A/31/PV.20 General Assembly

This afternoon the Assembly will hear a statement by the Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Swa.ziland. I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency the Right Honourable Colonel'MaphevuDlamini and inviting him to address the Assembly. 2. Colonel MAPHEVU DLAMINI (Swaziland): Mr. Presi- dent, I wish to express my sincere congratulations to you on your election to the presidency of this historic thirty- first session of the United Nations General Assembly. With my congratulations I bring the brotherly greetings of His Majesty King Sobhuza the Second, and of the Government and the people of the Kingdom of Swaziland. We have complete confidence that a man of your calibre, who has already proven his leadership qualities and skills as a diplomat, a statesman and". a symbol of his country's commitment to non-alignment, will successfully guide our deliberations. 3. In congratulating you, Mr. President, we wish also to express our heartfelt gratitude to the' outgoing Presi,jent, Mr. Gaston Thorn, for the efficient and,brilliant leadership which he demonstrated throughout last year's session of this Assembly:. ' . 4. My delegation warmly welcomes the .admission of Seychelles' to an' Organization founded to harmonize the actions of nati~~s: land. is confident that asa non-aligned . nation SeycHelles' will' always prove a worth-while ally of peace. Bnt peace ahd hlll'lllony in the world can be attained only by harnessing the collective will and co-operation of all nations, large and small. . . . Wednesday, 6 October 1976, at 3.35 p.m. NEW YORK 5.' 'My delegation has confidence, hope and faith that in such an august gathering of peace-loving, peace-seeking and peace-motivated Member States substantial progress towards removing the obstacles that lie in the way of freedom, peace, justice, progress and the pursuit of hap- piness and international understanding can be achieved. 6. I should like to express my country's condolences to the People's Republic of China, a Member State of our world community, on the death of its great leader, the late Chairman Mao Tsetung. His great achievements are admired and respected by us all. It is now our hope and prayer that the Chinese people will continue to.prosper in an atmos- phere of peace and stability. 7. An unfortunate problem concerning our Organization is that some Member States do not seem to take it seriously. ~ve~ the last 30 years we have discussed world peace, Justice and progress as pillars of a new generation that should "learn war no more", but our world is constantly being r~cked by war, including local wars, and by division, oppreSSion, poverty, hunger, disease, inflation, unemploy- ment and financial crises. So, at the fifth non-aligned Conference, held in Colombo, l a majority of the nations of the world once again clearly called for a more equitable world order. It is time that call was taken seriously. . 8. Our experience over the last eight years since we regained our independence has been that every major social or economic pr:>blem is also a political problem, and that the central political problem of mankind is how a balanced mixture of economic growth, social justice and democracy can be achieved. 9. It is in that context that His Majesty's Government has continued to support and to work for the achievement of a new international economic order, in which power and wealth would be more eqUitably distributed around the world. Here we should spare no effort to accelerate the balanced transfer of resources from the developed to the developing world. 10. The past year has taught us that rhetoric is not enough. At present world trade and development is co~~rolled and ~manced mainly by a small group of prIvIleged countnes. The economic fortunes of these nations detennine the fortunes of the rest of the world. The past year has been no exception to that rule; growth prospects for the non-oil-producing developing world have worsened, per capita incomes have fallen in real terms and the gap between rich and poor has widened. ' 1 Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, held at Colombo from 16 to 19 August 1976. 12. It is the opinion of my delegation that the third world could normally and more effectively achieve development by the sale of their processed products, in addition to receiving assistance. This would mean that developing countries would increas~ their exports and rely more on stable and equitable remunerative prices in world markets. It would also mean that collective action 'wo~ld be an indispensable factor in complementing national~fforts and bilateral assistance. 13. In .tIlis regard natural resources and permanent sover- eignty over those resources are considered to be the highest exponents for development, and Swazi national partici- pation in the development of industries emphasizes this aspect. 14. Since natural resources are not only scarce but also non-renewable, the development of natural resources is based on certain strategies in or~er to obtain maximum financial and social benefits for the nation. 15. A few weeks ago, when the Swazi nation celebrated its eighth anniversary of independence, my Head of State said: "A new and vigorous approach to the problem of peace and war is needed. The time has come when the destiny of mankind should cease to hang so dangerously on the aims and ambitions of great Powers." 16. Swaziland believes that if people have no stake in a society they can become a threat to th!\t society. Peace ;md stability are threatened by divided societies, yet all of us are very much aware that this division continu63 to introduce into the modern world unnecessary disharmony and con- flicts of interest which disastrously divide mankind at a time when unity of purpose and action are so vital for peace, justice, order and progress in the service of man. 17. Swaziland's policy remains strongly that of non- racialist democracy, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, good neighbourliness, non-alignment and respect for peace, justice and equality. WJ practise and cherish these concepts as principles enshrined in both the Charter of the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity {OA UJ. These are principles clearly irrecon- cilable with any form of denial of the fundanlental human rights and degradation of the human person. 19. We remain more convinced than ever before that racial and discriminatory policies militate against the essential dignity and quality of all human beings, and we hope that efforts to fmd a peaceful solution to the problem of racial discrimination in South Africa will be fruitful. 20. The people of Namibia, like any other people, are entitled to self-determination to lead them rapidly to complete independence and majority rule so that justice and human dignity can be the elements of peace in that international Territory. 21. At different conferences the "homeland" policy of the Government of South Africa has been a subject of great concern and debate. Swaziland remains deeply committed, as it must, to the resolutions of OAU and of the United Nations on a matter such as this. 22. In April of this year my Government, acting as a loyal Member of the United Nations, fought and won a case in the High Court of Swaziland in which an effort was made by a South African fmn to obtain an order against the Government of Swaziland and its Commissioner of Police for the return of a consignment of arms which the South African fum had unsuccessfully tried to import into the Republic: of South Africa by using Swaziland as an address. My Government took the line that no court of Swaziland would issue an order which would result in Swaziland's being a party, even if indirectly, to a brea~~h of the arms embargo against South Africa imposed by the Security Council of the United Nations. My Government has also passed a law known as The Prevention of the Violation of International Obligations Order, which imposes heavy penalties against any person .who in any manner what- soever, inside or outside Swaziland, breaches or is a party to a breach of a resolution adopted by the General Assembly or Security Council of the United Nations. 23. Speaking from this very podium two years ago,2 my delegation expressed the view that so long as the privileged white minority in Rhodesia was allowed the monopoly of political power it would not voluntarily give it away. 24. It is the desire for peace and justice that we once again observe in the constructive role being played with regard to a peaceful settlement of the Rhodesian problem. We have not been proved' wrong on the ineVitability of majority rule there, and we shall not be wrong in our conviction that it is the authentic people of Zimbabwe themselves who must together work out their salvation and shape their destiny in an atmosphere of dedication, unity and reverence. 25. Rhodesia must return to legality forthWith. It is with regard to that act tha.t Britain is urged to convene a conference on Rhodesia to deal with the immediate problems of an interim Government and to plan for a constitutional conference. 27. An uneasy calm still reigns over the panoramal of the . Middle East as an attempt to secure lasting peace: in the region is being frustrated .by intransigence and narrow vested interests. 28. The absence of peace in the Middle East means the absence of peace in the world, as the stability of our society is based on reciprocity and interdependence. It is in this spirit that my delegation would like onC'J again to express appreciation and admiration to all the parties concerned hl the Middle East conflict for showing restraint ~lDd human understanding and for seeking a solution through negoti- ation. It' is the view of my delegation that a peaceful solution in that region will continue to demand political will and commitment and can endure only if the principles of justice, territorial integrity, sovereignty and the right of each State to exist are scrupulously observed. 29. In the spirit of non-alignment, my delegation applauds the processes whereby the fabric of national unity is being woven and a pattern of national existence developed, though not with ease, in countries still dividled and torn by conflicts. In such circumstances my delegaticln will not take any action that may be seen to prejudice the fuller development of these objectives. 30. Past history reveals that Africa has been a continent of drama and tragedy. The scars of slavery, the wounds of imperialism and exploitation are but too fresh to have been forgotten. But the future is different. It is a future ofhope; a future of a socio-political evolution towards a larger community of a united Africa; a future that will ultimately banish big-Power patronage in a continent that is being rebuilt from the ashes of colonialism; a future without the indefensible status quo and white domination; and indeed a future of inspiration that we shall, for certain, triumph at the end of it all and regain our glory as a free continent. 31. It is for these reasons of hope that my country, together with th.e non-aligned countries of the third world, has consistently demanded the withdrawal of any naval or military presence from the Indian Ocean by the great Powers because we, who rightly regard the Indian Ocean as beinf on our doorstep, also regard it as a zone of peace. 32. Turning no~ to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea-a Conference which has benefited greatly from your able and wise guidance, Mr. President-it is our conviction that members of the international community must eschew narrow national interests and exert the necessary political will to utilize this unique opportunity to establish intf:'rnational norms to regulate 70 . per cent of the earth's surface. We believe that at the last session of that all-important Conference there was some progress in ensuring that land-locked States like Swaziland were granted the right of access to and from the sea and 33. Much, however, remains to be achieved at the next crucial session in May 1977. This is especially so with regard to the establishment of an effective international sea-bed authority to give practical effect to the concept of the common heritage of mankind and the establishment of a comprehensive system for the settlement of disputes. Compromise and a pragmatic approach are essential if a new convention is to be acceptable-as it must be to all segments of the international community. 34. The problems of war and peace are not an adventure. War is our des~ruction. Peace is our salvation. Let us strive to create a climate of peace in our world, and not of war. Let us build bridges to span the gulfs created by diverse and ccnflicting interests so that freedom, unity and equality can provide the promise for future prosperity, democracy and justice. Let this Assembly lay emphasis on deeds rather than mere words-deeds that are calculated to further the objectives of a durable peace in our tinle.

On behalf of the General Assembly and on my own behalf, I thank the Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Swaziland, His Excellency the Right Honourable Colonel Maphevu Dlamini, for the important address we have just heard. AGENDA ITEM' 9 General debate (continued)

Sir, I could not go to the substance of my statement without ftrst expressing to you my sincerest congratulations on your election as President of the thirty-fust session of the United Nations General Assembly. Over and above the tribute paid to your eminent personal qualities, this election also bears witness to the confidence and esteem we feel for your country, which I ,am pleased to praise here for its constant efforts to establifat a more just and more equitable international order. My !Country enjoys the best relations of friendship and solidarity with yours. 37. Your predecessor, Mr. Gaston Thorn, also deserves our congratulations and gratitude for the tact and patience with which he gUided our work throughout the past session. 38. The admission of the Republic of Seychelles as a Member of our Organization is another source of real satisfaction for my country. We extend to the Government and people of Seychelles our sincere congratulations and our wishes for success. We would have wished to be able to extend similar congratulations to the People's Republic of Angola and to the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, which should normally have been occupying their lawful seats within our Organization. 39. TIle opening of our session this year coincides with a particularly sorrowful event which has profoundly afflicted the people and Government of Mauritania: the passing of one' of the most eminent men in politics and one of the 40. The thirty-fust session of the General Assembly opens at a time when the international community is more aware than ever of two essential requirements: on the one hand, the need to put an end to the anachronistic situations which afflict southern Africa and the Middle East and, on the other hand, the need to establish a new international economic order based on equality and justice. 41. Indeed, the persistence of these dangerous hotbeds of tension and the maintenance of economic relations of inequality between the "have" and the "have-not" coun- tries may at any time jeopardize the entire existing international system and threaten peace' and stability throughout the world. It is therefore proper that these subjects should be in the forefront of our concerns in the course of the present session of the United Nations General Assembly. 42. I shall briefly state the point of view of Mauritania on the first item, the hotbeds of tension in the world, and in the second part I shall refer to the relations between the "have" and the "have-nof t countries. 43. In speaking about southern Africa, one cannot but be repelled at the fact that in this last quarter of the twentieth century, when there is a general trend towards emanci- pationt the peoples of that part of Mrica are bent under the weight of the most backward racist and colonialist system, with its daily wake of horrors, impositions and injustices. Whether in Rhodesia, Namibia or South Africa, oppressiori and intimidation are the daily lot of the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania. Their rights to a majority government are flouted; their rights to independence, national unity and territorial integrity are threatened, even as their rights to racial equality are systematically ignored. 44. In Rhodesia, a handful of white settlers proclaipled unilateral independence in 1965, thus defying not only the United Kingdom, the former colonial Power, but also the international community itself and, more specifically, the United Nations. The regime which has been in existence since then in Rhodesia is an illegal, racist and minority regime. Some 270,000 Europeans, living in a state of illusion and facing an unc",~ tain future, have imposed their will of domination and racial discrimination on more than Smillion Africans. 45. It is in the face of this situation that the people' of Zimbabwe rose up as those do who are resolved to die with dignity or to live in freedom. But, enjoying the unflagging support of all of Africa and the assistance of the inter- national community, the people of Zimbabwe sees every day that its victory is inevitable. Its struggle for freedom 46. The international Territory of Namibia also continues to be occupied by the racist regime of Pretoria, which practices there its double policy of apartheid and "bantus- tanization", despite the opinion of the International Court of Justice,3 which has been confirmed by numerous resolutions, both of the General Assembly and of the Security Council, which place that Territory under United Nations responsibility and demand its independence with national unity. 47. But that is not the only defiance by South Africa. The South West Africa People's Organization {SWAPO], the sole genuine representative of the Namibian people recog- nized by OAU and by the United Nations, is not only regarded to this day by Pretoria as a '1errorist" organi- zation to be struck down but, what is more, has so far been excluded by Vorster from any discussion regarding the future of the Territory and people of Namibia. 48. This is a short-sighted policy that can neither consoli- date the illegal occupation of the Territory of the Namibian people nor break the will of SWAPO to continue the struggle until it achieves independence with unity. 49. Coming to the close of the twentieth century, when equality among peoples, races and men is a major objective for all the members of the international community, it seems to us to be inadmissible to continue to be a mere spectator to the challenge launched by the regime holding power in South Mrica, which, with impunity and in broad daylight, practises its inhuman racist policy, scorning all rules of law and morality and in defiance ofthe irreversible trend of historic evolution. 50. The South African regime, in order to attain its objective of separate and unequal development of the races, has provided itself with the most powerful and sophis- ticated military arsenal and an arsenal of laws and segrega- tionist measures which affects all aspects of life: puhlic transport, health, education, sports, administration and so forth, and which shrinks from no horror in order to impose its racist will. Such practices are doubtless repugnant to the conscience of each of us and arouse the indignation of all. However, it will not suffice merely to be moved by a situation so degrading for mankind; the international community must take concrete measures to outlaw the regime of South Mrica. 51. The whites of South Africa do not appear to wish to preserve their future as Africans or to ,,"void for the people of South Mrica as a whole the tragedy of a generalized racial war with unforeseeable consequences. Yet, it would suffice if they clea..'ly and at once renounced their abhorrent and inhuman policy of apartheid, so that new perspectives could open up before them and ail of Africa and so that hope might be reborn. 3 Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence 0/ South Africa in Namibia (South West A.frica) notwith5tanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), A.dvisory Opinion, I.CI. Reports 1971, p. 16. 53. The liberation movements in Rhodesia, in Namibia and in South Mrica, with the strong material and moral support of OAU and of all freedom- and justice-loving peoples, are more than ever determined to win by battle that which they have not been able to achieve through moderation, dialogue and negotiations. Their struggle, the sacrifices that they have accepted and the price that they must pay have already shaken the oppressive system in southern Africa, daily bringing closer the end.of humili- ation, racism and colonial domination in that part of Africa. The situation, in spite of its explosive character and the, threat which it poses to peace in Africa, is more than ever favourable to them today because of their sense of sacrifice and their determination. 54. However, it is true that the sacrifice of the peoples of southern Mrica is not an end in itself. It is made, accepted and sustained in order to serve specific objectives: complete racial equ..:ity in South Mrica; independence for Namibia with national unity and territorial integrity; and the rapid establishment of a majority government in Rhodesia. If these objectives can sincerely be achieved through a peaceful approach and in accordance with the aspirations of the peoples concerned, it is obvious that we would be the first to rejoice. 55. But if, on the contrary, such an approach were intended to demobilize militarily and morally the oppressed peoples of southern Africa so as more subtly to perpetuate domination, racism and apartheid, we could not subscribe to it. 56. It is in this spirit that we welcome the initiative taken in southern Mrica by the Government of the United States of America. We are happy to see that at last the United States is more directly and more positively interested in the problems of Mrica, and we are certain that if it succeeds in bringing the white minorities of southern Mrica to see the light of reason, the United States would gain respect and prestige throughout the entire African continent. 57. In the opinion of my country, what ultimately matters is not the national motives which may led a given super-Power to become interested in the concerns ef Mrica but the results it can obtain in the solution of our problems in accordance with the aspirations of our peoples. There- fore we express the hope that this United States initiative may fmally lead to a quick, just and lasting solution to tho.se problems, in the properly understood interest of the African peoples of the re~on. In the last analysis, the position of Mauritania is that of its brother countries on the front lines and of the liberation movements concerned. Wluitever is the position of those countries or those movements, that is the position which Mauritania will defend. 58. While these problems of southern Africa COli ,mute hotbeds of tension which are undeniably active, other 59. For nearly 30 years the Palestine q'i1estion and its corollary, the Middle East crisis, have been in the forefront of the concerns of the international community. 60; This question has been the origin of four successive wars in the region, each time endangering international peace. I believe there is no need to recall the genesis of this problem, which is sufficiently well known here at the United Nations. 61. Yet it seems to me to be timely to recall an essential element which at present characterizes the facts of this question, that is to say, the quasi-unimimous recognition by the international community of the existence of Palestine and of the national rights of the Palestinian people. 62. The welcome accorded here in 1974 to the Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Palestine liberation Organization, brother Yasser Arafat,4' the participation of the Palestine liberation Organization not only in the debates of the General Assembly as an observer but also in the debates of 1he Security Council, the recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to an independent existence, to a country and to a sovereignty are a perfect illustration. All these elements now constitute tangible proof that any solution of the probl~m of the. Middle East must of necessity and fust and foremost include a solution of the tragedy of the brother people of Palestine. 63. While for far too long imposing this tragic situation on the brother people of Palestine, driving them from their homes and dispossessing them of their goods, the Zionist aggressors have since 1967 extended their misdeeds to the territories of the neighbouring Arab States. Those terri- tories have been occupied by force and are still occupied, . and the composition of their population has been changed beca'lEe of an active policy of settling new populations. 64. It is time for the international community to assume its full responsibility and all its responsibilities in regard to this grave situation. As long as the Palestinian and other Arab peoples of the region do not recover their legitimate rights, there will be neith,er peace nor stability in the Middle East. 65. The conditions for a just and lasting peace in that region, as we have always stated, are: fust, the restoration of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, which are recognized by the entire international commu- nity; and, secondly, withdrawal by Israel from all the occupied Arab territories. 66. I could not end my remarks on this question of the Middle East without recalling with deep bitterness the fratricidal laceration which our brother coun~ry of Lebanon has been undergoing for more than a year. We sincerelY regret what is happening in that brother country with 4 See. Olfwiizl Recorda of the General Assembly, Twenty-ninth Sesnon, Plencrry Meetings, 2282nd meeting. 67. There are many other important problems which nonnally require our attention and on which my country has a clearly defined position. Among the items on our agenda we might mention the question of Mayotte [item 122J, Djibouti litem 25/ and Cyprus {item 118J. which must respectively be settled on the basis of national unity and territorial integrity for the Comoros, indepen- dence in accordance with tr.t aspirations of the peopl~ of Djibouti a..'ld a solution for Cyprus taking into account the interest of all th£: Cypriot people and preserving the independence iI1d non-alignment of Cyprus. There are Oth~l items un our agenda the importance of which we certainly do not und~rrate, but it is impossible to go into a detailed review of all of them. However, I could not fail to mention a major preoccupation of our times: hlternational . economic relations and the law of the sea. 68. The frequency of the international gatherings which have taken place since the thirtieth session of the General Assembly on problems of development and international economic co-operation emphasizes the need for and also the urgency of a fundamental reform of the world economic system, which has so far generated injustices because it was built on inequality and exploitation. 69. Whether in Paris, where the Conference on Inter- national Economic Co-operation was held, at Nairobi, where the fourth session of UNCTAD dealt with essential and controversial problems, or quite recently in New.York, where, under your distinguished gUidance, Mr. President, the fIfth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the lbw of the Sea has just ended, the international community as a whole has been given an opportunity to explore, within the framework of a dialogue that has been direct, frank and, above all, exempt from any prejudices, the possibilities of the establishment of a new international economic order. 70. One of the most significant manifestations of the spirit of conciliation wIDch must of necessity prevail in con- ceiving and carrying out a historic enterprise of this kind is, no doubt, what has been called the "North-South dia- logue", which was started only three months after the completion of the work of the ~eventh special session of the General Assembly on the happy initiative of the President of the French Republic, Mr. Valery Giscard d'Estaing, to whom I wish here to pay a tribute. 71. The vital importance for development in my country of the problems of raW materials and energy, not to mention other problems, is sufficient to justify tile keen interest we have had in the work of that Conference throughout the various stages of its progress. While it may be premature to pronounce any judgement on the progress achieved so far, it is to be hoped nevertheless that the basic problems will finally be debated and that before the end of this year~ or in 1977 at the latest, it will be possible to fmd concrete solutions. 72. Be that as it may, we remain profoundly convinced, for our part, that, more than the institutional framework 73. Once again this political will has been tested within the framework of the fourth session of UNCTAD, which met in May last in Nairobi. The developing countries c:lfefully prepared for it by devoting to it practically the whole of the Third Ministeri!.'J Meeting of the Group of 77, held in Manila from 26 January to 7 February 1976, and, in the opinion of those countries, the fourth session of UNCTAD was to be a decisive stage in the history of a new economic order. It was to offer an opportunity for both the developed and the developing countries to defme the CQmmitments they had undertaken at the seventh special session of the General Assembly, commitments covering such key issues as commodities, the transfer of technology, the international monetary system and economic co-oper- ation among developing countries. 74. All those problems, to which my country attaches special attention and which summarize the difficulties facing the third world as a whole in its effort to emerge from its impoverishment, were fully discussed in Manila, where the Group of 77 once again firmly reiterated the need to increase the numbers of associations of exporting countries for all commodities and, to that end, advocated the strengthening of the mie of UNCTAD by providing it with institutional means to enable it to contribute effec- tively to the implementation of United Nations resolutions. 75. Today, four months after the end of the fourth session of UNCTAD, it would be quite appropriate to wonder whether its work has proceeded along the line of those directives, whether the dialogue started at the seventh special session in New York was continued at Nairobi; and in a word, whether the fourth session of UNCTAD had, even in part, made concrete the hopes of the developing nations. 76. In this review, the crucial question of commodities, and more particularly the integrated programme and the common fund, constitute, in our opinion, the most accurate index, since on it depend the improvement of the terms of trade of the developing countries and the increase of their export earnings. If the Nairobi negotiations did not lead to concrete and decisive results it was, however, possible to arrive at a consensus on the need for common action in this 'field. We consider that this is not negligible and that it is of the utmost importance to preserve and consolidate this. 77. To this end, we sincerely hope that the schedule established for the practical modalities for setting up a common fund to fmance international commodity stocks will be implemented in due course. We are also pleased with· the announcements made by certain countries in the course of the work of the Conference. We see in this a happy augury for the establishment of the fund. k>s~sent juncture. General for Political and General Assembly Mfairs-to whom I think it is only fair to pay a tribute for his dynamism and foresight-constitute striking proof of the spirit of solidarity so necessary for the maintenance and development of international co-operation. We wish to avail ourselves of this opportunity to express our sincerest gratitude to the States and organizations which have contributed so generQusly to this effort for our recovery. 79. The Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries, which was held barely 10 days ago in Mexico City, must be considered a new step in the long march towards the establishment of an economic and social system more capable of meeting the most immediate needs of the majority of the inhabitants of our planet. 80. The hunger, disease a.'1d ignorcnce still afflicting the . poor countries which constitute the majority of mankind can be eliminated only by their combined efforts, starting with the developing countries. The debate on this question of co-operation among developing countries is therefore not academic-far from it. We consider it of the utmost importance that we, the developing countries, realize the gravity of the situation and endeavour to change it by relying fll'st of all on ourselves. To this end, it is essential to intensify co-operation among our countries and to en- compass all fields that can imprm'e the standard of liVing of our populations. At any rate, Mauritania wishes to reaffll'm here its profound attachment to the objectives of that co-operation. It will not miss a single opportunity to make its modest contribution. It is in that spirit that we wish to support Pakistan's proposal to hold a summit conference of the countries of the third world, to be devoted to international economic co-operation and co-operation among developing countries {see AI311208J. 81. But those objectives of which I have spoken and to which the conference will be devoted cannot be attained, nor the harmonious development of the world community 3S a whole be ensured, so long as the arms race continues at the rate that we all know. The figures speak for themselves. While every year the world spends $300 billion on arms, the net public aid to development does not exceed the modest sum of approximately $15 billion a year. To get an even more striking realization of the paradoxical nature of these investments, it would suffice to recall that the resources devoted in the last 30 years to arms exceeded $6 trillion, which represents approximately the gross national product of the entire world in 1976. These figures, which continue to increase dangerously, must be considered seriously and realistically within the framework of the efforts made by the international community in the past few years in order to obtain a better world balance. 82. Mauritania, which is half desert. has undergone, like all its neighboms in the Sudano-Sahelian area, a period of particularly trying drought and it wishes here to express its gratitude for the praisewordly and generous efforts of the international community and certain friendly countries to help alleviate the effects of that terrible catastrophe. In this connexion, we are particularly happy with the activities of the United N2tions Sahelian Office, which has undertaken a campaign of mobilizing resources to finance and set up a series of national and regional projects in that hard-hit subregion. 83. The recent creation in Dakar of an association of friends of the Sahel, made up of States and organizations 84. The establishment of an international economic order which we hope for cannot validly be dbsociated from the establishment of a new legal order for the oceans which would reflect the legitimate aspirations of the va.l:it majority of mankind. the skill, capability and devotion that the President has for 10 years placed at the service of this noble task compel our admiration and gratitude. My country, which has one of the major coastlines in Mrica, has since the second session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea at Caracas been'able to state its views on what it thinks should be the basis;.and objective of the new maritime law. 85. Today, only a few days after the end of the Conference's ftfth session, we are happy to note that some principles that we have advocated for inclusion in the future convention seem to have been accepted by everyone, in particular such principles as the exclusive economic zone to which my country attaches particular importance. Full and complete sovereignty which the coastal State should exercise over tho new maritime space should, in our opinion, be subject to no restriction except freedom of navigation, which is necessary to promot~ thJ role of the sea as a link between peoples. We believe that that. sovereignty should be interpreted as the application of the inalienable principle of permanent sovereignty of peoples over their natural resources. 86. As regards the sea-bed, which constitutes the common heritage of mankind, according to the Declaration of I'rinciples contained in General Assembly resolution 2749 (XXV), it is our belief that in order to reflect the communal nature of that area in fact, the exploration and exploitation of its resources must be carried out under the direct and effective control of the sea-bed authority, which will distribute the profits from the exploitation of that zone in ~:ccordance with the criteria stated in the Declara- tion taking into particular account the needs of the developing countries. The authority must especially seek to reduce to a mirJmum the unfavourable repercussions which the exploitation of the resources of the area might have on the prices of the raw materials from the developing countries. I am not unaware that this is a very complex ploblem, on which it has not so far been possible to reach agreement. 87. That is our position on some of the questions considered by the United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. I should like to affll'm, however, that our concerns for, and our attachment to, the principles which I have just mentioned are not to be interpreted as a refusal to negotiate. We believe in the virtues of dialogue, and we 88. These ate the political and economic problems which appear to my country t~: be a tremendous challenge to the international community and, in particular, to the United Nations. To resolve these problems in the interests of all m!inkind will reqUire not omy true political will h.::inly on the part of the two developed blocs but also an appropriate framework where all members ofilie world community are represented. If this politi~al will does not at the moment appear to be sufficient or does not go beyond even proclaimed intentions, at any rate the framework already eXists. As an instrument for dialogue and understanding among peoples, the United Nations is for its Member States a mechanism which has stood the test of time in all fields of human actiVity. True, it has its short-comings and its imperfections, but the Uniied Nations is today more than ever an essential element in international life. Furthermore, it is up to its Member States to correct its short-comings and imperfections by respecting and implementing its decisions and resolutions and by adjusting the provisions of the Charter to present-day realities. If the privileges accorded to certain Member States by the Charter were justified at the outset, given the historical context in which the Organization came into being, it now seems to us to be necessary to re-examine those provisions of the Charter, taking into account the present balance of power and the emergence in the past 15 ~'ears of many new nations whose presence here fundamentally changes the political shape and the humad dimension of the framework established in 1945. 92. What is more, in the month of August last Mauritania, in its north-west region, which has been newly reintegrated under the name of Tiris el GbarbiG, proceeded to hold legislative elections. As a result of these elections, which . were held in the presence of many observers and foreign correspondents, seven deputies were elected to the Mauri- tanian National Assembly and now participate in its deliberations. Furthermore, all the higher-level personnel of that region undertake the national responsibilities for which they are suited by their training and qualifications, just like any other Mauritanian citizen. 89. Whatever its imperfections and short-comings, the United Nations remains the hope of many countries such as mine as we take up the tremendous challenge of today establishing a new international order based on justice and equity. Such a task of necessity requires that the United Nations be headed. by a man having a clear vision of the scope of this responsibility and capable of making the Organization a real instrument at the service of these objectives. Our Secl'etary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim. haVing assumed this difficult responsibility at a time of profound and rapid changes, proved by his competence, his sense of moderation and his political realism that he is the man best guited to the task. That is why I should like to extend. our congratulations to him and pay him a tribute for the task he has already accomplished and for the one which, we hope, he will accomplish in the years to come. He may rest assured that he has the complete support and understanding ofmy country. 90. I could not conclude my statement without taking ,up a question which directly affects my country-that which is caU(ld the question of Western Sahara. I had not intended to do so, in order to preserve in our debates the serenity which is required by the problems to which I have 3lready referred. However, since certain delegations spoke of it in their statements, I feel it my duty briefly to rec'811 the 91. Morocco and Mauritania, bearing in mind that, when the Security Council recommended these negotiations, it added that this would be without prejudice to any measure which the General Assembly might take, have submitted this agreement to the United Nations for assessment. The General Assembly, under resolution 3458 B (XXX), took note of the agreement, while in paragraph 3 it made the parties to the agreement responsible for ensuring respect for the aspirations of the Sahar-clil populations. It is therefore in implementation of a Security Council resolution, an inter- national agreement and a General Assembly resolution that Mauritania and Morocco enabled the Saharan populations to exercise their right to self-determination in accordance with the procedure dermed by the Madrid agreement, which was endorsed by the General Assembly. Every action taken by the two countries falls within the framework of international legality. and they are therefore justified in considering that self-determination has been exercised in Western Sahara in accordance with the decisions taken by. the Security Council and the General Assembly. 93. In other words, for Mauritania and Morocco, which only acted in accordance with the rights rf'!cognized as theirs by the International Court of Justice6 and with the resolutions of our Organization, the principle of self- determination can no longer be invoked for the populations ef Western Sahara, which have clearly chosen to be either Mauritanian or Moroccan. 94. If we also consider the views of the Algerian leaders, this right cannot be invoked because the result towards which itsappiication might in due course tend has already 5 See OffiCial Records of the Security Council, Thirtieth Year, Supplement for October, November and December 1975, 60cument S/118Sn, annex Ill. ,. 6 See Western &hara, AdVisory Opinion, LC.J. Reports 1975, p.12. 95. The Council of-Ministers of OAU, at its meeting in Addis Ababa in February last, was perfectly aware of that contradiction. It felt that since a Saharan Republic had been created, the only remaining problem had.to do with recognition of that Republic, and recognition fell within the sovereignty of each State.. 96. Thus, it is clear that, whatever point ofview one may have, the principle of self-determination can no longer be invoked in regard to the peoples of the Sahara-unless one wishes to apply the principle to imaginary Saharans or to play contradictory games, something which no one in good faith could accept. 97. Indeed, the problem confronting this north-western part of Africa is a problem of tension between the States of the subregion, tension which the Saharan question in fact only revealed and of which it was the instrument. When clear and detailed information in that regard was communi- cated by the Mauritanian Head of State to his peers at the last Assembly of Heads of State and Government of OAU, it was decided that a special summit conference would be convened to deal with this situation as a whole. While Mauritania is sure of its rights and ofthe undoubted failure of the attempts made against its unity, it nevertheless has confidence in the African Heads of State and hopes that Africa's wisdom wlll fmally have the last word. 98. This natural and nonna! confidence that my country has in the African Heads of State is shared by the non-aligned movement, which, during the recent Fifth Conference in Colombo, adopted the f\"llowing declaration: 6'The Conference taking note ~f the decision of the Organization of African Unity to hold an Extraordinary Summit on the question of Western Sahara and the Situation which has resulted in the region, expressed its hope that this meeting wlll lead to a just and durable solution to this question." [A/31/197. annex I. para. 35./ That is Africa's attitude on this question. It is the attitude also of the non-aligned countries. The attitude of the League of Arab States is so well known that I do not have to repeat it. . 99. I did not wish '!lhis brief outline of the development of the Saharan question to contain any element that could lead to controversy. As I said at the beginning of this statement, my conC';ern was that our debates here should take place in an atmosphere of serenity. If, however, it appears to be useful to give more details, I shall take the liberty of speaking again at a later stage of the debate in order to place before the Assembly all the necessary infonnation. ~gainst our country, and that they respect our indepen- dence and territorial integritY and the unity of our people. Is that not the.very minimum that we have a right to require of a fraternal people with which we share a common p~t and common aspirations? We express the wish that this appeal wlll be regarded not as weakness but, rather, as a call for friendship and fraternity, on a basis of mutual respect.

It gives me great pleasure to extend to you on behalf of the Government and people of Malaysia my sincere congratulations on your election as President of thethirty·fmt session of the United Nations General Assembly. Your election to this high office is indeed a fitting expression of the esteem which the international community holds not only for your people and country but also for the fme qualities and slW.fu~ diplomacy you have demonstrated as the Pennallent Rep- resentative of your country to the United Nations. 102. My delegation takes special pride that an illustrious son of Asia and one from a country with which Malaysia has long shared friendly and close ties has been elected to this important office. Under your guidance and Wisdom, Mr. President, I am confident that our deliberations in the months ahead will be brought to a constructive and successful conclusion. I would like in this connexion to assure you of the co-operation of my delegation. 103. Allow me also to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Gaston Thorn, the Prime Minister of Luxembourg, for the skilful and effective manner in which he presided over the deliberations of the thirtieth session. His guidance thronghout that session enabled us to preserve the atmos- phere of cordiality and the spirit of goodwill so vital to the fruitful conclusion of our far-rangirlg deliberations. 104. Before proceeding any further, it is only fitting that I should on behalf of my delegation -extend my best wishes to our Secretary-General.Mr. KurtWaldheiln. The effective manner in which he has shouldered the heavy L~ponsibil. ities of this high office of this august body deserves our congratulations and deep appreciation. May I assure him of my delegation's continuing support for and co-operation of my delegation in his efforts. 10S. I would like to take this opportunity to extend our congratulations and wann welcome to the Republic of Seychelles on being accorded its rightful place as a Member of the United Nations. Its presence indeed represents for us today not only as a further achievement of the universality 106. It is also our earnest hope that the People's Republic of Angola and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, which possess all the legal attributes as sovereign and independent . States, will soon gain their rightful places as Members of the United Nations. We in South-East Asia, in particular, attach a special significance to the Socialist Republic of Viet N~, whose recent reunification is testimony to the determi- nation of a people dedicated to the pursuit of indepen- dence, sovereignty and freedom. 107. The emergence of peaceful conditions for the whole of South-East Asia has been the cherished hope of our peoples for a full generation. Indeed, the positive efforts towards 'the promotion of regionalism in our part of the world consonant with the objectives of the United Nations Devel~pment Decade are premised upon this proposition. Our region is now at the threshold of a new era where, durable peace and the national jlSpirations and progress of our peoples are within our grasp. We have a common task to ensure the continued well being of our peoples, thereby contributing towards greater world peace and stability. Malaysia therefore looks forward and hopes earnestly and honestly to working closely with the people of Viet Nam, Kampuchea and Laos towards the establishment of a viable, peaceful, neutral and prosperous South-East Asia free from any form or manner ofexternal interference. 108. The year 1976 marks the beginning of the last quarter of the twentieth century. As we cross the threshold of this last quarter it is relevar.t to take stock of our past performance so that we can {~ a better perspective of how we are to proceed in the future. We are all familiar with the problems which have claimed the attention of the United Nations for many years. The questions of disarm- ament, decok'-jz.ation, apartheid, the Middle East, human rights, development and trade still remain on our agenda. Perhaps a careful assessment of OUI past efforts in ap- proaching these issues may lead us to discover more effective ways of resolving them. Indeed, my delegation comes afresh to the General Assembly each year with new enthusiasm and filled with optimism that we may achieve what we had failed to achieve in the past. 109. My delegation is pleased to note that the smaller· countries, especially those in the non-aligned group, are beginning to play an increasingly more significant role in eliminating the causes of tension and conflict in the world. However, while some progress has been made in this direction, detente between the super-Powers in our view has not proceeded satisfactorily and has acquired the limited characteristics of a mutual accommodation of big-Power interests which may at the same time prove to be detrimental to the interests of other countries. 110. We in Malaysia view this development with consid- erable alarm, particularly since this may hamper fue efforts of establishing a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality for South-East Asia as a means of lessening tension and eliminating big-Power rivalry and interference in the inter- nal affairs of the small nations in the region. Surely Ill. The Prime Minister of Malaysia in his speech at the recent non-aligned Conference in Colombo has said that the ' creation of zones of peace in strategic areas such as the Indian Ocean and South-East Asia is becoming more relevant and urgent in the context ofcontinuing rivalry and arms escalation among the super-Powers. Malaysia had initiated the concept of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in South-East Asia in order to keep out t111t big-Power rivalry and competition for spheres of influence and control from the region. This was subsequently translated into a declaration commonly known as the Kuala Lumpur Declaration of November 1971, which was adop- ted by Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. 112. In my submission in regard to South-East Asia, the concept of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality is very relevant and valid at all times, be it in the era of bitter wars or in the era of detente or even in the era of peace. Indeed, it was the intention of the five signatory countries that the zone of peace, freedom and neutrality should cover the whole of South-East Asia. It was envisaged that as soon as peace returned to the region consultations could be carried out with other countries on the details of the proposal. 113. The situation in South-East Asia since then has changed following the cessation of hostilities and, more recently, the reunification of Viet Nam, as a result of which the prospects of increased regional peace, stability, regional co-operation and harmony in South-East Asia have been greatly enhanced. Certainly, Malaysia believes this develop- ment has generated a large degree of confidence and has created favourable c(:,nditions to enable all countries in South-East Asia to enter into a dialogue among them on the proposal for a zone of peace and to work out a new order of relations within which the countires of the region as well as those outside it could live in peace and co-operation with one another, regardless of their ideology or social systems, and pursue their own destiny and development free of interference from outside Powers. 114. In February 1976 the Heads of State and Govern- men1t of Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand and Singapore met in Dali, Indonesia. They signed the Treaty of Amity and Co-operation in South-East Asia and the Declaration of ASEAN Concord, giving their formal reaf- firmation to the proposal for the establishment of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in South-East Asia. The Declaration of ASEAN Concord in particular called for the creation of conditions that would be favourable to the promotion of peaceful co-operation among all the nations of South-East Asia on the basis of mutual respect and benefits. 115. The motivations behind the proposal as contained in the Kuala Lumpur Declaration are clear for all to see. It was an option for peaceful and co-operative coexistence. The proposal has already received positive support in various international forums including the Commonwealth Confer- 116. Last, but not least, we are optimistic that the big Powers will eventually come round to accept that detente and peace can never be divisible and that it is through the realization of a neutral and peaceful South-East Asia that we shall be able to eliminate the complex interplay of big-Power rivalry in the region, which we are certain will work to the mutual advantage of all concerned. 117. My delegation is heartened to note that the United Nations continues to provide the forum for us to put our minds together in the search for global solutions to global problems, and even if those solutions have in the past fallen short of public :.;xpectations they should not deter u!> from continuing the dialogue which is so indispensable to international understanding and co-operation. The debates in international conferences. as the Secretary-General has rightly pointed out, have a very considerable effect in focusing public interest on global problems, in preparing a climate of opinion favourable 1:0 their solution and in evolving guidelines for future international and national action. 118. This is certainly true of our discussion on the problems of disarmament, in which no significant progress has been made in this field in recent years. The escalation of the arms race in many sensitive areas of the world has continued unabated. The proliferation of nuclear weapons has enhanced the spectre of accidental nuclear confron- tation with all its ghastly consequences. Agreements be- tween the super-Powers on the limitation of strategic arms are not sufficient if they do not include agreements on important qualitative limitations and substantial reduction of their strategic nuclear weapon systems as a positive step towards nuclear disarmament. The prospect of convening a world disarmament conference seems further than ever before. My Government believes that lasting peace could only be achieved through general and complete disarm- a'ment under strict and" effective international control, and not through a mutually agreed balance of armaments. We hope that this session would give serious consideration to the recommendation of the non-aligned countries for the convening of a special session of the General Assembly on disarmament. It is our View that a start has to be made somewhere, so that we can bring together all States, including the nuclear-weapon States, to talk seriously of global disarmament. We also hope that constructive debate wUl prevail over such other issues as a comprehensive ban on all forms of l1uclear weapon tests in all environments, 120. The United Nations during the past decade has played an increasingly important role in hastening the process of decolonization in many parts of the world. In Africa in particular, the momentum created by the emer- gence of newly independent countries has hastened this process. In South-East Asia, I wish to take note with great satisfaction that the overwhelming majority of the people of the region are now independent and sovereign. However, there still remains an area in South-East Asia where this august body at its last session has called upon the administering Power to facilitate expeditiously the holding of free and democratic ele~tions by the appropriate government authorities in accoJrdance with the inalienable rights of the people to self-detennination and indepen- dence. I refer to the territory of Brunei. Malaysia would urge the responsible authorities to respond positively as early as possible to. General Assembly resolution 3424 (XXX) so 'that the people of Brunei will not be denied their inalienable rights. 121. With regard to the situation in southern Africa, there is optimism that acceptance of the inevitability of majority rule by the illegal minority regime in Southern Rhodesia may yet avert the ghastly consequences of a ratia11 war. It is our hope that the negotiations for a speedy 1.ransfer to majority rule can bring about a change in the situation which will prevent the eruption of an explosive tragedy in that part of the world. In iliis context, such a tragedy is inevitable if the illegal minority iegime continues to remain intransigent. Malaysia joins other member countries in reaffirming support for the people of Zimbabwe in their just struggle to achieve majority rule. 122. In Namibia, my delegation funy associates itself with the efforts of the United Nations to put an end to South Africa's illegal occupation of that Territory. We reiterate our support to the Namibian people in their legitimate struggle for self-determination and independence, and we deplore any deceitful action on the part of the Vorster 124. In Cyprus, ther situation is both complex and dangerous. It is heartening to note that the non-aligned summit Conference in Colombo has supported the contin- uation of meaningful and constructive negotiations between the representatives of the Greek-Cypriot and Turkish- Cypriot communities. It is our view that, to succeed, the negotiations must be conducted in the' spirit of goodwill and accommodation and must give expression to the rights and interests of both communities on an equal footing, and based on the principle of equal participation on all international forums. We would like to commend the efforts of .the Secretary-General in promoting the inter- communal talks, and hope that his efforts to bring about meaningful and constnlctive negotiations will meet with success. 125. We have now entered into the, second half of the Second United Nations De~elopment Decade. The la~g over-all performance of'the f!!'St half reminds us of the urgent need for improvement and redoubling of efforts du...?ing the remaining years of the Decade to.ensure the attainment of the targets set out in the International Development Strategy. 126. The interdependence of nations and global economic problems are realities that corU'ront the world community; they require no emphasis. The many and acute disparities between the developed and developing countries have long been identified, and the demand for remedial measures has been well articulated consistently by the developing world. The sixth and seventJi special sessions of the General > Assembly, the adoption of the Declaration and Programme of Action on the· Establishment of a New International' Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VIJj, and of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIXJj, advanced both recogri!tion and .endorsement· of the need to change the existin~international economic stnictu~e.. 127. More' often 'than not, statements of principle and decisions concerning th~. restructuring and creation of' a more equitable economic order bave been accepted by the developed countries with reluctance, or even without any' intention of their pursuit. Let us not deceive ourselves that resolutions and rhetoric at international forums will help to narrow the gap between the developed and developing worlds and move us on the path towards a new economic order. The successful implementation of agreed decisions for the establishment of the new order is a collective 128. Over the past few months, the international com- munity has had occasion to meet together to discuss and to seek solutions to pressing economic problems and issues. My delegation views the fourth session of UNCTAD as a key stage in the search for solutions to those crucial economic problems that beset the world, and particularly the developing countries. The' results of that session fell short of our expectations and we too are deeply disap- pointed at the limited nature of agreements reached at Nairobi. 129. However, the intensive negotiations conducted there have stimulated and strengthened the wholesome trend of dialogue between nations. Let me take this opportunity to record my delegation's confidence and hope that the positive interaction and continuation of dialogue between the developed and developing countries would enhance and accelerate our common endeavours to realize agreed objec- tives as well as to reach consensus on issues that remain unresolved, including the elimination of restrictive trade measures against exports from developing countries, pro- motion of measures for transfer of technology and reform ofthe international fmancial and monetary system. 130. I do not intend to review the decisions taken at the fourth session of UNCTAD, but would like to focus attention on the question of commodities and state on.ce again that Malaysia will not cease to participate in and actively support the quest for a better and satisfactory trading relationship between producers and consumers. We have always regarded the problem of· commodities as a matter of crucial importance, the approach to which must be multidimensional. In this regard, the integrated pro- gramme for commodities, with its core elements of buffer stocks and' the common fund, provides a comprehensive approach to commodity problems and merits our particular :erious consideration during the forthcoming months. Negotiations on the programme provide the international community with yet another opportunity to harmonize their intere~s in the areas of raw materials and primary commodities. The satisfactory solution to those crucial problems is vital to the establishment ofa new international economic order. ' 131. We have now before us an' opportunity to build a new international economic framework wherein all nations might enjoy harmonious and just relations. With renewed determination and in .genuine co-opera~ion, lelL us, both developed and developing countries, .'espond courageously and decisively to this difficult but momentous challenge.. 132. Mr. AL-KHALIFA (Bahrain) ,(interpretation from Arabic): Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure at the outset to offer Ambassador Amerasinghe the congratu- lations of the delegation of Bahrain on his election to the presidency of the thirty-fmt session of the General As- sembly. His wide knowledge and experience as an able statesman and diplomat has qualified him for this rngh office. I am fully confident that, with his wide experience 134. On this occasion, I should me~lti()n with all apprecia- tion the efforts and remarkable diligence exercised by the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for strengthening the role of the United Nations in all fields. The report which he has submitted at this session{A/31/1 and Add.I} shows tht' importance ofthe responsibility assumed by him for fmding stable international conditions in which secu- rity, peace and prosperity prevail. 135. The international Organization is passing through its thirty-fust year with its universality strengthened by the increase of its Members to almost threefold what they were when it was established in 1945. Each year the Organi- zation gives one proof after another of its universality and durability against challenges and obstacles. Last year a number of States which had obtained their independence after long struggle joined the Organization. I welcome the presence among us in this hall this year of the delegation of Seychelles, and congratulate, in the name of Bahrain, the people and Government of Seychelles on their indepen· dence and admission to this Organization. At the same time, I do hope strongly that all States possessed with the qualifications contained m the Charter will join the Orgamzation. 136. I am fully confident that the day will come} soon when we will see all the peoples of Africa and other peoples in the world who still thirst for freedom and independence taking their pl&ce among us in this Organization. 137. In this respect, I should commend the work done in recent years by the Special Con:unittee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples for increasing the momentum of ilie movement for the independence of small nations in the world. 138. The world has become smaller owing to the tremen- dous technological advances in communications and in other fields. It is regrettable, however, that in this Organi- zation we have not come further from what we were or nearer to what we seek to do. The most important objective of this Organization is to lead the people of the world to greater understanding and harmony. i39. This is due to the unnatural conditions prevailing in some parts of the world where racial discrimination and colonialist and Zionist greed prevail, as is the case in South Africa, Nllllljbia, Palestine and·Rhodesia. 140. For years the United Nations has warned the racist authorities of South Africa of the consequences of their continuous occupation of Namibia and their racist policy in South Africa. They have not heeded or paid attention to such warnings, relying on moral support and military and material aid given to them by some Western States and by 141. The bloody incidents that occurred in recent times in Souui. Africa indicate that citizens there flatly reject the existing racist regime and look forward to living in a society that guarantees them their rights as nationals and safeguards their human digil.:tty, as enjoyed by other people. 142. We believe that it is the duty of this Organization to do its utmost to terminate the imperialism of South Africa in Namibia and to frustrate its plans to partition that country and impose its rule there through a minority that does not represent the people for the··purpose of perpetuat- ing its domination over the country and of exploiting its resources. We should Hke to express on this occasion our appreciation for all the efforts made by the United Nations Council for Namibia to secure the independence Qf the people of that country. 143. Against this situation we reiterate what we called for in the pas!, namely, tha.t a complete blockade be imposed on the supply to the Government of South Africa of arms and military equjl~ment, and that States which assist that Government shot'ld stop their military and economic support, in conformity with the resolutions adopted by the United Nations in this respect; that efforts should be increased to put pressure, by all means, on the Government of South Africa to abandon its colonization or disguised domination of Namibia and to give that country complete independence under the supervision of the United Nations, and to relinquish its abhorred policy of apartheid in South Africa. 144. In Southern Rhodesia, the white minority Govern- ment continues to exploit the people of Zimbabwe, opp:ess them and deprive them oftheir legitimate national rights, in spite of warnings and repeated cal~s to give those people the opportunity to participate in the administration of their country in accordance with the principle of majority rule. We support the efforts being made these days to persuade the Government of Southern Rhodesia to change its racist policy and establish a democratic and just administration without discrimination as to race or colour, and we hope that this will be done peacefully to avoid bloodshed and safeguard world peace and security. 145. The question of the Middle East, including the problem of Palestine, is one of the most important and complex problems facing this Organization, considering that the Orgenization bears a great responsibility with regard to this problem, which emerged when the Organiza- tion adopted the resolution for the partition of Palestine in November 1947 {I'esolution 181 (Ill]. Since that time the area of the Middle East has not known security or stability. 146. As if this were not sufficient, Israel occupied in June 1967 the remaining parts of Palestine and other neighbour- ing Arab lands. That was not the result of accidental war but part of the expansionist Zionist policy in the Middle East. In the years following the aggression of June 1967 Israel requisitioned Arab lands in occupied Palestine, expelled their owners and changed the landmarks of the country. It took military and political measures in all the occupied areas to strengthen its existence there, against the resolutions passed by the General Assembly and the Security Council to solve the longstanding crisis. The policy ad<!pted by Israel in the Middle East is the greatest threat to peace and security in the area. The danger of war will persist as long as Israel continues its aggressive policy. 147. This Organization bears the responsibility for this situation by having originally adopted the resolution for the partition of Palestine. States also bear this responsibility when they' support Israel by military and material aid and in its violation of the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly. 148. The bloody incidents which occurred in the occupied parts of Palestine, in the West Bank, Gaza and Galilee have shown the world that the Palestinian people are determined to get rid of Israeli domination and Zionist racist oppres- sion and that they will accept no alternative to their land. Israel has tried to wipe out Palestine and the Palestinian people but it will never succeed. The Palestinian people within and outside the occupied territories are determined to survive and have decided to continue their struggle to recover their legitimate rights in Palestine. These rights have been confmned by this Organization many times ever since Israel was created. 149. None the less, Israel contm~'es its aggression against the neighbouring Arab countries and its rule nf the occupied territories, and plays a policing role in the area. The bloody clashes which are taking place in Lebanon and. which have cost numerous lives are no more than a result of this critical situation in the Middle East. This policing role of Israel has extended to other parts of Africa. The attack launched recently on the sovereignty of Uganda and on its airport is only one aspect of its arrogance and trespassing on the sovereignty of others. ISO. The extent of the relationship between the two racist reRimes-the Zionist in Israel and apartheid in South Africa-has recently become clear to all as a lesult of the strengthening of the military and economic ties between the two regimes. This was not new to us, as we had already drawn attention to it Cin-d warned many times of it in the past. This relationship between the two racist regimes has existed for many y(~ars past~ in which it has taken various forms of military., economi~, political and diplomatic co-operation. This has been made clear by the report of the 1SI. It is not a mere accident that bloody incidents recur' in South Africa and cost hundreds of innocent lives of Africans, alongside the similar incidents which occur on the West Bank in Palestine, particularly every time the relation- ship is strengthened between the two countries, as hap- pened after the return of Mr. Vorster, the Prime Minister of South Africa, from his recent visit to Israel. The aggression committed against Zambia ~ast July and the role played by the forces of South Africa on the African continent are merely a i'eflection of the incessant aggressions waged by Israel against the neighbOUring Arab countries and the role it plays in the Middle East: both are part of the same racist policy of the two regimes. 152. I do not wish to recall the many resolutions passed by the United Nations for the solution of the Middle East question and the problem of Palestine, which Israel flatly rejected. The important thing now is to fmd a peaceful, just and acceptable solution which would restore security and peace to the region. In our view, the solution of the problem of the Middle East is not confmed to the conclusion of bilateral agreements between some countries in the area. The main problem is the question of Palestine and the Palestinian people and their entity and right in their land and heritage. The occupation of parts of the neigh- bouring Arab States is no more than e result of the expansionist policy of Israel in the area. The solution of this problem lies in the complete withdrawal of Israel from the Arab lands occupied since 1967 and the return of the Palestinian people to their homes and granting them the right of self-determination, like any other people, through their representative, the Palestine Liberation Organization. 153. The Security Council considered last June the report prepared by the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienablel Rights of the Palestinian people [A/31/35/, which was convened under resolution 3376 (XXX) adopted by the General Assembly at the last session. The report, in our view, is good as a basis for fmding a peaceful solution to the problem of Palestine. Although it does not contain all the matters we call for, yet it may be considered a positive step towards fmding a sound basis for the solution of the problem of the Middle East in its entirety. As we see it, it is the least that the General Assembly should do to fmd a peaceful solution to the problem of Palestine. We believe that the plan proposed in the report to enable the Palestinian people to exercise their lawful rights in Palestine is pragmatic, as it takes into consideration the current situation in the Middle East. 154. It is regrettable that, 'in spite of the positive contents of the report, the Security Council was not able to take action upon it, because of the objection of a permanent member of the Council and its use of the veto. The report' contains proposals and recommendations that go to the heart of the question of the Middle East, as we believe that any effort to solve this question without taking into consideration the lawful rights of the Palestinian people will never succeed. As this report is before the General 155. It has become clear that this Organization is the only instrument for understanding and co-operation among States and for fmding solutions to the economic, social and political problems facing the world, provided that States Members have the true intention and desire to co-operate and are prepared to avoid selfishness and national fanati- cism. 156. The importance of this Organization in creating an atmosphere of co-operation and understanding among States has become evident on many occasions. Programmes have been laid down for economic and social co-operation, for development, food, population, the regulation of the exploitation of the resources of the seas and other matters. Many conferences have been held for this purpose under the auspices of the United Nations, and reference may be made to some of them in which we participated this year. 157. The United Nations Conference on Human Settle- ments was held at Vancouver, in Canada, last June, in accordance with the General Assembly resolution of 9 December of last year [resolution 3438(XXX)}. The Conference issued "Th~ Vancouver Declaration on Human Settlements" and recommendations for national action and international co-operation.7 The Declaration and recom- mendations issued by the Conference contain principles and priorities for the establishment and location of human settlements, the protection of the environment and the satisfaction of the basic needs of all individuals in every country without discrimination, and other health, eco- nomic and social matters, for the purpose of improving the quality of life of human beings in general. Among the priorities adopted J]y the Conference to which we should like to refer in particular are the call for the rehabilitation of expelled and homeless people who have been displaced by natural or man-made catastrophes, and especially by the act of foreign aggression, and the duty of all States to co-operate to guarantee that such people return -to their homes and recover their properties and belongings without obstruct.ion or interference. 158. We support the recommendation adopted by the Conference that the General Assembly should at thiS' session request the Secretary-General to·prepare and submit to the next session a report on the living conditions of the Palestinian people in the occupied territories. We believe that these principles and recommendations deserve atten- tion and consideratiQn. 159. It is regrettable that the fifth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea ended here last month without reaching a general and comprehen- sive agreement on the law of the sea. It has been decided, therefore, to convene a sixth session in May of next yet!. It may be useful, however-, t<J' reflect on the difficulties which 7 See Report of Habitat: United Nations Conference on HUTiitin Settlements, ,;ancouver, 31 May-ll June 1976 (United NatioDfJ publication, Sales No. E.76.IV.7). 160. It is well known that the seas cover almost two thirds of ~e surface of the earth; they are a principal source of food, energy and mineral resources and an essential means of transport and cvmmunication among States. No State can do without the resources of the seas, whether it is naturally favoured by lying on wide seas or is less fortunate by lying on narrow seas or oeiug land-locked. The interests of States vary according to their geographical location, naVigational interests, technical or fmancial capabilities. It appeared during the discussions in the Conference that no agreement can be reached on one objective without the other, and that the only way to reach a general and comprehensive agreement is by way of compromise in a package deal accepted by all States in general. 161. It is known also that the subjects before the Conference are numerous and complex, and enough time to study, dif;~USS and settlv them would be needed. On the other hand, circumstances require that an agreement be reached as soon as possible to forestall unilateral actions which may lead to disputes and confrontation among States that would undermine the political and economic stability which we all seek. The continuous increase in the popula- tion of t1:J.e world-which is likely to double in a quarter of a century-requires that speedy action be taken to exploit the resources of the seas in an atmosphere of amity and understanding, so that the basic needs of food and energy may be met for present and future generations. 162. Opinions may differ on the extent of the real progress hitherto made by the Conference. There is no doubt, however, that some tangible progress has been made dUring the last five sessions. The Conference started work without a draft agreement or any basis for such an agreement-as happens in many conferences. At first it relied ~n numerous and at times conflicting proposals submitted by many States. It was able at the third session, held at Geneva last year, to issue an infonnal single negotiating text. At its fourth session, held in New York last March, the Conference issued an informal revised negotiating text and started discussion on other subjects. 163. The views have been crystallized and the points of difference were concretized dUring the fifth session, which ended last month. It is hoped, therefore, that States will make more effort to narrow their differences and agree on a general system for the seas which would be to the benefit of all. We hope also that States will not take unilateral actions before reaching the fmal agreement which we all seek; otherwise, any progress reached now in this respect would be wasted, and a valuable opportunity would be lost to mankind to regulate the exploitation of the resources of the sea for which we are now in great need. 164. It may be appropriate to refer to another important conference held this year at Colombo, Sri Lanka, between 16 and 19 August-the Fifth Summit Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, of which we have the honour to be a member. 166. The Political Declaration indicated the stand of the non-aligned countries as regards many of the matters before us at this session, such as detente, and their criticism of its non-implementation, their opposition to all forms of colonialism, to racism and racial discrimination in South Africa, Southern Rhodesia and Palestine. The Conference made clear also the stand ofits members on the situation in the Middle East, the questions of Palestine and Cyprus and problems in other parts of the world. It called for a special session of the General Assembly to be convened to review the question of disarmament and affirmed the support of its members for the declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. 167. On the other hand, the United Nations faces many difficulties in other fields owing to the failure of some ofits Members to secure the implementation of its resolutions and the non-existence of an efficient system or a genuine desire of some interested States to enforce the will of the internationll1 Organization. This Organization has adopted many resolutions on many matters of importance to the family of nations. If all States Members worked for the implementation of those resolutions the world would not have been exposed to crises and all peoples would have lived in progress and prosperity. This Organization has adopted resolutions by great majorities on disarmament, the prohibition of nuclear weapons, the question of the Middle ~1st and the problem of Palestine, in addition to many others in the political and social fields. Such resolutions were adopted by great majorities; but the minority, which can play an effective part in solving many of the problems before us, was not prepared in many ca~s to implement those resolutions. 168. The United Nations is ·the greatest international institution which can contribute to the maintenance and strengthening of peace and security in the world. This Organization has proved in the last 31 years that it caD stand against international difficulties and challenges and can adapt itself to the changes occuring in international relatif,ns; nevertheless, the ability of this Organization to ~nfo~'Ceits resolutions is still limited. 169. We believe that 31 years after the establishment of this Organization a review should be made ofits system and some amendments introduced, so as to adapt it to the changes that have occurred in the world and the develop- ments in international relations in recent years. 170. We consider it imperative that the role of the General Assembly in the maintenance of world peace and security be strengthened, in conformity with the principle of the sovereign equality of all Members of the international Organization, particularly as the maintenance of peace and 171. We believe that the veto should not be used for the purpose of blocking or preventing necessary measures to protect world peace and security or sanctions against flagrant violations of United Nations principles and deci- sions. 172. This situation has weakened the prestige of the United Nations and the value of its decisions in the eyes of the international community. Therefore, we urge that efforts be co-ordinated and proposals made to the enlarged Special Committee, which was reconvened by resolution 3499 (XXX) to review the Charter for the purpose of enhancing ta'ic: ability of the United Nations to achieve its purpose.s We call also for the amendment ofthe Charter to conform to the principle of the sovereign equality of States. 173. It appears that the amendment of the Charter will not of itself be sufficient to introduce the necessary reforms in the system of the international Organization, unless it· is accompanied by the firm intention of all Member States to enforce the resolutions of the majority in the Organization, in accordance with the Charter and the exigencies of international democracy. The strength of the Organization is derived from the will of its Members. Without solidarity in the enforcement of such an inter- national will, many of the resolutions of the United Nations will remain ineffective and the temporary solutions applied by it, particularly in the field of maintaining international peace and security, will in the course of time develop into intractable problems threatening the existence of the United Nations itself and world peace in general. 174. Last year we hailed the Helsinki Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, in the belief that it was necessary to establish peace and stability in Europe and keep it out of the danger of a major war. This belief is based on the fact that Europe was the source ofgreat wars that involved many States which had no interest in such wars and which were exposed to destruction. We believed that detente was necessary for peace and security. We regret, however, that such objectives have not all been achieved, as detente has been confmed to relations between the big Powers within limited areas in the world. 175. Political detente, if not supported by military detente in all parts of the world, particularly in areas exposed to tension and the threat of war, has negative results. Detente will not be complete unless all States concerned apply the resolutions adopted by the Security Council and the General Assembly for the maintenance of peace and security in the world, for the solution oif the main political and economic problems and on the question of disarmament. Clearly, this means the implementation of 177. The elimination of tensions in the world will not be realized without fmding solutions to existing problems in certain. parts of the world. When aggression against nations is stopped, when some regimes are rid of the policy of racial < discrimination, when States refrain from interfering in the domestic affairs of other States, when some States relin- quish their policy of colonialism and when an economic relations are established on an equitable and just basis for all countries, then we shall have actually achieved the peace and security we seek for this world and then the principle of detente will be an established fact. 178. The General Assembly held two special sessions within the last two years to disr,uss international problems and reconsider the international economic order. To regu- late economic relations in the world and establish them on an equitable basis for the progress and prosperity of the- world, the General Assembly adopted at those two sessions declarations and resolutions aimed at an over-all change in current economic relations. Subsequently, many confer- ences were held to pursue these matters and initiate their implementation. It is regrettable to note that the developed States, which are supposed to have a better understanding of the problems of the third world, have not till now made sub~tQntial efforts to apply the principles and rules con- tained in the international Declaration and the Programme ofAction. 179. The continuation of these crises and economic problems with no attempt to< solve them will ineVitably tend to perpetuate the dangers that threaten many parts of the wodd. It is imperative that something be done to change the existing inequitable economic relations between the developing and developed States. We realize that it is primarily the responsibility of the developing States them- selves to achieve the progress they seek and that self- reliance is important for that goal. Therefore, such States are trying hard to discuss their problems With their partners of the developed StAtes, which enjoy great privileges within the existing intema"ional economic relations. Seventy per cent of the population of the world, which now comprises the States of the third world, accounts for only 30 per cent of the totU income of the whole world. It is to be noted, however, that these developing States are the source of Illuch of the pr..ma~ commodities upon Which the industry of·the developed States mainly depends and which are the source of their prosperity. 180. The elimination of the wide disparities between the developing and developed States cannot be accomplished without the co~peration ofus all in the implementation of the principles of the n~w economic order. In fact, the spirit of understanding and co~peration which appeared during the discussions at the seventh special session still prevails, in spite of the failure of the fourth session of UNCTAD held 181. The peoples of the tllird world are detennined to attain economic and social progress and rid themselves of foreign domination over their destblies. This was made clear by the political and economic declarations issued by the Fifth Conference of non-aligned countries, which was held in Colombo last August, and also emerged dUring suc.eessive conferences. 182. Thus we have many important matters before us at this session, which, we hope, wi!1 lead to positive and acceptable results in a spirit of co~peration and under- standing among all States. Millions of people in the world are looking to this Organization to save them from the evils of war and destruction and provide them and future generations with alife of peace, security and prosperity.

Mr. President, as I join my voice to those of the distin- guished speakers who preceded me in congratulating Mr. Amerasinghe on his election to the high office of President of the General Assembly, I do so, not merely to conform to standard General Assembly practice, commend- able as it is, but also to pay a hea~felt and profound tobute to an outstanding statesman of great vision and compre- hension ofthe contemporary world and, equally important, to one whose deep and innermost sense of moral values does not, however, detract from his objectivity and pragmatism. We are fmnly convinced that, under his accomplished guidance, the work of the thirty-flISt session of the Assembly will be carried out with state~anship and vision. 184. I also wish to pay a tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Gaston Thom, Prime Minister of Luxembourg, for the exemplary manner in which he presided over the work of the thirtieth session ofthe General Assembly. 185. Jordan is happy to welcome to the United Nations its newest Member, the Republic of Seychelles, and wish it success and prosperity. 186. A Stlpt!y of the agenda of the current session, which contains neady 125 items, shows how monumental it is in SC'''lpe, variety and magnitude. It is a true affmnation of t~<>w far tha United Nations has come in its never-ending search for the emancipation and advancement ofhumanity in many fields. 187. There are landmark achievements which have funda- mentally transformed the political map of! the world and have restructured relations among nations, replacing a long and painful era of dominance and subjugation by one of liberation, independence and formal equality among 9 See Proceedings of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Fourth Session, vot I, Report and Annexes (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.76.I1.D.I0), annex V. 10 Ibid., part one A. 188. It would be an exercise in futility even to attempt in this relatively short address to tackle more than a few highlights of the issues which my Government deems of the utmost urgency for world peace and security, as well as for the fulfilment of the principles, purposes and ideals of the United Nations, The attainment, by and·large, of the new international political order has now been complemenfled by concerted efforts towards achieving an equally equitable new economic order, in which formal equality is given substantive exprel'.5ion in the life of nations and of humanity at large. The desire for and achievement of sovereign national existence, formedy a fmal objective, are giving way to the stark realization of the imperatives of interdependence in a continually shrinking world. 189. The Secretary-General of the Uni~ed Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, in his exemplary introduction to his report on the work of the Organization [A/31/1/Add.l], has summed up and focused attention on the major areas of ~Jnited Nations achievements and concerns. In a balanced, sober and oftentimes critical appraisal, the Secretary- General has most ably alerted us to what was, what is and what ought to be-if the willingness and the will are available to help us move forward towards the realities of a changing world. 190. The overriding concern of humanity is the preser- vation of international peace and security, which in the nuclear age means nothing less than the survival of this earthly planet and its people. It goes without saying that Jordan, like other nations, rejoices in the continued preservation of the policy of detente ~md looks forward to its concrete institutionalization and expansion. Some cynics say that detente is the result of the "balance of terror" and the "balance of prudence". But regardless of the moti- vation, the policy of detente has spared humanity the certainty ofits own global destruction. 191. My delegation can only express the hope that the negative motives of. detente can be transformed so that there may be positive and constructive coexistence. That requires a "mutation of 1:onsciousness", so that aggressive- ness may be replaced by friendship and understanding. 192. World peace and security require the intensification of the current efforts in the field of disarmament, which, we must regretfully note, have been painfully slow and inconclusive. It is very difficult to assess the complex factors which, quantitatively or qualitatively, have blocked the achievement of progress in this field. The super-Powers long ago exceeded the levels of global over-kill. None the less, further success in controlled disarmament is symbolic of a healthy c....ange in orientation, from resignation to the feasibllity of war as an option to a finn determination that war shall never be an option. 194. While I am speaking on this important subject, I should like to affum once again my Government's support for the proposal that the Middle East should become a nuclear-weapon-free zone. But it must be emphasized that this proposal can have credibility and permanence only if it is accepted by all States in the area without exception. It is an open secret that Israel has subtly acknowledged its nuclear capability and has leaked information about its readiness to include that capability in its military arsenal and options. That is a dangerous situation, whose grotesque and ftll'-reaching implications can hardly be over- emphasu:ed, particularly at this crucial juncture when all States,l&l'ge and small, are addressing their urgent attention to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. This is a situation in which the world cannot accept exceptions. This is a contagious, dangerous disease which must be promptly and fmnly contained. 195. It is now an accepted truism that international society, like any national society, cannot be sustained indefinitely in conditions where the world is divided between small islands of riches and amuence, and vast oceans of human poverty. The earlier optimism, of the 1950s and 19605, when hopes hinged upon a gradual but imperative bridging of the gap between the "haves" and the "have-nots," is gone. The original gap seems to be widening today rather than narrowing-and at an accelerated rate which only phenomenal technological break-throughs are making possible. There is a growing realization that national efforts at ec~nomic and social betterment are wholly inadequate to remedy a situation whose seriousness is compounded as we enter the fmal quarter of this twentieth century. It was in recognition of that lamentable fact 1I'1at the General Assembly, meeting in its sixth special session in 1974, issued a call for a new international economic order and later, at its regular session, adopted a Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States. Since then the forums of debate have proliferated and multiplied, which has been only natural in view of the complexities and wide-ranging dimensions of the issues involved. 196. This year alone has witnessed five major conferences, not to mention more limited regional meetings, endeavour- ing to grapple with the ever..growing economic and social ills which amict our contemporary world of inter- dependence. The law of the sea, the fourth session of UNCTAD, Habitat, the World Conference on Employ.. ment1 1 and the recently concluded Conference on Eco- nomic Co-operation among Developing Countries in Mexico City are but highlights in the ongoing progress of collective co-operation. It was heartening that at the last-mentioned conference, in Mexico, a major key-stone was the emphasis on the concept of collective self-reliance. This is highly gratifying because the developing countries, with their deep sense of pride, would never wish to be in the position of coveting the riches of the more richly endowed or of llTripartite World Conference on Employment, Income Distrib- ution, Social Progress and the International Division of Labour, held at Geneva from 4 to 17 June 1976. 198. There are hist'orical circumstances, including colo- nialism and exploitation, and there is also the social and scientific gap. There are also the dWindling natural re- sources. All these factors make the developing countries remain backward when compared to developed countries. If those countries look forward to anything, it is to them- selves planning and controlling their internal development. But it is clear that they need assistance in order that their development may be pursued seriously. 199. The developing countries urgently need technology, education, experience and initial capital outlays, which are available to only a small number of countries. It is against this background that we are dismayed to read that, whereas close to $300 billion were spent on wasteful armaments last year alone, a mere $15 billion were spent in official aid for deveioping countries. The figures just cited show clearly that we are still in the embryonic stage of the drive to structure the new international economic order and that at this session and for decades to come the United Nations should give all its attention to the appalling inequities which afflict the world. 200. The great continent of Mrica is dear to our hearts not only because of the numerous cultural and historical' ties which have bound the Arab world to the peoples of Africa since the dawn of recorded history but also because, like ourselves, the peoples of Africa have in the past been among those most maligned, exploited, colonized and discriminated against. We rejoice that Africa is once more master of its own destiny and a potent force in the family of nations. But there are still residues of resistance to the newly emerging world of freedom, dignity and common decency'. South Africa stands condemned before the world as the standard-bearer of resistance to the newly born world order. 201. First there is the situation in Namibia, where South Africa, while feigning readiness to comply, continues to defy United Nations decisions to grant the Territory and its people their inalienable rights to freedom and inde- pendence, in its efforts to ward off the relentless pressure of the international community to make it comply fully with United Nations resolutions.. 202. secondly, the long-overdue solution to the tense situation in Southern Rhodesia seems to have reached a turning-point in the direction of a peaceful solution, thanks to the courageous struggle of its people, the concerted efforts of the United Nations, and, latterly, the serious pressure the United States and Britain have exerted to bring about the long-sought solution. We look forward to removing the loop-holes which the leaders of Africa most directly concerned find unacceptable and to welcoming Zimbabwe to this Assembly in their near future. 203. The policy of racial discrimination and apartheid in South Africa itself continues as an affront to the conscience 210. The Israelis have practically devoured the heartland of the occupied West Bank. The Jerusalem which they h -- " 204. At the outset of my discussion of the Middle East I cannot but express the most profound sorrow concerning the tragic events which at present afflict Lebanon and its inhabitants. Lebanon has always been and will continue to be a land of fraternity, tolerance, love and peace. 205. We hope that the efforts which all parties concerned are at present exerting towards the restoration of peace, stability and tranqUillity to Lebanon will be concluded successfully within the framework of its national unity, territorial integriLY and sovereignty so that it may resume its leading role in the contemporary.Arab renaissance. 206. In discussing the" intractable situation in the Middle East, by far the oldest item on our agenda, we fmd that ;,t still seems the most unamenable to reasonable solution or even to any movement forward in that direction. On the contrary, any moves are in the direction of continual retrogression, as I shall explain later. 207. No statement could with greater precIsion have described the situation in the Middle East today than the Declaration adopted by the Fifth Conference of non- aligned countries at their meeting in Colombo, Sri Lanka, in the summer of this year. That is why I beg the Assembly's indulgence as I quote from that Declaration. It states: "The Middle East situation continues to pose a grave threat to international peace and security. About nine years following its 1967 aggression, Israel continues to occupy Arab territories and violate the inalienable na- tional rights of the Palestinian people. The Israeli aggres- sors persist in their policy of expansion, annexation, mass expulsion and repression of the Arab population, in violation of the United Nations Charter and resolutions and the principles of humanitarianism and international law, particularly the Fourth Geneva Convention. More- over, Israel :::ontinues to establish settlements in the occupied Arab territories and take measures aiming at the alteration of the political, demographic and cultural features and religious character of Jerusalem and other occupied Arab territories." [A/31/197. annex I. para. ~J.J 208. I may add on this occasion that I condemn the desecration of the Ibra'himi Mosque in recent years by the Israeli settlers, at a tim~ when the occupying authorities were plegent and able to see all these desecrations. 209. The Israeli authorities are indulging in these acts of spoliation, sequestration and plunder with a zeal and lust which surpasses their absorption of the territories which they occupied in 1948, both within and without the areas allotted to them by the United Nations. It is to them a race against time-a time when the world will have mustered the will and the courage to bring them to account. And when that time comes, they will answer: HBut how can we change the new faits accomplis? " 211. The peak of the tragedy' of a decade of Qccupation, and its most grotesque manifestation, is the tragedy of the city of Jerusalem, which has befallen not only its inhabit- ants but also hundreds of millions of people, belonging to every race and creed throughout the world. 212. How can the Israelis deny that Jerusalem has, throughout history, been the object of infinite veneration, worship and hope, not merely to themselves but to countless millions in the Moslem and Christian worlds, and indeed to mankind as a whole? For 1,400 years we have been the proud and faithful custodians of its uniquely universal and indestructible 1egacy and glory. How does Jerusalem stand today? it is being defaced and dismantled systematically beyond recognition. New structures have ringed tl:e city on all sides, in violation of the norms which govern the status of ancient and historic cities-and, indeed, in violation of specific and categorical General Assembly and St~urity Council resolutions in this respect, which had reiteratf d that all Israeli actions in the city are totally invalid and should be revoked. 213. It is inconceivable that the universal character of Jerusalem should be desecrated, compromised and emascu- lated by the exclusive claims to hegemony of Israeli occupation. 214. I need hardly reiterate my Government's deepest concern and sorrow over the adamantly insoluble question of the Middle East and the fate of well over 3 million people of Palestine, who are at present divided between dispersal and suffering on the one hand, and occupation on the other. Their fate continues to be a deep wound in the minds and hearts of all humanity. My Government's most profound concern is understandable, considering that Jordan is so inextricably involved in the daily sufferings and. ordeals of this unending tragedy. 215. The all-important quest for international peace and security is intimately related to this. The peace and stability of the Middle East as a region hinge upon the solution of this problem. 217. The valiant resistance of our people in the occupied territories, which has been sustained at great cost and sacrifice for so long, is a reflection of their fum belief that, if the present situation were allowed to continue for any additional length of time, their whole existence as a people would be placed in mortal jeopardy. 218. Having posed some of the a~pects of the Middle East crisis and the Palestinian tragedy,ny Government urges, in the strongest possible terms, that the United Nations should, without any further delay, implement iD reso- lutions pertaining to the withdrawal of Israeli forces from all territories occupied in 1967. 219. Likewise, my Government urges that prompt and effective action should be taken by the United Nations concerning the implementation of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, including their natural right to repatriation, self-determination and sovereignty. 220. To achieve these goals there must be movement to transform resolutions into concrete actions. The different avenues, procedures and modalities are mere means which should not block the roa~ to achieving the end. 221. In the meantime, and pending effective and practical steps, which it is empowered to carry out, and to which I have referred, the United Nations aa'io'!Jld reassert its demand that Israel desist forthwith from its present course of changing the status of the ~cupied Arab lands as a pre-condition to any viable, feasible and positive movement towards the desired solution. 222. Let us hope that the General Assembly and the Security Council will, at long last, throw their full weight behind implementation of these resolutions in order to put an end to one of the most sordid, intractable and tragic issues which has haunted the world for almost ti'.ree . consecutive decades.

The distinguished speaken who have preceded me to this rostrum have warmly con- gratulated Ambassador Amerasinghe on his election and paid a fitting tribute to his sterling qualities as a statesman and diplomat. My delegation fully shares' their views and sentiments. The delegation of Ghana is gratified to have a personality of Mr. Amerasinghe's calibre to preside over the thirty-fll'st session of the General Assembly. The re- markably able manner in which he has managed the affairs of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, as President of that complex and extremely difficult negotiating process, assures us of the success that will attend our deliberations here. Equally gratifying to us is the 224. Before I go further, permit me to pause to pay a tribute to Chairman Mao Tsetung, a leading fIgure of our times. Chairman Mao has rightly been acclaimed as a giant among men, and his death has robbed the world of a leader who, by precept and example, showed us all that selfless devotion and total commitment to the welfare of the people are the primary essentials of true leadership. On behalf of the Government and people of Ghana, let me once again convey our deepest condolences to the friendly Government and people of China for this irreparable and grievous loss. 225. To Ambassador Amerasinghe's predecessor, the dis- tinguished Prime Minister of Luxembourg, allow me to place on record our thanks for ajob well done. His conduct of the affairs of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly fulfilled our highest expectations. 226. In recent years, our Organization has been buffeted by extremes of fortune, but it has shown a wonderful resilience in the face of crises. Its ability to survive has been due largely to the wisdom and skill of the Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, and his able lieutenants who, in the most exacting situations, have toiled day and night, and toiled successfully, to vindicate the credibility of our Organization. The world owes them a debt of gratitude, and I believe that this can be paid not in gold or silver but by sincere and strenuous efforts on our part to promote the cause ofpeace. 227. It is with singular pleasure and deepest satisfaction that the delegation of Ghana welcomes the delegation of Seychelles into our midst. We in Ghana recall that it was to Seychelles that Prempeh I, King of the former Ashanti Kingdom, now part of Ghana, was exiled by the British Government in 1900. Although an unhappy event, it does serve as a link between the colonial history of the two countries. We rejoice with the people of Seychelles over their successful elimination ofalien domination. 228. For us in Ghana, the birth of every new State is an occasion for rejoicing, for it signifies the progressive eradication of the old virus of colonialism. No doubt the injection of new blood into our Organization will ensure for' it a more Vigorous and fruitful existence and, of course, bring it nearer to the desirable goal of universality. 229. My delegation will be delighted to give the delegation of Seychelles all the co-operation and asSistance of which we are capable. 230. This Assembly had hoped to have the pleasure of congratulating the valiant people of Angola on their country's admission to membership in the United Nations. It is a matter of deep regret and sadness to us that, owing to considerations which have no bearing on the ability of Angola to undertake the obligations of membership, we have been denied that opportunity. We remain convinced that justice has a way of prevailing at the most unexpected 232. It is with the same feeling of frustration that we regard the continued delay which has attended the admis- sion of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to membership in this Organizat'.>n. All this has occurred as a result of the unjustified use of the veto power. 233. In the view of my delegation, veto powers have been vested in the permanent members of the Security Council in recognition of their special responsibility to the inter- national community to promote a peaceful world environ- ment. But veto powers degenerate into abuse, and' their noble ends are defeated, if they are exercised with the aim of weakening the internal jurisdiction of the Government of a sovereign, independent State, or employed merely as an instrument in the regrettable politics of the cold war. 234. The international community is today confronted with problems of enormous dimensions. Prominent among these is the situation in southern Mrica where the process of decolonization has reached a critical, but obviously fmal, stage. The racist .minority regimes in Zimbabwe and Azania now stand as the remaining pockets of white settler domination on the continent. The motives of these two regimes may be complex and varied, but they have in them one common factor-fear of what might happen to them if they concede the principle of majority rule. Qf course, the longer the oppression, the greater the fear, and the more dangerous and explosive the situation becomes. But what the ruling minorities in southern Mrica should fear is not iliat power will fall into the hands of the majority, but that by their thoughtless attempts to perpetuate a monstrous social order and political system they are destroying their own chances of reconciliation 'within a framework of a multiracial community. 235. From this rostrum and in many other forums over the years the voice of Ghana has been loud and explicit on the nature of the problems of southern Africa: we have condemned apartheid and have upheld the human values which alone, we believe, will creat~ the peaceful and harmonious world community we all look forward to. Many of the speakers who have preceded me have once more recounted the facts and reiterated the well-known arguments in this Assembly. Therefore we will not labour 12 Frente Nacional para a Liberta~o de Angola. 13 Uniio Nacional para a Independencia Total de Angola. 237. That is what the African struggle is all about. We believe in this struggle. We all have one common objective: the establishment of a multiracial community based on equal opportunities and equal rights for all. To this end and for a speedy establishment of majority rule in Zimbabw~, the delegation of Ghana proposes: first, that a· consti- tutional conference should be held under the aegis of the United Kingdom Government to decide on the transfer of administrative power to the majority of Zimbabwe on the basis of the principle of "one man, one vote"; secondly, that in the interL.'1l, before majority administration, -the rebellion in Southern Rhodesia, which has been euphemis- tically described as a "unilateral declaration of inde- pendence", give place to order and legality, thus permitting sovereignty in the Territory, in fact as well as in law, clearly to revrrt to the United Kingdom as the administering Power; thirdly, that no lifting of sanctions should be considered until an interim government reflecting the views of the Zimbabwe people as a whole so requests; fourthly, that there should be no relaxation of the pressures on the rebel minority regime till satisfactory arrangements for interim government have been agreed to under the third of tnese proposals; fifthly, that the armed struggle should cease orJy when the frnt four conditions have been fully and irreversibly fulfilled; sixthly, that before then this Organization al1ld the intc:rnational community should progressively increase their support for the freedom fighters. In our view, there is no other way w~ can ensure that freedom and racial harmony will come peacefully to Zimbabwe than by the adoption of these proposals. 238. On the question of Namibia, I had the privilege to addl'ess the Security Council last Friday. 4 and to outline the views ofmy Government. As we all know, South Africa was given up to the last day of Au~st this year to quit Namibia and hand over the Territory to the United Nations to 'enable free elections to be organized in the Territory. To date, the only South African reaction has been an empty document, the so-called "declaration of intent" produced 14 See Officilll Records o/the Security Council. ThirtY-ru't Year. 19S8th meeting. 239. Ghana gives its full support to the conditions spelt out by Mr. NUjoma, President of the South West Africa People's Organization {SWAPO}. on 28 September 1976 before the Security Council, that is: frnt, that South Africa agrees to talk with SWAPO regarding the modalities of the transfer of administrative power to the people of Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO without prejudice to the constitution of South Africa's delegation to the talks; secondly, that those talks must be under the auspices of the United Nations and should be outside Namibia or any part of South Africa; thirdly, that, before the talks, all Namibian political prisoners must be released; and fourthly, that an South African armed forces should be withdrawn before the talks to enable Namibians to express themselves freely. 240. If South Africa refuses to accept these conditions aimed at a peaceful settlement of the issue, my delegation would consider that the end of the road has been reached and this Organization should take the appropriate action in keeping with our commitments to the Charter of the United Nations. We say this because we believe that this is yet another chance for South Africa to show its good faith and to demonstrate its respect for the decisions of this Organization and its component bodies. Otherwise the membership of that country will continue to be more of a liability than an asset to this Organi~ation. If that happens, my delegation proposes to the Security Council: first, that South Africa be forthwith suspended or expelled from the United Nations and remain so suspended or expelled till it decides to comply with the decisions of the Security Council and the General Assembly with regard to Namibia, and that all necessary measures be taken to enable the United Nations Council for Namibia to discharge its responsibilities; secondly tllat the General Assembly re- affIrm its recognition of SWAPO as the only legitimate organization representing the whole of Namibia and give it every support to establish its control over that Territory Vfith the assistance of the Unit.,d Nations Council for Namibia; and, thirdly, that the Council decide to take action against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter. . 241. Ghana continues to hold the view that freedom in Zimbabwe and independence for Namibia should not be attained at the cost of continued enslavement of the people of Azania. Thus, lest an erroneous impression be created in the minds of some that the racist regime of South Africa by its recent conduct regarding Zimbabwe is playing a positive role in the search for a peacefUl solution to the problems of southern Africa, let me here and now state that the apartheid system is the one major obstacle to peace in southern Africa. 242. The disturbances in African townships in Azania and the current events in Zimbabwe and Namibia must convince the whole world that Africa is on the move and no force on earth can arrest the inexorable march of human history to its ultimate fulfllment in southern Mrica. It is our desire, in making these proposals, that the United Nations should 243. The human rights situation in the world has ad- mittedly undergone some radical transformation for the better in the period since the last war and, more particu- larly, since the wind of change began to blow through the continent of Africa. Nevertheless, in parts of our world there are still many people who are denied the enjoyment of even elementary rights. Men, women and children continue to die in great numbers because they are deprived of the basic necessities to sustain life, necessities which in other parts of the world have come to be taken for granted. 244. The support which Ghana has provided and con- tinues to prOVide for the liberation effort and in the struggle for human dignity is in conformity with our historical circumstances. Equally valid and true to this tradition is our offer to act as host in 1978 to the world conference to combat racism and raciai discrimination, which has been enVisaged as the high-water mark of the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimi· nation. This offer represents our modest contribution to the realization of the purposes and objectives of the Decade, and we trust that all countries which value human decency and dignity and abhor racism and racial discrimi- nation will contribute effectively towards ensuring a suc- cessful conference in Accra. 245. The tragic conflict in Lebanon has further compli- cated the situation in the Middle East. Ghana is saddened over the fate that has befallen that beautiful and prosperous country, and we entertain the.fervent hope that reason will soon ensure peace and harmony in Lebanon. But, even without a Lebanese crisis, the over-all situation in the Middle East remains as explosive and as dangerous as ever, and the ingenuity of this Organization should be directed to rmding ajust and permanent solution as qUickly as possible. 246. Mr. Kissinger's statement that the time might now be propitious for an attempt at an over-all settlement and the Soviet Union's suggestion for the reconvening of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East should pave the way for fresh initiatives for a permanent peace in the Middle East. Not only must those two super-Powers bring their undoubtedly enormous influence to bear construc- tively on any impending negotiations, but all the nations here represented must contribute their share towards the search for a solution that will be just for the long-suffering pafestinian people and ensure peace and security for all the States in the region. 247. Ghana is committed to the cause of peace in the Middle East, and while the search for a solution goes on we shall continue to maintain our troops serving with the United Nations Emergency Force in the area for as long as their presence is required. 248. The Aegean Sea is also fast becoming a trouble area, threatening to add a new dimension to the Cyprus 249. Our annual review of the world situation compels us once again to renew our faith in the principles and purposes of our Charter and our comlPJtment to the attainment of a world that is free from all elements which militate against the attainment of mankind's ultimate objective of peace and security. Because the issue of disarmament has impli- cations affecting international peace and security, Ghana has traditionally made that issue one of the most important aspects of its foreign policy. It is a sad reflection of our sense of priorities that in a world which is still largely beset with poverty and ignorance the arms race alone consumes almost S300 billion annually, while the net flow of official development assistance amounts to only S15 billion a year. It is realities of this kind which make it imperative for countries such as mine, though young and developing, to resist the temptation of standing by as helpless spectators of the increasing acquisition and stockpiling of weapons of mass destruction. 250. It is true that the 19705 which we have proclaimed a Disarmament Decade have seen the conclusion of a number of important agreements on disarmament. The advent of the era of "detente" has also contributed to the thawing of the cold-war climate between the major Powers and induced some restraint in their quest for global influence. But the arms race continues unabated and the incessant calls of developing countries for a world disarmament conference have gone unheeded. 251. It is painfully obvious, as it has always been, that any confrontation of strength between any two of the big Powers will have consequences from which neither they nor we can claim immunity. The notion that military strength deters aggression has hardly any credibility in an inter- dependent world and desef11es to be repudiated. It is a notion which undermines all efforts aimed at achieving a disarmed world. What the world needs now-perhaps more than at any other time in history-is courageous, imagina- tive and responsible leadership, which alone can ensure that mankind can live in a world which is not haunted by threats, real or imagined, ofan impending catastrophe. 252. In the circumstances, a world disarmament con- ference cannot be delayed any longer. Such a conference must prOVide a forum for frank and constructive discussion of all aspects of arms and disannament, including the custody and disposal of plutonium which nuclear power plants are now producing at an alarming rate. 253. My delegation welcomes the efforts of the great Powers to achieve detente in Europe. But we should like to emphasize that the process must not be confined to Europe, nor should it be made to operate merely as a 255. If the third world is to share in· fhe benefits of detente, the various, Powers must scrupulously observe the principle of mutual access in their relations with developing countries. We recognize that in the third world various Powers.have acquired areas of primary interlest, dictated by economic or historical affiliations; but such interests should not be seen in the framework of spheres of influence. The difference between primary and exclusive int"rests must be acknowledged by all. The right of developing countries to be non-aligned and to pursue political, id,eological or economic relations with all the major Pcwlers must be respected. In an interdependent world, developing countries cannot, any more than industrialized ones, develop in complete isolation from the centres of world economic power. But major-Power involvement in our affairs can only escape becoming politicized and militarized if there is an implicit agreement among those Powers both to generalize their relationships and to maintain the principle of mutual access, and if each super-Power refrains from the massive military support of selected areas in the third world as a necessary part of its global military strategy. Any such policy of selective military support by big Powe.rs is bound to generate a regional arms race among the client States, as well as producing undesirable consequences for big-Power detente. Policies designed to contain communism, and doctrines of limited sovereignty do not promote the cause of developing countries; they have no relevance.. to the aspirations of their peoples. If anything, they breed conflicts of interest and threaten peace and security in the third world. 256. Detente as a means of promoting peace must also be employed in the settlement of all international issues, including the lingering problem of under-development and exploitation. 257. The glaring inequalities and imbalances in the inter- national economic structure, together with the ever widen- ing gap between the developed and developing countries, continues to be a source of grave concern. Many resolutions have been adopted by international organizations relating to the establishment of the new international economic order founded on genuine partnership and recognition of our global interdependence. But, because of a lack of political will, particularly on the part of the industrialized countries, progress towards the implementation of these resolutions has been minimal. No headway has been made at the Conference on International Economic Co-operation in Paris. The results of the fourth session of UNCTAD fell far short of the expectations aroused by the sixth and seventh special sessions of the United Nations General Assembly. 259. Furthermore, the upheavals that have taken place in the world economy over the past three or four years have aggravated the external constraints on the economic growth of a large number of developing countries. Indeed, these upheavals, which were not foreseen when the Strategy was conceived, have cast serious doubt on the validity in present circumstances of the policy prescriptions comprising the international development effort. It has now become clear that a new and more effective development strategy is required, a strategy which would have to be supported by a drastic upgrading of the development issue in the order of priorities of the developed countries. 260. Such a strategy should no longer set the reqUired policy measures within the existing framework of inter- national economic relations. To do so would be to support a framework which has been largely discredited, one which embodies and perpetuates an unequal economic rela- tionship involving the economic dependency and under- development of third-world countries. What is needed is a strategy that would reflect a restructuring of the inter- national economic system on the basis of the Declaration and Programme of Action adopted at the sixth special session of the General Assembly; a strategy which would be inspired by the need for balance and partnership rather than dependency in the economic relations between de- veloped and developing 'countries; and, not least, a strategy embodying the concept of collective self-reliance, which would make the developing countries less dependent on the developed countries for their economic and social progress through the strengthening of trade and economic co-opera- tion among themselves. It is in consonance with these beliefs that Ghana has participated in the negotiations leading to the conclusion of the Lome Convention of 28 February 1975 between the countries 'of the European Economic Community and Mrican, Caribbean and Pacific countries. It is in the same spirit that we actively supported the establishment of the Economic Community of West Mricart States. 261. The international community now recognizes the distinction between economic growth in the narrow sense of an increase in the gross product of developing countries and economic developme~t in the wide sense of improve- ment in the living standards of their people. To achieve economic and social progress in this fundamental sense, my Government is committed to policies of national self- 262. The history of the United Nations is the history of humanity's struggle for dignity and brotherhood. It is a continUing struggle for freedom and justice against fear, hunger, disease, illiteracy and exploitation. Ours is a unique endeavour to create, out of the remarkable diversity· of races, cultures, opinions and attitudes of our little world, a dynamic unity of purpose and a philosophy for the attainment of peace and security. Thirty-one- years is a short period in the history of the human race. It is no surprise, therefore, that we still have to meet every so often for almost interminable discussions and arguments in an effort to reach the goals we have set ourselves. The more important consideration, however, is whether we have the will to persevere. I think we have. Additionally, there is no lack of resources. Let us therefore continue to give and take in our negotiations and discussions for the good of the entire human race.

On behalf of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the State of Qatar, who is not able to be with us on this solemn occasion, I have the pleasure of expressing my sincere felicitations and profound satisfaction at the election of Mr. Amerasinghe as President of the General Assembly dUring its thirty-first session. My delegation is well aware of his good qualities and statesmanship. Indeed, we consider those qualities the best guarantee for the creation ef most effective and positive conditions for our deliberations. This is due to his skill and great ability. 264. I should like also to express my respect and esteem for Ambassador Amerasinghe's predecessor became of the wisdom and tact he demonstrated in guiding the meetings at the last session. 265. I am pleased to expl'ess my thanks and appreciation to the Secretary-Genl}ral, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, because we belif;ve he is I}Y..ei'ting every effort to bring harmony into the family of nations and to enhan.ce its effectiveness in serving the causefJ of justice, security and peace, which remain at the cent[f~ ofour interest. 266. Mloreover, we welcome and extend our congratu- lations tt.' the RepUblic of Seychelles, which has recently joined OU1" international family in order to take part in the noble march towards the establishment of a free human society based on justice and equality. At the same time, we express the hope that the Republic of Seychelles will achieve stability and progress.' 267. Today, at this thirty-first session of the General Assembly, with our re,sponsibility towards the peoples of the wodl1~ which are longing for a better future, we are reqUired to strengthel~' this international Organization, under whose regulations" laws and Charter we seek protec- tion, because it incOT.pora'tes all the great hopes of humanity that man wm be prevented from again resorting 268. Hence the United Nations, as a forum of justice and right, is requested to play a decisive and sophisticated role in respect of world problems and to create broader hopes for the solution of international problems. That goal will not be achieved unless! there is a common belief in the necessity of imposing C4.lnstant pressure and blockades on those who impede the march of international peace and development and who, by their violations of the United Nations Charter~ whatever the justifications, increase ten- sions and anxitty in the world. 269. In that \context, the question of Palestine becomes a materialization of the tragedy crested as a result of the constant and ~leliberate efforts by Israel, with its frivolous attitude, to violate the United Nations Charter and the just resolutions 'of the United Nations. Though the General Assembly m\s frequently confirmed the inalienable rights of the Palestini~n people and especially their right to self- determination without any foreign intervention and their right to independence and national sovereignty, as well as the right of Palestinians to return to their homes and property from which they were displaced and upr~ted, and in spite of the Assembly's recognition that the Pal~~tinian people are a major party in the process of achieVing a just and lasting peace in the Middle East, these qYJestions arise, Where does the issue of Palestine-man, land and right-stand, and why? And why does Israel insist on ft.'rcing its racial hegemony upon the Palestinian Arab pet.'ple, whose just struggle the Assembly recognized and whose representation a'~ an observer at the United Nations the Assembly thereupon accepted? 270. The Middle East question, because of its persistent consequences, will continue to be a threat to world peace and the international community because Israel up to this very moment· has still not recognized the international resolutions pertaining to this very crucial question. There- fore, with the aim of protecting peace and ensuring respect for right and justice, and in pursuance of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East, we demand that the United Nations put an end to Israeli frivolity and Zionist racism and terrorism b')l' fIrmly and decisively implementing the United Nations Charter and all the resolutions adopted by the United Nations in this respect, and by forcing Israel to respect the just will of the international community. 271. We consider that the establishment of real peace and the adequate response inspired by the spirit of the United Nations Charter are basic preludes to all the positive achievements to which the peoples of the world are looking forward as a result of our meetings and efforts. 272. The State of Qatar renews its commitment to the provisions and principles laid down in the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXV)}. We in Qatar look forward to the fd'th conference of countries located on the Indian Ocean, with a view to declaring that region to be a zone of peace. We 273. Therefore, my country endorses the call for the convening of a world disarmament conference open to all countries, nuclear and non-nuclear, large and small, on an equal footing. We do so in the hope that such a conference will result in positive and effective measures leading to disarmament. We consider it to be our duty and respon- sibmty to human civilization to take this stand, in order to prevent mankind from falling victim to bewilderment, dispersion and instability. 274. We warn the Assembly of the increasing threat of a military confrontation in the Middle East. At the same time, we underline the necessity of discussing all aspects of the situation resulting from Israel's adamant refusal to sign the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and to cease producing, or obtaining nuclear weapons or contemplating using them. 275. We would therefore ask, Is it sufficient for the United Nations to condemn this deliberate aggressive refusal by Israel alone? And if we add to all that the arbitrary measures taken by Israel to obstruct the work of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, the oppression practise'd by Israel against the inhabitants of the occupied Arab terri- tories and all of Il::rael'a endeavours to change the demo- graphic characteristiu of the West Bank and Jerusalem, it becomes clear that the implementation of political and economic sanctions against IlJ!ael is the least the United Nations should do in this respect. 276. We view with great sy111?athy and appreciation the efforts exerted by the United Nations to eliminate racist impurities from the world political arena. Also, we declare the support of the State of Qatar for the rights of the struggling African peoples in Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania to attain their independence and preserve their national identities so as to be able to choose their way of life. Racial discrimination is a disgrace to civilization and disregards the most sacred humanistic values. We therefore consider that breaking the international blockade, whether moral or material, imposed on racist regimes is as heinous an act as racism itself. 277. On the othr.r hand, it is our duty and responsibility to stress the contents of the resolution adopted at the twenty-seventh session of the General Assembly acknow- ledging the legitimacy of the struggle of the national liberation movements, which complies with the aims of t1:le Ch&rter. The international community should be account- able for any violation of that resolution or negligence of the requirement of putting it into effect. 279. Man's freedom, his dignity and his rights are the basic pillars upon wbJch the United Nations Charter, which is accepted by all of us, was based. Henceforth we must express our respect for the Charter by our commitment and determination to deplore and put an end to all practices which degrade human beings, whether by torture or by other inhuman or humiliating means. 280. If it is our duty to protect the freedom, dignity and rights of man, wherever he may be, we ought also to protect the spir;tual and material values of nations out of our respect for their cultural heritage and in pursuance of the promotion of development. 281.. Accordingly, we must condemn cultliral colonialism whatever its origin for trying with all its power to annihilate and distort a part of the human legacy. Thus it is up-acceptable that the United Nations, with all its vigilance and concern, could not prevent Israel from distorting the Arab cultural heritage in the occupied Arab lands. 282. The State of Qatar, like all other States of the third world, is deeply interested in the efforts being exerted by the United Nations and the great concern it demonstrates in its efforts to increase productive efficiency and develop- ment capacity all over the world. That is so because resistance to the spectre of famine which haunts millions of poor people will continue to be vital if we want uninter- rupted progress without setbacks. In this respect we believe that the role being played by the major Powers and the industrial countries still noticeably falls short of our expectatiQns. Moreover, inflation and the increases in the prices of manufactured products and food-stuffs and prob- lems which afflict the international community and its economic order. These problems can be solved only by the major Powers and the industrial countries. It is worth mentioning that the oil-producing countries are not respon- sible in any way for the creation of these problems, since they, as developing countries, have been severely affected, largely because of the deterioration of the world economic situation as a whole. 283. We believe that the international family should warmly and comprehensively welcome the creation of new economic order, one well balanced and based on an objective economic dialogue between the world's different economic blocs, including both developed and developing countries. In this respect the State of Qatar supports the resolutions adopted by the Group of 77.t 5 It also exerts sincere and continuous efforts in the field of co·operation with sister Arab States and in the field of the execution of joint development projects in Africa and Asia and in other parts of the world, in the conviction that objective economic co-operation is capable of fostering the world's development and prosperity. ~!.':>se aspirations and ambitions that have been the dream of all the nations of ea.rth since the dawn of history. 285. In conclusion I wish to express my Government's hope that the work of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly will be crowned with successful results compa- tible with the aspirations of the peoples of the world at large. We are confident that the United Nations will exert itself to the utmost in using all available facilities in accordance with the Charter, and with the support of its Member States, to uphold the new international spirit, to achieve equality and to build a new era of international solidarity, with the dedication of all co-operating for the good and unity of mankind.

I shall now call upon those representatives who wish to speak in exercise of their right of reply. Members will recall that, at its 4th plenary meeting, the General Assembly decided t.~at statements made in exercise of the right of reply should be limited to 10 minutes.

I should like briefly to comment on some remarks made by the Foreign Minister of Argentina on the question of the Falkland Islands in the course of what was a most thoughtful and challenging statement to us yesterday afternoon {18th meeting]. 288. Our reservations on the resolutions of the.General Assembly and the Special Committee on decolonization to which he referred are well known. My Government has no doubts as to its sovereignty over the Falkland Islands. It remains willing, however, to continue exchanges with the Argentine Government about all aspects of Anglo-Argentine relations, including the Falkland Islands.

In the statement made this afternoon by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Mauritania we heard him say that he would try to avoid any controversial issue in order not to disrupt the calm and serenity of our debates. These are certainly very praiseworthy intentions; obviously, if he had abided by them, I would not now have had to exercise my right of reply. But, contrary to his statement, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Mauritania did open a controversy: frrst of all, by giving.an interpretation of certain decisions and tests which is open to challenge, then by making certain ao;sertions, which again could be challenged, and finally, by calling most directly in question the Government I represent. I shall not dwell at length on those statements in trying to refute them: fust of all, because you have . reminded me, Mr. President, that I have only 10 minutes available to me, and, secondly, because the Algerian delegation will obViously have the time and occasion to shed on this issue all the light that is necessary, nay, that is now indispensable. 291. As for Algeria, this is another problem. On this as well as many other problems, Algeria has adopted a position which it has always been at pains to describe with the greatest lucidity. Had this been our only merit, we would also have that of not changing our mind, and all delegations here can at least pay this just tribute to my Government, that Algeria has remained constant and has acted in accordance with its statements, commitments and convictions. And if the Fore~gn Minister of Mauritania requires further proof of this, I could perhaps ask him to refer briefly to his own memory to recall that Algeria has always remained faithful to the decisions of the General Assembly itself and to United Nations doctrine on this subject, but whether or not the decolonization of the Sahara takes place according to specific rules has not depended on Algeria or its Government. 292. Indeed, there is no problem between Algeria and Mauritania. The decolonization of the Sahara does not, per se~ give rise to any problem between our two countries. The real problem is that which brings into opposition the Government of Mauritania and the international com- munity, because the Mauritanian Government was, and still is, contradicting its previous positions, and, indeed, is now in an illegal position vis-a-vis decisions of our Assembly. 293. I shall termi'late here this brief response and, of course, if any new elements arise in this debate, I shall be quite willing to shed all necessary light on them.

We have heard a statement by the representative of Algeria which essentially praised two features of the position of the Algerian Government. What are those two features? First, that the position of the Algerian Govern- ment has never varied on the question of the Sahara. Let us take a closer look at that feature of the Algerian Govern- ment's position. 295. All of you know-and I shall demonstrate this-that the position of the Algerian leaders on this question is fraught with contradictions from beginning to end. First of all, when the problem arose in the United Nations, the Algerian Government, with the support of Morocco and 296. Now, why did Algeria take this position? It was because Algeria counted on the impossibility of an under- standing between Mauritania and Morocco and this unfor- tunately prompted our Algerian friends to describe this understanding as an "unnatural alliance". This is an understanding between two Arab countries belonging to the same subregion, an understanding between two States of the African continent, sharing the same hopes, the same past and the same concerns, and yet they describe it as an "unnatural alliance"! This is the fIrst contradiction in the Algerian Government's position. 297. The second contradiction is that when the problem came before the International Court of Justice, the Algerian Government stated throug)1 its representative that the Sahara was a terra nullius. What does this mean? It means that the land escheated and that any colonial Power could, by virtue of the law of that time, legally occupy the Sahara. This indirectly supported the position at that time of the Spanish Government. And then, three or four months later, they stiuted talking to us, with great nobility of spirit, of the Saharan people and of their sovereignty. This is the second contradiction to be found in the position of the Algerian Government. ,298. But there is a third contradiction. What does the principle of self-determination, which is championed by our Algerian brothers-and we do not wish to cast doubts on the nobility of their feelings or even their good faith-but what does it imply? It implies a solution that could, and normally must, allow for different possibilities. But when you invoke the principle and at the same time announce the result of its application, by the proclamation of a republic, is this not another contradiction which no country here could in good faith accept? And we have said this here today. This is the third contradiction in the position of the Algerian Government. 299. I assure this Assembly that I shall abstain from the use of words like '·'abusive" or "fantasy", which I did not expect from my colleague and brother Mr. Rahal. 300. But in any case, the fIrst quality which he attributed to the Algerian Government's position was that it never varied with regard to the Sahara. He also said that Algeria had always been faithfUl to decisions of the United Nations. That was the second attribute, and he seemed to place great stress on it. . 16 Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organi- zation of African Unity, held at Rabat from 12 to 15 June 1972. 302. Now, who ~s the Minister for Foreign Affairs of this republic? He is the former charge d'affaires of Mauritania in Algiers. The Minister for Information of this Republic- who is he? He is a former offIcial of the Mauritanian Ministry of Mines. 303. Algeria tells us that it wishes stability and peace in this region but must support the independence and self- determination of the Saharan people. But such is the "republic" cr~.ated by Algeria, and Algeria says that it is faithful to the decisions of the General Assembly. We, Morocco and Mauritania, say that the General Assembly is sovereign in its decisions. As for us, we consider that we have acted within the framework of international legality. Anyone has a perfect right to criticize us for anything they may wish, but at least our action is based specifIcally on decisions of the General Assembly and of the Security Council and on the Madrid agreement. 304. Now, on the basis of what decision did Algeria proclaim a republic? Not on the basis of the Madrid agreement, nor any Algiers agreement, nor even any agreement whatsoever, whether concluded in Corsica or elsewhere. At least the action of Mauritania and of Morocco has, from the beginning till now, been based on interna- tional legality. No resolution of the General Assembly has ever requested Algeria to proclaim and set up a republic composed of mercenaries. Yet the representative of Algeria has told us that his country is faithful to decisions of the United Nations. 305. I do not want to take up too much of the Assembly's time although I can assure it that I have many things to say about this problem and am quite ready to give as many clarifications and as much information to the members of this Assembly as may be necessary.