdraw from the occupied territories and would re- cognize the rights of the Palestinian people. A few months ago, the Israeli Cabinet faced an acute crisis because of a proposal to move a settlement that had been established in the vicinity of an Arab village. The Cabinet was about to collapse when some of the ministers considered that such a move contravened Israel's alleged right .to settle in the Arab territories. The Israeli Cabinet fmally reached a com- promise, namely to maintain the settlement until another location could be found in the occupied West Bank. If the relocation of a colony illegally established on Arab ter- ritories has caused a Cabinet crisis, is it at all possible to believe that Israel might withdraw from the occupied territories or recognize the rights of the Palestinian people? 83. We are striving for peace. However, the desired peace we are eager to attain through your help and that of all peace and justice-loving peoples is the just and durable peace that would ensure for us the complete restoration of all our occupied territories and of the national right of the Palestinians. 85. In addition to this, we believe that any delay in seeking means to avoid the current stalemate or in implementing the United Nations resolutions would in- evitably lead to a heightening of the tension in the region and would expose peace and security in the Middle East and in the entire world to gravedangers. 86. We can sum up the three-year period that has elapsed since the October war of liberation-whose third an- niversary we are celebrating today-by sayingthat all peace initiatives in the Middle East have been obstructed by Israel's aggression and colonialist tyranny. So long as serious and constructive efforts towards peace stand im- mobilized and paralysed in the face of doors hermetically sealed by zionism and imperialism, the only course left open to our people is to continue the struggleby all means until our aims, which in fact are the aims of the Charter and the aims of the General Assembly resolutions, ar~ achieved. The October war has proved that we possess the necessary and adequate potential and that we are capable of utilizing it, and that we have no alternative but to utilize it should peace efforts continue to fail. This makes it incumbent upon our Organization to stand firm against the aggressor and to deprive it of' means of aggression and compel it to carry out the provisionsof the United Nations Charter and resolutions. 87. Achieving the desired peace depends on the earnest desire of the members of the General Assembly to implement the resolutions adopted by them, resolutions based on the principles of the Charter. Members of the Assembly, we are fully confident of your belief in the Charter and your eagerness to consolidate the role of the United Nations in maintaining international peace and security, as well as in establishing a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. This can be achievedonly if you determine the steps and time phases for the implementation of your resolutions, and if you adopt the practical steps that would ensure such implementation and would deter the aggressor and force it to heed the decisions of the international community.

The thirty-first sessionof the General Assembly, like all previous sessions, will be a 89. Your election is also a fitting honour to your country, Sri Lanka, which has been in the forefront of the efforts of the non-aligned movement to bring about a new pattern of international relations based upon a greater democratiza- tion of decision-making and a more equitable and rational international order through consultation rather than self- destructive confrontation. 90. As the representative of a fellowAsian State dedicated to the realization of those principles, and one which has enjoyed long and close relations with Sri Lanka, it gives me great satisfaction to see such a distinguished son of Asia chosen to presideover our deliberation. 91. Our sincere appreciation also goes to the Prime Minister of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, Mr.Gaston Thorn, for the proficient and dignified leadership with which he has guided the work of the thirtieth session. 92. It is my pleasant duty, moreover, to welcome a sister archipelagic State, the Republic of Seychelles,as a Member of our Organization. My delegation looks forward to establishing a close and friendly relationship with the delegation of Seychelles and hopes to have a mutually fruitful co-operation with that delegation. 93. It is the sincere hope of my delegation that soon we will be able to welcome also the,delegations of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and of Angola as full participants in the work of our Organization. 94. In his usual eloquent and at the same time sober manner our Secretary-General, Mr.Kurt Waldheim, has reminded us in his introduction to the report of the work of our Organization that "we live in a transitional period when the undoubted fact ofincreasinginterdependence has by nomeans decreased the power or the prevalence of the concept of national sovereigntyIAI3111IAdd.l, sect. 1/. It is not without hesitation that I touch on the problem of interdependence, for the main reason that this expression has through the years become rather well-worn. None the less, the interdependence of nations has' become a fact of life which we cannot negate, either now nor in the future. Men and nations have alwaysneeded each other. No man is an island, and neither is any nation. The advent of the economic crisisin 1973, precipitated by the October war of the same year in the MiddleEast, was a catalyzingfactor in the process of the reawakening of the developing world, which propelled the world towards making a new re- appraisal of interdependence among nations. The world has 95. My delegation has on several occasions hailed detente as a process of special importance. When the Final Act of Helsinki was signed in 1975, we acclaimed it as a significant step towardseasing the atmosphere of suspicion and enmity of the European continent, thereby greatly enhancing the prospect for more constructive relations between.all coun- tries in this region. But, while noting the hopeful develop- ments in East-West relations, the limited' scope of this process, both in substance and in geographical extent, never escaped our notice. Detente should not be a mere pre- occupation with East-West affairs, but should also address itself to finding solutions in respect to problems affecting North-South relations,' giving more positive response to the legitimate demands of the developing countries for the establishment of an equitable world economic order. 96. The establishment of a new international order is undoubtedly in the objective interest of the entire world community. The Conference of non-aligned countries in Colombo advanced this ideal by adopting a number of positions of great importance to the Membersof the United Nations. The decisions taken by that Conference will certainly help to encourage the establishment of a new order in international relations, one based upon co-opera- tion and the equality of all States. 97. True to its firm adherence to the purposes and principlesof the United Nations, the non-alignedmovement has always sought to commit itself to the cause of the strengthening of the role of this Organization. Non-align- ment will, therefore, never lend itself to become the instrument of fragmentation of the United Nations. Let me quote in this regard a paragraph from the statement before this Assembly of the distinguished current Chairmanof the Group of Non-Aligned Countries, the Prime Ministerof Sri Lanka, Mrs. Bandaranaike, and I quote: "I have said this before, but it will bear repetition as there are still some nations which look upon non-align- ment as a new alignment, a new bloc, even a new threat. The world should not be victim to this fear and distrust of a movement which came into being as a creative alternative to mutual suspicion, recrimination and hate." {11th meeting, para. 85.J 98. Indonesia will continue to support the historic policy of the non-aligned movement and to promote constructive co-operation when and wherever possible. 99. The region of South-East Asia fmds itself now in the wake of new realities and, therefore, new challenges. Indonesia, together with the other members of the Associa- tion of South-East Asian Nations IASEANJ, has given a positive, and at the same time a realistic, response to these changesand challenges. 101. I submit that it wasin the same spirit and because of identical preoccupations that the Fifth Conference of non-aligned countries expressed concern that, as a result of recent developments, the Indian Ocean is becoming the main focus of big-Power rivalry in Asia through growing competition among the big Powersfor naval superiority. In this context of continuing rivalry and arms escalation, the establishment of zones of peace in areas such as the Indian Ocean, South-East Asia or any other area in the world had, therefore, assumed a new urgency. And it is in this context also that my Government strongly supports the proposal to convene as soon as possible a conference of littoral and hinterland States of the Indian Ocean in order to co-ordi- nate efforts in seeking the accelerated implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace (resolution 2832(XXVI)). 102. We are all aware that since the end of the Second World War there have been nearly continuous rounds of negotiations to end the arms race. In addition, every year the General Assembly has before it an ever-growing number of items dealing with disarmament. Yet, the results so far achieved are far from satisfactory. The escalation of the arms race has now reached even more frightening propor- tions. 103. While Indonesia remains committed to the idea of convening a world disarmament conference, my delegation reaffirms its support to the initiative taken by the non- aligned countries at the Fifth Conference in Colombo to convene not later than 1978 a specialsessionof the General Assembly of the United Nations to be devoted to the problems of disarmament. We strongly believe that such a special session might be able to generate a break-through in the stalemate that so far has characterized disarmament negotiations. It is therefore our hope that the present session will be able to decide to convene this special session in order that preparatory work can soon be started. 104. My delegation cannot but view with deep concern the increasing deterioration of the situation in the Middle East. Today we are still confronted by Israel's persistent policy of occupation by force, by the establishment of permanent settlements in the occupied territories and by the alteration of their geographical, demographic and economic features and the destruction of their cultural aspects. My delegation hopes that the present session of our Assembly will be able to intensify its efforts to secure a 105. The tragedy that has befallen the people of Lebanon is a matter of deep distress and concern to the Government and people of Indonesia. The discouraging absence of a solution to Lebanon's deepening crisis has already caused incredible suffering to the people. On certain occasions. there seemed to emerge a ray of hope that.the contending armed factions would be reconciled. However, again and again these slender hopes have evaporated into oblivion, and fighting has been resumed in all ferocity. Mydelegation therefore expresses its sincerest hope that the forthcoming summit meeting of Arab leaders in Cairo will finally succeed in putting an end to further suffering of the unfortunate people of Lebanon. 106. Indonesia views with deep regret the stalemate that has occurred in the talks under the aegis of the United Nations between the two communities in Cyprus. it is our hope that these talks could be resumed so that renewed efforts could be made towards the achievement of a peaceful settlement that would preserve the territorial integrity and independence of Cyprus, in which the two communities can livetogether in harmony as equal partners and on an equal footing. 107. It must give the Assembly somehow a certain sense of relief that our present session is absolved from the consideration of the perennial problem of Korea. Indonesia believes that the solution of the problem of Korea should first and foremost come as a result of the efforts of tile Korean people themselves. In this context, the creation of an atmosphere conducive to a continued. and direct dialogue between North and South Korea is of the utmost importance. All efforts should proceed from a recognition of existing realities on the peninsula. Disregarding these realities can bring no other result than the further aggra- vation of the situation. 108. A problem of crisis proportions has for some time engulfed southern Africa, caused by the persistent and stubborn pursuance of the policies of apartheid, colonialism and racist minority rule. The violence that has recently erupted in South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe is, however, testimony to the indomitable determination of the peoples of the subregion to resist oppression and the degradationof human dignity. 109. For years the minority regime in Southern Rhodesia had defiedUnited Nations sanctions and arrogantlyrejected any approaches made by African States, as set out mthe Lusaka Manifesto on Southern Africa,S to settle the problems of southern ~f~ic~ by peaceful means. The heroic struggle of the Zimbabwe people has now, however, forced the illegal regime to bow to the inevitable and to open the 400r for majority rule long overdue. 114. The seventh special session, which followed and was hailed as a milestone in international negotiations, has set in motion the process of restructuring the world economic system through a series of negotiations. The results of the seventh special session indeed represent the first global consensus on the need to restructure the international economic system substantially in favour of the less fortu- nate countries. The progress in the implementation of this consensus has so far been extremely slow, and in certain 8 See Officilll Records of the General Assembly, Twenty-fourth Session, Annexes, agenda item 106, document A/7754• 111. In conformity with relevant resolutions adopted by the Colombo Conference, Indonesia reaffirms its solidarity and pledges all possible support to 'the gallant people of Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania in their struggle to regain freedom, justice and human dignity. While Indonesia' commends all efforts that have been undertaken to achieve a negotiated settlement for the problems in the southern Africa subregion, we are, at the same time, of the viewthat utmost Vigilance should still be exercised, as the regimes in Pretoria and Salisbury are doing their utmost to pro- crastinate in order to win time and attempt to strengthen their already tottering power. In this regard, Indonesia shares the view expressed by the Presidents of the "front- line" States in the subregion in their statement of 26 September that no solution would be acceptable if it were "tantamount to legalizing the colonialist and racialist structures of power". 112. While in the sphere of international peace and security the world has been spared from armed conflicts of a global dimension, this situation is continuously being threatened by persistent inequalities and discrepancies in the international economic scene. Economic backwardness and stagnation, mass poverty and unemployment continue to be the condition of the vast majority of mankind. This situation has to be rapidly improved if our achievementis to be preserved and fostered. 113. It is widely recognized that the basic cause of this deplorable condition has its roots in the structural im- balances in the international economic relationship. We are all committed to build a better world economy based on equality and justice, for which we had adopted at the sixth specialsession the Declarationand Programme of Action on the Establishment of a NewInternational EconomicOrder. 115. In the area of worldcommodity trade, a field of vital interest to the economies of developing countries, general consensus wasfor the firsttime obtainedfor the integrated programme for commodities, including a common set of objectives, interrelated measures and agreed procedures, as well as a specific time-table for the negotiation of a number of individual commodities and the common fund. As a result of these decisions on'commodities, we are to embark upon a major negotiating process overthe next two years. These negotiations will provide us with a real opportunity and challenge to bring about a significant break-through in our efforts to arrive at the new international economic order... 116. In the fields of manufactures and the transfer of technology, important l\dvances were also made on the major issues involved. A significant decision was also taken on the institutional issue, which considerably strengthened the role and function of UNCTAD as a major forum for negotiations withinthe UnitedNations system. 117. My delegation has however noted with dismay that no progress was made at the fourth session of UNCTAD with regard to money and finance, No measures could be agreed upon for an Increase of financial flow to the developing countries. No satisfactory solution could be found to the critical debt problems of the developing countries. My delegation is aware of the urgency of the need to find a comprehensive solution to these problems, and of the serious political and economic implications of prolonged failure to do so. The performance of the International Development Strategy in the first half of the Second United Nations Development Decade is indeed disappointing in many important areas, including the area of money and finance. Thenet flow of official development assistance not only remained below the target set for the Decade, but its distribution was hardly related to the development needs. There has, however, been an encour- aging increase of the share of the developing countries in world financing flows, in particular from the members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, which hasinjecteda dynamic element into the picture. 118. The pressing need for development flnance on a continUing and expanding basis has time and again been 9 SeePtoceedings ofthe United Nations Conference on 'n'ade and Development. Fourth Seslionr .vol. I. ReportandAnnexes (United Nations publication. SalesNo. E.76.U.D.I0). annex V. 119. Another point, which I wish to refer to with regard to the Mexico Conference, isits consensus which took note of the proposal of the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Mr. Zul- flkar AliBhutto, on a summit conference of the Developing Countries of the third world [see A/31/208]. Indonesia is giving this important proposal the serious consideration it deserves. 120. The non-aligned Conference in Colombo undertook a comprehensive assessment and review of the results of the multilateral trade negotiations, the Kingston Conference, the fourth session of UNCTAD, the Paris Conference, and arrived at a number of important conclusions and decisions which will have an important bearing on our future negotiations. Failure to achieve significant results could then seriously jeopardize the spirit of dialogue which was hailed as the most important achievement of the seventh special session of the General Assembly. 121. An essential element that is bound to make a significant contribution to the restructuring .of the old economic order is the realization of the concept of collective self-reliance through strengthening economic co- operation among developing countries. My Government has long since been aware of the potential benefits which can be derived from suchco-operation. For the past decade, the countries of ASEAN have been actively engaged in seeking joint solutions to problems of national development and regional co-operation with a view to strengthening their individual as well as collective resilience and self-reliant growth. 122. Over the years, ASEAN has gradually evolved into an increasingly effective vehicle to co-ordinate policies both in regard to intra-ASEAN problems as well as in safeguarding ASEAN's economic interests vis-a-vis the developed coun- tries. With the recent signing of the Declaration of ASEAN Concord at the BaliConference another majorstep forward has been made in concretizing and accelerating mutual co-operation in several important fields, such as the establishment of joint ASEAN industrial plants. 123. The complexities and injustices facing the worldcan be resolved only through joint and concertedaction by the international community. The United Nations as the most universal instrument for collective action should be made more responsive to the requirements of the new economic order. 124. At the seventh special session, the international community recognized the need to make the United Nations system a more effective machinery for economic 125. Indonesia attaches the greatest importance to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, whose mandate is to draw up a new international legal order of the sea. The success or failure of the Conference willindeed have far-reaching effects on mankind. Indonesia, being an archipelagic State which is vulnerable due to its strategic location at the cross-roads of international com- munications, has a vital interest that the outcome of the Conference will safeguard its security, territorial integrity and national unity. The fifth session of the Conference has just ended a month ago. We have noted with caution that in certain areas some progress leading to a consensus or agreement has been made. Unfortunately, however, this did not prove sufficient to bring about general agreement on concrete texts, since progress in those areas has been thwarted by deadlock in others, such as the question of the regime for the international sea-bedand the problem of the rights of States in the exclusive economic zone. Moreover, acceptable balanced formulations on some other issues,like passage through straits used for international navigation, have yet to be found. It is our sincere hope that the coming sixth session will be the last substantive one and that comprehensive agreements can be reached on all issues,not only on the so-called "key issues" or "priority issues", but equally so on issues of vital interest to a certain number of countries, such as the regime of archipelagic States. I take this. opportunity to express Indonesia's deep appreciation to those friendly countries who have given their support and sympathy to Indonesia's position on the principles relating to archipelagic States. 126. With regard to the problem of the taking ofhostages, Indonesia welcomes the initiative taken by the Foreign Minister of the Federal Republic of Germany, which will enable us to consider this issue in all its aspects [A/31/242]. 131. The constitutional process of tile integration was . subsequently completed on 17 July 1976, when a statute of integration was formally promulgated by the President of the Republic of Indonesia. It was with great emotion that the people of East Timor listened to President Suharto, when he declared on 16 August 1976 before the House of Representatives: 127. I believe that an expression of appreciation is due to ourSecretary-General, Mr.Kurt Waldheim,for the efforts he has exerted in the interest of our Organization during his tenure. His dedication has contributed much to the strengthening of the effectivenessof the United Nations. 128. The delegation of Indonesia has been gratified by the . many positive accomplishmeats achieved by the United Nations, often in the face of great obstacles. The attain- 11Ad Hoc Committee on the Restructuring of the Economic and Social Sectors of the United Nations System. 129. Before concluding, may I take this opportunity to present our views regarding East Timor. I shall confme my remarks to a brief review of our position and to an explanation of the latest developmentsin East Timor. From the outset Indonesia has made. it clear that it has no territorial ambitions in East Tunor, It has always insisted that the political future of East Timor should be decided through the exercise of the right to self-determination by the people of that Territory. These are the underlying principles of Indonesia's position as reflected in its record in the United' Nations, where Indonesia supported the aspirations of all dependent peoples and their national liberation movements throughout the world. It is upon the basis of these principles that Indonesia responded to de-velopments in East Timor. 130. At the town of Balibo in East Timor on 30 November, 1975 four political parties (Uniao Democratica de Timor, Apodeti, Kota and Trabalhista) representing the majority of the people of that "territory proclaimed their decision to become independent through integration with the Republic of Indonesia. While welcoming this decision, the Government of Indonesia expressed at the same time its considered view that such a decision should be based upon the result of the exercise of the right of self-determination by the people of East Timor. Mter normalcy had returned to the territory, the people of East Timor exercised on 31 May 1976 their right to self-determination through the People's Representative Assembly, whose members were elected in accordance with established customary practice in East Timor. Having taken this action, the people of East Timor declared that as of that date they had already exercised their right to self-determination and thereby had concluded the process of decolonization of their Territory. And now the people are concentrating their efforts on the task of reconstruction and development. "Now the people of East Timor have made the decision about their own future, namely integration with the people and State of the Republic of Indonesia. There is no other way, therefore, but to accept with full responsi- bility such an integration. And now, from this forum, on the eve of the commemoration of the thirty-first anni- versary of the independence of the Republic of Indonesia, I hereby officially inform the people of Indonesia, the people of East Timor and the world; that the people and the territory of East Timor have been integrated with the 132. In the history of decolonization no two cases have ever been implemented in the same way. Each case has to be viewed in its own particular situation and circumstances, taking into account the historical, social, cultural and political realities which prevail in the territory concerned. What is even more important is that the right to self-deter- mination should be exercised on the basic precepts of the Charter which stipulate that "the interests of the inhabit- ants of the Territory are paramount". 133" These paramount interests were translated by the people of East Timor in their declaration to integrate with the Republic of Indonesia expressed in a manner of their 0WI!L choosing and in conformity with their traditional institutions. Consequently, the people of East Timor have exercised their right to self-determination in accordance wiU'l the provisions of the .Charter and of resolutions 151.4(XV) and 1541 (XV). In his statement- before the House of Representatives on 16 August 1976 President Suharto stated: "Time and again we have stated that the East Timor problem is a question of self-determination. It is a problem of abolishing colonialism. The fate of the people of East Timer can only be decided by themselves and right there on the soil of East Timor, neither in New York, nor in Lisbon, nor in Jakarta." 134. The people of East Timor have made their decision. Indonesia respects it. And it is our hope that this decision will also be respected by all members of the international community. 135. Mr. NSEKAUJE (Rwanda) (interpretation from J~r~('>'~): Mr. President, it is with real pleasure that I add ,thliJ voice of the Rwandan delegation to the chorus of praise addressed to you since the beginning of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly, of which you have been elected President. Your great qualities as a man experienced in political affairs and your outstanding familiarity with international relations will, we are convinced, ensure further progress and real success in our work. Your unanimous election is not only a tribute to you personally but also a tribute to your people with whom we have relations of friendship and to whom we are grateful for the wann welcome we received at the Fifth Conference of non-aligned countries. 136. Weshould also like to express our sincere thanks to your predecessor the Prime Minister of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, Mr.Thorn for the way in which he carried out his (delicate mission in the course of the thirtieth session. The delegation of Rwanda last year, was fortunate enough to have the opportunity to speak about the deep friendship and fruitful co-operation which exists between Luxem- bourg and Rwanda. 137. We also wish to pay an earnest tribute to Mr. Kurt Vlaldheim, the Secretary-General of our Organization, for 138. I should also like, on behalf of the delegation of the Republic of Rwanda, to pay a pious tribute to the memory of one of the great figures of mankind who has left an indelible mark on contemporary history. President Mao Tsetung not only injected international relations with new dynamism in the direction of progress, peace and security throughout the' world, but he was undeniably the master helmsman, the creator of a new China, whose accom- plishments we cannot fail to admire. The delegation of Rwanda, because of the great friendship and fruitful co-operation which exists between our country and the great Chinese people, wishes once again to express our sincere condolences to that friendly country on the passing of one of the greatest men of all time. It is our fervent hope that his work will be perpetuated for the greater good of China and of all mankind. 139. Before speaking of the problems of the day, we wish particularly to greet here the presence of the Republic of Seychelles. Rwanda has already expressed to it its joy at the outcome of the glorious struggle it has waged for the independence. and dignity of its people. Now, on behalf of my delegation, I should also like whole-heartedly to bid it a warm welcome to the ranks of this great family of nations. I feel certain that its fresh contributions will do much to ensure the successof our deliberations at this session. 140. The presence of the People's Republic of Angola and Viet Nam within our great family would have been a source of great satisfaction and joy to us. The frustration caused by the absence of those two fraternal countries because of the obstruction of their admission to the United Nations is shared by the great majority of the international com- munity. My delegation earnestly hopes that the entirely legitimate and timely application of those countries will be accepted and that the door of the great family of nations will stand wide open to them very soon. 141. Although we have witnessed with much satisfaction the triumphs of the process of decolonization and although in recent years many countries have attained independence after many years of heroic struggle, it is nevertheless true that, in spite of those positive results, our continent is still a source of explosive tension and very recently it has been the theatre of violations 'of human rights and the rights of nations on the part of the racist regime in Pretoria and the rabid and incorrigible zionism of Tel Aviv. 142. We are convinced that peace in the world will be endangered as long as the principles of territorial integrity and sovereignty of States are flouted in the settlement of local conflicts. . 143. Peace in the world will be endangered as long as colonial machinations and expansionist plans, in disregard of tile obligations we assumed as Members of the United Nations, work against the rights of peoples and nations and 145. Such Vigilance requires from us courage linked to a fierce determination which will enable us to put aside personal and egocentric inclinations in our struggle against systems of destabilization, subversion or corruption, what-" evertheir source. 146. Rwanda remains convinced that the solution of various crises must be found in respect for the sovereignty of each State and the self-determinationof peopleswithin a frameworkthat willguarantee them full and free expression of their will, without foreign occupation, interference or pressures, such a situation to be achieved through all possible peacefulmeans, such as dialogue and consensus. 147. On the subject of decolonization, southern Mrica has experienced the most criminal and humiliating forms of white oppression of the black people. The evilgeniuses of apartheid wish to establish an intolerable legal fiction, because a minority of white racists, flying in the face of common sense and the inevitable development of events, obstinately try to maintain under their ignominious yoke 20 million African blacks through the insidious, cunning and diabolic scheme of the Machiavellian policy of "ban- tustanization"-a clumsy trap aimed at makingit impossible to achieve majority rule and hence to enable the majority to decide their own destiny. 148. As His Excellency Habyarimana Juvenal, the Presi- dent of the Republic of Rwanda and the founder of our national revolutionary movement for development stated: "We must denounce the obstinacy and intractability of the authorities of Pretoria, who in spite of the moving appeals of the black peoples under their domination, in spite of the recommendations of organizations reflecting the combined wisdom of mankind, continue to retain African lands and to consider themselves the best guarantees of the future of the black peoples they oppress." 149. We are convinced that peace-loving countries will never take seriously the myth oft-repeated in the South African press that the racist Vorster will introduce of his own accord changes likely to put an end to the system of apartheid and the policy of "bantustanization" which he obstinately pursues; the sole purpose of which is to perpetuate his criminal regime which has been rejected by all the Members of this Organization. 150. We are well aware that the political situation in South Mrica is deteriorating daily. Tens of thousands of Africans are being expelled from urban zones and fertile agricultural areas and relocated on hard-pan lands, when they are not decimated by arbitrary arrests, sentenced to -long prison terms or degrading hard labour. 152. Our Organization must most vigorously condemn these threats to international peace and security posed by the arms race in South Mrica. There can be no peace in that part of the continent or in the world as long as the retrograde doctrines of the racist. regime of Pretoria are allowedto subsist. 153. Our Organization must condemn with great indigna- tion the bloody events which have taken place last June in South Africa, where new, unspeakable crimes of genocide have been committed and constitute' an act of defiance of humanity. 154. Our Organization must fully appreciate the possible disastrous consequences of these massacres, which flow, and will continue to flow, from the sinister plans of the advocates of apartheid and racialdiscrimination in southern Mrica. 155. Together with this series of ignominies we must also mention the aggression against the People's Republic of Angola, the attack on the innocent village of Sialola in Zambia by the bloodthirsty, racist South African army. 156. My delegation believes that in the present cir- cumstances it is high time that we go beyond the stage of ineffective and futile condemnations and that we take concrete and vigorous action, including the imposition of sanctions, as invisaged by Chapter VD of the Charter. We must support with all the force at our disposal the Security Council's unanimous condemnation of the regime of Pretdria for its illegal presence in Namibia, and we must make a solemn appeal to all Member States,to put into practice all resolutions relating to the sanctions against South Africa for its persistent refusal to leave Namibiaand for the brutal repression of the Namibian' people by the Vorster regime. We add our strong opposition to efforts to negotiate with irresponsible tribal chiefs, the soleobjective of which is to destroy the unity of the Territory and to perpetuate the South Mrican presencein Namibia. 157. I shall not mention the caseof Zimbabwe, where it is painful indeed to note that the survival of the illegal regime of Ian Smith is due to the complicity of certain Member States who, far from Vigorously implementing economic sanctions against the rebellious Rhodesian regime, have, through practically overt trade relations, given them moral and materialsupport. 158. We would be remiss if we failed to pay an earnest tribute to the People's Republic of Mozambique for its exemplary decision to close its border with the Salisbury regime in application of the sanctions decreed by the 160. In Namibia in particular, the African continent with justified Impatience is anxiously awaiting the convening, under the auspices of the United Nations, of a constitu- tional conference in which the authentic representatives of the Namibian people, namely SWAPO, will participate, and we are anxiously awaiting the freeing of all political prisoners and the independence of Namibia as soon as possible. 161. Finally, the delegation of Rwanda believes that all non-aligned countries, and in particular African countries, must follow with keen interest developments in southern Africa, and we must not, for want of ail appropriate strategyt miss an opportunity to bring about, albeit belatedly, a peaceful settlement to the problems of decolo- nization; nor must we, because of excess confidence, miss this opportunity which has beencrsated by many sacrifices and efforts durmg the course of our iongliberation struggle in our continent. 162. At the northern border of our continent, a considera- tion of the international situationhardlyjustifies optimism. 163. As far as Western Sahara is concerned, my country is devoted to the sacred principles of self-determination and the inviolabi1i~y of the borders which colonialism has bequeathed each State. We condemn as Vigorously as we can any violation of theseprinclples, which wethink would be an exceedingly dangerous precedent for peace and ' stability in several parts of the world. 164. TIle fratricidal war which has engulfed Lebanon in a bloodbath for the past 11 months, and nearer to us, the Arab territories occupied by Israel and the humiliating treatment of the Pa~~:;t~n or Arab populations in areas under Zionist domination are not the kinds of actions whichcan brilil!5 about peacein that part of the world. 165. A tight network of international interests exists in that part of the world; the murderous war is sustained by foreign aid and for direct interests that have not yet been made clear. Bloodshed continues in a completely confused and ominously clouded situation. 166. Wehave always believed that intert rtionalpeace and security cannot prevailin a situation in which sources of tension spread from one areato another, from one country to another. In Lebanon, human solidarity must replace egotistical attitudes. The desire for domination, for hege- mony. for confrontation must be replaced by co-operation on a basisof equality. 168. Rwandais a peaceful country. Respect for the ideals of our Charter, especially the principle of the peaceful' settlement of disputes, has been a golden rule from which our national revolutionary movement for development, the supreme organ of our institutions,will neverdepart. 169. Our founding President and President of the Repu- blicof Rwanda, HisExcellency Major-General Habyarimana Juvenal, reaffirmed this position in his manifesto of 5 July 1975,as follows: "The national revolutionary movement for develop- ment favours negotiations for the settlement of inter- national conflicts. Our movement wants the Rwandese Republic to side with those who sincerely seek to strengthen world peace and international co-operation, and especially with the countries that.are leastprivileged and those that are fighting for the liberation of their peoples or in defence of their independence." 170. While the problems of Africa and the Middle East are a source of particular concern to us, we cannot fail to mention certain other problems which, although they may . occur a long way away, are nevertheless of concern to the Republic of Rwanda. 171. The problem of Korea, in particular, is one such problem, and an extremely important one, because it concerns the right of peoples to self-determination; it is moreover a serious problem because it is linked to internationalpeace and security. 172. Thirty years ago the Korean nation was divided by the force of arms and by a shameful line of demarcation. That line became a definitive frontier not asa resultof the desire or the decision of the Korean people but because of the presence of foreign occupying forces camouflaged under the coloursof the United Nations. 173. That division of a single people to which the United NationsCommand gave a semblance of legality has been denounced by the international conscience. Last year the General Assembly adopted two resolutions [resolutions 3390A and B (XXX)] calling for the dissolution of the United Nations Command so that the Koreanpeoplemight be in a position to bring aoout their independent and peaceful unification,without foreign interference. 174. The United Nations must persevere in that coursein order to put an end to the consequences of former conflicts whichhave lasted all too long, creating a defacto situation of which the Korean people are victims because they have been divided between two conflicting political and social regimes. 175. The question of Cyprus is another one of those questions whose complexity and gravity are due to the handiwork of outsideforces bent an diViding the islandand proliferating sources of tension, with the unavowed purpose 184. The new structure of our Organization must be in keeping with the principles of international democracy and the new configuration of the world, in which many changes have occurred since the United Nations was created in San Francisco 30 years ago. 177. The territorial integrity and unity of Cyprus require the withdrawal of all foreign forces, the unconditional cessation of competing foreign ideologies and the restora- tion of refugees to their homes. 185. The conditions which prevailed at the time, justifying certain points in the Charter, no longer exist today and the Charter must follow the developments of history. The monopoly of the veto by the permanent members of the Security Council, a privilege that some of them have abused, very often promotes situations that are contrary to equity, to the principles of the Charter and to world peace. 178. Rwanda's position on this question is quite clear. One of the constant principles of the foreign policy of our national revolutionary movement for development is sup- port for peaceful coexistence and co-operation on the basis of respect for the sovereigntyof each nation. 179. The international community owes it to itself to act along the same lines and it is only through this realistic and eminently humanitarian policy that peaceful coexistence will be achieved between the two Cypriot communities. 186. The unjustified refusal to admit certain independent States to membership in our Organization and the repre- hensible use of the veto to further territorial expansion on the part of certain Member States clearly show that that monopoly has harmful consequences. That is why my delegation believes that, first, in view of the changes in the world political situation since the adoption' of the Charter, we must reduce the number of questions to which the veto can be applied and, secondly, that Africa and other regional groups which are recognized within our Organization but which do not have the veto must be givengroup vetoes. 180. The Republic of Rwanda has always been opposed to the division of peoples and nations. This applies to Namibia, South Africa, Cyprus, Korea, Viet Nam and, particularly, Germany. My delegation has never endorsed the erection of walls of shame within the territory of a single nation. That is why the head of the Rwandese delegation stated from this rostrum on 1 October 1973, at the twenty-eighth session of the General Assembly: 187. In this way, when the Security Council adopts decisions on matters of substance, the veto of a represen- tative duly accredited to the Councilby a specific continent or a region would have the same effect as that of a permanent member. "Among [the divided States] we see the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, two States which, we hope, will one day again become one nation, the great and noble German na- tion...."12 188. In the area of social and economic relations for some time now, and particularly since the sixth special session of the General Assembly in April 1974, the Group of 77 has spared no effort to reform the present economic system and to set up certain structures in keeping with new economic realities. We are all well aware of the fact that it is no longer possible for a country or for a group of countries or for any alliance of transnational corporations to enjoy the benefits of the work and heritage of independent peoples. 181. My country will constantly uphold that clear posi- tion, dictated by our excellent relations with the entire German nation. Wehave indeed had such relations since the dawn of modem history. It is my Government's view that we should see to it that future generations do not inherit disastrous situations resulting from our errors, from the confrontation of interests or from the desire for hegemony. 182. My delegation would have liked to pass over in silence the problem of the proliferation of nuclear weapons and the arms race because we believe that the egocentrism and desire for hegemony on the part of the major Powers have turned those sectors into their own private preserves. MyGovernment believes that there can be no detente in the world until an end is put to the arms race, to the proliferation of nuclear weapons, and to the creation of nuclear power stations in Latin America, Africa, Asia and the third world in general. 189. Three quarters of mankind are therefore determined to participate in the organization of world power, in a spirit of dialogue, mutual concession and solidarity. 190. The Charter of the Economic Rights and Duties of States represents a great stride forward simply because opinions have converged and a consensus has emerged on certain very important questions such as the sovereignty of States and a State's control over its natural resources and the question of international co-operation for development. Although there are differences of opinion regarding how certain matters should be approached, that Charter remains a source of standards and of invaluable mechanisms in dealing with world economic changes. . 183. As regards reforms in the United Nations, we should continue to realize that all nations, regardless or.' their size 192. The fourth session of UNCTAD, in keeping with the spirit and resolutions of the sixth and seventh special sessions and of the twenty-ninth and. thirtieth regular sessions of the General Assembly, was to consider certain substantive proposals relating to ta'i~ decisions whi..~h UNCTAD was to adopt to promote negotiations and the buDding of a world economy based on equity and inter- nationalsolidarity. 193. The Nairobi Conference and all the preparatory meetings which had preceded it focused onthe problems of commodnies, indebtedness, the transfer of technology, multilateral trade negotiatlons, trade relations among coun- tries with different regimes, manufactures, action to help th~ least advanced countries and institutionall'1uestions. 194. We are all familiar with what happened to certain specific recommendations after four weeks of difficult negotiations on certainsubjects. 195. 'the frustration of the third world arising from the postponement of consideration of certain matters impor- tant to it, the restrictive declarations by certain developed countries on positive resolutions-such as the creation of a common fund to fmance international stocks-had prompted certainquarters even in the West to say that the fourth session of UNCTAD yielded "meagre results'paved with goodintentions". 197. Finally~ I should liketo sayto this Assembly that our countly has been follOWing with close attention develop- ments in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. Everyone is well aware of the fact that all countries attach great importance to rules governing the sea-bed and ocean floor, whether they be industrialized countries or developing countries, coastal States or land- locked States. We believe that it isof utmost importance to stress here that the seas and the oceans and the living resources and minerals thereof all constitute the common heritage of mankind. 198. If the United Nations, our universe where we gather for dialogue and agreement, .provides us with an ideal framework for international co-operation thanks to its many bodies, our Organization must,if it wishes to survive, assess in time the pressures and course of movements and events throughout the present-day world, faced asit iswith imperfections, frustrations, anguish, conflicts and struggles for hegemony, in order fully to grasp their meaning and needs, direction and intensity. Themeeting rose at 1.20 p.m.