A/31/PV.21 General Assembly

The flrst speaker thismorning is the personal representative of General Kjell Eugenio Laugerud, President of the Republic of Guatemala, Her Excellency Mrs. Helen Losi de Laugerud. I invite her to address the Assembly.

It is in this forum that nations and their representatives expresstheir ideasand their aspirations in a continuing human effort to ensure progress-and peace. Despite the diversity and dynamics of conflicts, despite differences in interests and ideologies, the United Nations has proved its ability to find andimplement solutions. This is because man has learned that the determination to live together in peace is not only desirable but essential. 3. However, Guatemala is not before this Assembly today to preach any cause. Guatemala comes simply to express to every nation represented hereits appreciation and gratitude for the aid provided by the peoples and the Governments of your nations when the tragedy of 4 February this year destroyed one third of our territory. 4. Guatemala isnot the only country in the worldthat has suffered earthquakes, floods and other natural disasters. But it is the smallest of the countriesthat have experienced destruction of suchmagnitude. 5~ It is true that one no longer sees the tears or heal'S the moans of the more than 15,000disabled. Thegraves of the 24,750 dead are stilland dark. Theorphanswill be growing up without the warmth of a family, but they will have the solidarity of their countrymen, The more than 94,000 injured are recovering. 6. But, of our total population of 6 million, 1,200,000 lost their homes, and the homes of another 400,000 will have to be restored or reconstructed. NEW YOlK 7. With the destruction of one third of our territory, the infrastructure that we had before the earthquake was completely wiped out. Centres of agricultural production have lost plantings and crops; moreover, the ecology has changed, and thischange will affect our agriculture. 8. By consulting the, map and United Nations statistics, you will be able to appreciate the devastating effectsof the disaster we have suffered. If, as the result of an earthquake, a country loses its vital resources, human and otherwise, and if that country is also small and poor, such a disaster must mark the beginning of a new era. It means that the country must start anew. 9. That is why the emergency aid that your countries furnished us at a time of crisis not only saved lives but demonstrated that human solidarity continues to be one of the qualities ensuring the survival ofmankind. 10. We Guatemalans shall not forget that your nations shared our grief and made our needs a common cause. We are aware that in many of your countries sacrifices had to be made in order to help us. We know that thousands of your countrymen did not eat in order to send food to our victims. And we are also aware that children of your nations who do not even know where on this planet our country is located none the less cried for our children and sent them clothing, toys, andcandy. 11. None of this can ever be forgotten. Neither can we forget the medical assistance missions, the specialists in many fields, and the volunteers of all races, religions and political ideologies who came to Guatemala to offer help, expectingno compensation. 12. At this verymoment,the sight of these'dedicated men and women passes before my eyes-people engaged in a dramatic, noble and heroic task, in the midstof the rubble and the weeping victims. I see them today as I saw them then. They spoke in languages that we did not understand, but we witnessed their help and sensedtheir sympathy and resignation in the face of death. 13. In the midst of the cataclysm, volunteers of your nations helped to mitigate the effects of the disaster. Penetrating unknown territory, they entered the caves where rural folk lay dying and scaled the mountains where survivors begged to be saved. 14. So how can Guatemala fail to be grateful to your countries? How canwerepay you? We cannot. 15. It is for that reason that I havebeen commissioned by my people to appear before this Assembly to express our appreciation and gratitude. Please accept them, since this is 17. I can assure you that a great nationalcrusade in under way in Guatemala, aimed at its reconstruction. And, in accordance with the request of my husband, President Laugerud, a request to which the people agreed, we have driedour tears and started to work. 18. In the national crusade for reconstruction, the Guate- malan woman is not a spectator but a necessary participant. I can attest to the amazing fortitude of the Guatemalan woman during the most difficult stage of the catastrophe and to her devoted dedication in the present effort to createand build. 19. 'Though carrying a newborn infant on her back and perhaps havingseen her husbandburiedin a commongrave, that woman grasped a tool to clear the rubble from the streets of her village and from the access routes. Her sorrow burned within her, but she did not weep. Under the blazing sun or the drenching rain she worked tirelessly, through long,dark hours. 20. In the tormented faces of those women one could observe the serenityof our racein the face of adversity; one could sense the stoicism of peoplewho remained erect in the face of death and devastation in their homes,death and devastation in their towns, death and devastation among their neighbours. 21. 'The Guatemalan womanisnot redecorating her home; she is rebuilding it with her own hands. Side by side with the men, she is rebuilding houses, working in the wheat and corn fields. She is helping the needy. Sheis a mother and a refuge to the orphaned and the old who have lost everything, evenan awareness of their age. 22. May I say that as a woman I am proud of the stature and greatnessof the Guatemalan woman. 23. Nevertheless, we Guatemalans and our President believe that in this reconstruction we must not again build things as they were. Through the reconstruction we are working to create new living conditions and a better standard of living for all our people. Guatemala believes that reconstruction means improvement. In reconstructing we are also establishing the instruments for promoting social development and for giving impetus to human progress. 24. We do not want any country to live through the terrifying experience Guatemala has lived through. We do not want any country to face a catastrophe such aswehave faced. 25. I sincerely pray that the Almighty will spare the nations here represented from the cataclysmic destruction wehave suffered. 27. On behalf of Guatemala, may I ask that we say a prayer in tribute to those who have diedin your countries. 28. Finally, on behalfof Guatemala I wishto ten you that wethank you from the bottom of our hearts.

I thank Her Excellency the Per- sonal Representative of the President of the Republic of Guatemala. Her Excellency has with fervor and poignancy expressed her country's gratitude to the human community for the assistance it rendered Guatemala at a time of acute anguish and distress. On behalf of the General Assembly I should like to assure Her Excellency that we very much appreciate her gracious gesture and wish her country a speedy recovery from the terrible calamity it has suffered.

Mr. President, it is my great pleasure to congratulate you on your election as President of this Assembly session. This has beena great year for you. You have already demonstrated your presi- dential capacity in five sessions of the Third UnitedNations Conference on the Law of the Sea, and at two of them this year.At the same time your country hasbeen the host for a summit meeting of the non-aligned countriesin Colombo.! Your electionasPresidentnot only ensures that this session will run with unusual punctuality and efficiency, but also reflects honour on Sri Lanka and on the Asian countries which showed their wisdom in selecting you for this high post. 31. I offer my warm felicitations to our Secretary-General and his staff on their untiring efforts in the interests of all mankind. 32. New Zealand, as a fellow member of the Common- wealth, gives a special welcome to Seychelles asthe newest Member of the United Nations. In accordance with the principle of universality, New Zealand will support the admission of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam when it comes before this Assembly. 33. The General Assembly is the great key forum for the discussion of world issues, and the attendance of so many distinguished politicalfigures at this session provesthis. 34. Some might think that New Zealand is not wellplaced to be much more than an onlookerin such a discussion. We are tucked away at the south end of the world. We are small; we are isolated; we are rather out of the way. But I assure you that any such assumption would be wrong. In spite of our geographical position, we areverymuch a part of the world. We depend for our livelihood, asmuchas any other country in the world, on our overseas trade. 35. When things go wrong with other parts of the world, particularly in the economic sphere, wefeel the effectsand we feel them heavily and badly. As a result of the recent international recession our economic fortunes have suffered 36. But although we are going through a lean time I have no apprehension about our future. This is because our society is fundamentally strong, and it is strong because it is fundamentally just. 37. We are multiracial society. We are British, we are Maori, we are Polynesian, we are Chinese, we are Danish, Yugoslav, Indian, Dutch and of many other nationalities. Some might see this cultural diversity as a liability or as a source of friction. We do not. It is a strength. We believe that our society is more mature, more accommodating and richer because we have learned and are still learning to get along together. I will not pretend that stresses do not occasionally arise. The movement in recent years of large numbers of our Maori people to the cities and the immigration of other Polynesians from the Pacific Islands have created problems of adjustment that did not formerly exist. The change from a traditional community life in comparatively isolated rural or island areas to a somewhat frustrating and perplexing one in what may seem to many to be an uncaring city is never easy. 38. I would claim, however, that the change is perhaps easier to make in New Zealand than in many other places throughout the world, and I believethat is because we have a stronger egalitarian tradition and because we believe that human rights are not the preserve of anyone group. Divisions of class, status or cultural background are of less significance than they are perhaps anywhere else in the world. I know that is a bold statement to make, but I believe it to be true. To put it into our colloquial terms, we believe in giving the other chap a "fair go", and it does not matter whether the other chap is a Maori, a Samoan, an Indian, a European, or whatever. We all share the same rightsand the same responsibilities. 39. And this approach is well reflected throughout our history. Representatives might be interested to know that our indigenous people, the Maori, were granted the demo- cratic right of universal suffrage-the "one man, one vote" that we hear so much of today-in 1867: over a hundred years ago. At that time the rest of the New Zealand community still had to have property qualifications in order to vote. The most reliable test of racial harmony is often claimed to lie in the rate of intermarriage between different groups. In New Zealand the rate of intermarriage is so high that it has been estimated that within a generation or two. every New Zealander of British or European stock will have at least one close relative of Maori or Polynesian extraction. 40. As New Zealanders, we have thus come to see clearly that our separate destiny as a nation lies in building upon the heritage of our two main cultures-that of the Poly- nesian and that of what we call the Pakeha, or European. What we are striving to do is to leave to our children and their children the inheritance of the best of what is to be found in the traditional valuesof our different cultures. 42. Our acceptance of this identify has been accelerated by the emergence of new island nations in our neigh- bourhood, and when I talk of "neighbourhood" it is pretty vast: I am talking of an area of 2,000 to 4,000 miles wide.. It has been fostered, too, by the experience we have had in administering our former Territories, the Cook Islands and Niue. The United Nations was closely associated with the process by which those Territories came to self-government, and New Zealand assisted and welcomed that association. 43. We were pleased, earlier this year, that a Visiting Mission from the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples was able to go to our remaining island Territory, which used to be called the Tokelau Islands, but is from now on to be known simply as Tokelau, to discuss its future. The Mission has since submitted its report [A/31/ 23/Rev.l, chap. XVII, annex}. We in New Zealand are giving most serious consideration to what the report has to say and, of course, particularly to its recommendations. Tokelau comprises an isolated, tiny and thinly settled group of islands. My Government will co-operate fully with the United Nations in finding ways to meet the expressed wishesof the Tokelau people regardingtheir future. 44. The process of political change is at work, not only in New Zealand's corner of the Pacific, but in other parts as well. The South Pacific has sometimes been called a quiet backwater. I doubt that that has ever really been true, and certainly in my long experience the South Pacific has always-been a busy place; there is always something going on and some changes taking place. 45. Yet I also believe it is true that the South Pacific is indeed entering upon a new era: new forms of political co-operation are evolving, notably the South Pacific Forum, in which the heads of government of the independent nations of the South Pacific meet at least once each year, with committees in between times. I had the very great privilege of presiding over the first Forum, which was held in New Zealand in 1971. There is a growing sense of collective interest evident in the work of that Forum. Perhaps the best example of this is the concerted approach its members have adopted towards those aspects of the negotiations on the law of the sea which have very great implications for all those who live in our region. 46. New leaders have emerged and are emerging. They have new ideas and they are determined to giveexpression to the expectations of their people. This is a good thing, something to be encouraged. Because of the kinship link New Zealand has with the Pacific people, we are that much more aware of their aspirations for advancement and their aspirations for higher liVing standards. We are also aware- keenly aware-of the expectationsthat New Zealand and Australia inspire because we are of the relatively more affluent members of the Pacific family. 48. We are doing all that we can to help. We look also to the United Nations and the specialized agencies to continue their good work in our region. The United Nations Development Programme IUNDPJ, we know, faces a grave resources problem. It has, however, made a valuable contribution to the South Pacificin recent years,and this is an opportunity for me to reinforce the previous represen- tations that the New Zealand Government has made, that the UNDP should maintain its support for the important key projectsit has been involved in in the region. 49. There has recently been a quickening of outside interest ID this region. To the extent that it reflects a genuine concern to promote the well-being of the develop- ingcountriesof the South Pacific,it will be welcome. 50. Having a special interest in the South Pacific does not mean that we take a parochial view of world economic problems. Thesame egalitarian tradition which I mentioned earlier, the same concern for the basic human rights, leads us to attach great urgencyto early progress in restructuring the world's economic and trading system along more equitable lines. We share Secretary-General Waldheim's own blunt assessment when he said: "A world economically divided could not and would not be politically stable." 51. As a country heavily dependent on the export of a narrow range of agricultural commodities, New Zealand knows at first hand the difficulties and uncertainties faced by developing countries whose economicprogress is depen- dent upon a stable and remunerative trade in commodities, mainly primary commodities. I have mentioned our own problems arising from the international recession. But we realize fully that many developing countries were hit even harder than we were, and that for them export earnings have shrunk to a level at which their development efforts have been crippled. We believe that improved commodity training arrangements are an essentialingredient of any new internationaleconomicorder worthy of that name. 52. Again, as a net importer of investment capital and technology, New Zealand has a special appreciation of the requirement for better and more equitable international arrangements in those two areas. My Government also believes; that the daunting debt-servicing problems currently faced by the poorer developing countries demand imme- diate attention, and in the future the question of the terms of development assistance generally must receive continuing internationalconsiderationin a multilateralcontext. 53. There has been some progress since the encouraging conclusion of last year's seventh special session of the General Assembly. The Conference on International Eco- nomic Co-operation in Paris and other important meetings, both within and outside the United Nations system, have 54. The fourth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development IUNCTADJ succeeded in establishing a framework and a time scale for consideration of the key question of the international commodity trade. It cleared the way, at least, for a more detailed analysis of the specific issues involved. These are welcome develop- ments, although less progress was made in other key areas. But in the new climate, consideration of these issues will not be allowed to lapse; the debate is, fortunately, now a continuing one. SS. International efforts are focused on many different problems-food production, human settlements, the corn- modities trade, the transfer of science and technology, the flow of development assistance and investment capital, and the restructuring of the United Nations system itself to make it more responsive to the current needs of the world community. In all these efforts New Zealand iscommitted to full and constructive participation. 56. One of this Organization's real achievements in its 30-year history has beenin the elaboration of standardsfor basic human rights. We know, however, that despite those standards and despite all the efforts made by menof good will, people in many parts of the world are still being denied their basic human rights. We know, too, that nowhere is the denial as blatant as it is in the countries of southern Africa. The refusal of those who rule South Africa, Namibia and Rhodesia to accept the principle of human equality has caused acute tensions and has brought the situation in the area to a critical stage. Watching the developments of the last few months, we in New Zealand, like people I know in other countries, have had the feeling that we may be seeing the beginning of a maelstrom.of violence. 57. For Rhodeaia, time is rapidly running out. Until recently the Smith regime seemed determined to make no concessions to the demand for early majority rule. It has seemed more and more likely that that objective wouldbe achieved only by armed force, with much bloodshed. My Government is, therefore, very encouraged by the decision of Mr.lan Smith and hts colleagues, belated though it may be, to accept majority rule within two years. So the way is now open for negotiations on the detailed arrangements for the transfer of power, and we in New Zealand earnestly hope that, through British good offices, these can soon beginand that they willbe successful. 58. When the Security Council imposed mandatory sanc- tions on Rhodesia in 1968,2 the Government of which I was then head immediately put them into effect in New Zealand. Since then, successive Governments have applied the sanctions consistentlyand rigorously. After Mozam- bique had announced its decision to apply sanctions,and in view of the consequentlossto it, my Government agreed to contribute to the programmes of assistance to that country 59. Namibia, too, seems dangerously close to the brink of conflict. We in New Zealand believe that South Africa was wrong to go on occupying Namibia after its Mandate was withdrawn, and we have said so consistently. South Africa was even more wrong to try to impose its own policy of apartheid on the people of Namibia. We welcome South Africa's recent acceptance of the goal of independence for Namibia. But independence is meaningless unless it is genuinely based on self-determination. And the refusal of the South AfricanGovernment to deal with the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] has created a justifl8ble and reasonable doubt in the minds of African and other countries whether the act of self-determination envisaged by that Government will be fully genuine. 60. As Namibia was once a League of Nations Mandate, this Organization has a special responsibility towards it: its responsibility is to see that all the paople of Namibia are glven the opportunity to decide freely for themselves what the future of their country should be. It is essential, therefore, that the United Nations should be given the opportunity and the means to supervise free electrons in N~ibia, and to approve any new constitution for that country. 61. Much is at stake in Rhodesia and in Namibia, but in the longer term the greatest potential for disaster is in South Africa itself. I think this is obvious to all men. South Africa is not ")y any means the only country in the world where human rights are consistently violated, and we all know this. But it is the onlycountry where racial discrimination is the basis of the whole social, economic and political system. Our own experience in New Zealand has taught us .that racial harmony is essential to the well-being of a multtracial .society. The Prime Minister of New Zealand, Mr:Muldoonr said in a speech about a month ago: "The New Zealand Government's attitude to apartheid is very clear: we believe it is wrong and we want to see it ended. It should now be plain even to South Africansthat apartheid will not work. Based as it is on racial discrimination, it is an unjust and inhuman system. It can be maintained only by the ruthless use of force, and it cannot be maintained that way indefinitely." 62. The rioting that has been going on around South African cities for over three months now began as a spontaneous explosion of black anger. By ruthless repres- sion, the South' African authorities have managed to confine it largely to the black townships. They have not been able to stop it. The outside .worldcan see that they are in a blind alley. Only a fundamental changeof direction can prevent an inevitable escalation of the hatred, violence and bloodshed. 63. Setting up what are called "homelands", or "bantu- stans", for,the African people of South Africawill not solve 64. New Zealand's position is the same. Indeed, I recall that in 1971 New Zealandvoted for the resolution adopted by the Assembly condemning the establishment of the bantustans [resolution 2775 E (XXVI)]. Then, as now, a National Party Government was in office in New Zealand. In 1975 New Zealand also supported the Assembly resolu- tion calling upon Governments not to recognize any of the bantustans [resolution 3411 D (XXX)]. That action was taken by a Labour Government, but it was in accordance with the policy that the previousGovernment had initiated. There is a consistent line of policy in New Zealand on this question. . 65. We note with regret that, 31 years after the United Nations Charter was signed, threats to the peace continue to exist in many parts of the world: notably in the Korean peninsula and in the Middle East. Good sense has prevailed here, and we are not going to have another 'sterile confrontation over Korea at this session. but the fact remains that the border between 'North and South Korea remains in a state of continuous tension and that talks between the two Governments have reached an apparent stalemate. As a result, Korea remains divided and outside the United Nations. 66. We feel deeply for the people of Lebanon in the tragic situation in which they fmd themselves, a situation not of their own choice or of their own making. We are equally concerned at the lack of progress towards a solution of the Cyprus problem, despite fue tireless efforts of the Secre- tary-General and others. Again, it is the people of Cyprus who are the innocent victims. We can only join with others in sayingthat what is needed is simply the implementation of previousAssembly resolutions: the withdrawal of foreign troops, the repatriation of refugees and the resumption of negotiations between the two sides. New Zealand strongly supports this line of action. 67. This has been an active year in the field of inter- national law-making, although it has not been asproductive as most of us would havewished. 68. New Zealand attaches the greatest importance to the achievement of a new convention on the law of the sea. When you think of that vast area of ocean around us and around the Polynesian islands with which we are so closely associated, you will realize how keenly we are interested in this question. We have, therefore, shared the widespread sense of frustration at the lack of progress during the last session of the Conference on the Law of the Sea on the main issues which are delaying general agreement. We remain committed to the goal of a universally supported treaty on this vital subject. We believe that rapid progress towards this goal is now absolutely essential if the 69. I shall turn now to one aspectonlyof a subjectwhich perhaps overrides all others in its global implications: the question of disarmament. 70. The aspect that hasespecially worried New Zealanders is the question of nuclear weapons testingand proliferation. We know that to put an end to the testing of nuclear weapons is not, in itself, a disarmament measure, but we believe that it is an important confidence-building step, an essential preliminary to nucleardisarmament. 71. It isa great reliefto us in NewZealand that the testing of nuclear weapons in the atmosphere in our part of the world has stopped during the past 12 months. We regret that it continues elsewhere. As. recently as yesterday, we have had news of substantial radioactive fall-out right here on our doorstep from a nuclear explosion many thousands of miles away. What the safety level for such fall-out isno one can be sure, but it is obviously desirable that any increase in existing levels shouldbe avoided. 72. However, that in itself is not enough. Only a compre- hensive test-ban treaty, ending weapons testing in all environments and not only in the atmosphere, can be counted as a genuine first step on the road towards nuclear disarmament. One of the main stumbling-blocks to the conclusion of such a treaty has been the questionof on-site inspection. We think it is very encouraging that, in a document recently circulated {see A/31/232]. the 'Soviet Union has now indicated willingness to consider a com- promise on this issue. The language of the Soviet note is, however, not altogether clear. It.is important, we feel, that on-site inspection should not depend entirely on the consent of the State in question. 73. Another stumbling-block in the way of a compre- hensive test-ban agreement has been the unwillingness of certain nuclear Powers to take part in the negotiations. It is our hope that they willtake heed cf the increasing concern of world public opinion about the ever increasing growth and proliferation of nuclear weapons and that they will adopt a moreco-operative approach. 74. In this connexion, I stress the need for the utmost control over the exportation of sensitive nuclear facilities- and I am thinking particularly of processing plants. Things are bad and dangerous enough now, but they couldget very much worse, and even over the short period. The suppliers of nuclear fuel and material have a responsibility npt only to themselves but also to the rest of the world to ensure that their commercial activities do not facilitate nuclear weapons proliferation. Profits will be of little value in a nuclearholocaust. 75. I have touched on several aspectsof what I might call a general human rights theme: I have discussed human rights in New Zealand, economic rights in the South Pacific and the developing worldgenerally; I have discussed human rights in southern Mrica, and, in relation to disarmament, 76. Surely it is not too much to hope that, when this Assembly ends, its work may be marked downasa positive contribution towards strengthening economic, social and political rights, especially of all poor and oppressed peoples everywhere, and to the freeing of all mankind from the fear ofnucleardestruction.

It is a special pleasure for me to extend to you, Sir, my warm congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly. The delegation of the Kingdom of Morocco is convinced that the unanimity with which you were elected is but the expression of the esteem of the international community for your outstanding qualities. That unanimity is a credit to your country and its leaders and is a manifestation of the consideration which the active policy of Sri Lanka has earned in the international arenaas that of a country in the vanguard of those defending the principles of the liberation of peoples and of peace in the world, a country which was recently host to the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or government of Non-aligned Countries. 78. I should also like to congratulate you as President of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, a Conference which is of great importance for all the members of our community, in particularfor the Kingdom of Morocco, a State whichhas a coast on one of the most important straits in the world, a coast washed by both the Atlantic and the Mediterranean, and which has always served asa junction and a cross-roads of civilization. 79. I am happy to extend to your predecessor, Mr. Gaston Thorn, Prime Minister of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, our deep gratitude for having conducted with suchwisdom and clear-sightedness the proceedings of the last session. The work done during that session yielded appreciable results, thanks to his competence. 80. We shouldlike to bid a warmwelcome to the Republic of Seychelles, which hes just been admitted to membership after the recovery of its independence. 81. I should alsolike to convey our warmcongratulations to the Republic of Angola which has finally won its independence, after a long and heroic struggle. We hope that we will be seeing that country, too, amongus soon, as 82. I hope that the Secretary-General of our Organization may fmd here a mark of our appreciation and our gratitude for his tireless efforts to bring about a triumph of the principles which we espouse, the essentialpurpose of which is the promotion of a just and lasting peace throughout the world. 83. Finally, I should like to pay a sincere tribute to the memory of Chairman Mao Tsetung, who in his lifetime became the great helmsman of China and left his mark on the evolution of his country and the history of our century. 84. We find ourselves on the threshold of the fourth decade in the life of our Organization, yet the world remains a scene of serious confrontations and difficult economic, socialand political changes. 85. We had hoped that profound changes would occur in international relations, whether economic or political, and that a new mternational order would emerge;but that hope has, so far, remaineda mere tissue of tentative ideas. 86. International cohferences recently held under the auspices of our Organizationhave demonstrated to us, even more than in the past, the solidity of the organic links between various wr-tltl problems. It is becoming increas- ingly apparent that this is the result of a single but multifaceted phenomenon, that of economic and social under-development, which affects the life and fundamental needs of two thirds of mankind. It is becoming more than ever apparent that development efforts at -all levels- national, regional or international-would be jeopardized if the structures and rules of the world economy were not brought into line with present-day realities, a goal which calls for total international equity. 87. It is from this standpoint that the developingcountries embarked, along with the developed countries, on a dialogue designed to bring balance into existing economic relations within the framework of an economic order which would be negotiated between equal partners; this would in no way prejudice the long-term interests of the developed countries or destroy the prosperity of their peoples. 88. This dialogue was inevitable because we are liVing in a world ofinterpenetration, the elements of which are closely linked, and because our interdependence stems from the subtle and complex links between the variousproblems we face. 89. This dialogue was necessary becauseit has enabled us to understand and also to discharge our serious responsi- bilities, which are to eliminate the genuine threat of poverty and insecurity which faces mankind now and in the future. 90. Scores of nations have in our day embarked upon an evolutionary process without precedent in history, a pro- cess which will determine the future of human beings and the fate of their civilizations. 92. It is, however,true that the protagonists are narrowing their differences in an effort of constructive consultation which was begun at the sixth specialsession of the General Assembly, and there are good grounds for believingthat we are on the threshold of institutional and economic restruc- turing, which should lead to the establishing of a new international economic order. 93. The intergovernmental meetings to be convened between the end of 1976 and the end of 1978 under the aegis of UNCTAD, which are aimedoat the implementation of an integrated programme for commodities in all its aspects, particularly the creation of a common fund for the financing of buffer stocks, is something which deserves our attention and support. Their success will indeed determine the introduction into international trade of new rules designed to eliminate the deterioration of the terms of trade and thus help to promote the economic and social development of the developingcountries. 94. These countries are striving to achieve collective self-sufficiency within global interdependence, in thus following the recommendations of the Fifth Conference of the Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Coun- tries [see A/31/197) and the resolution of the Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries held in Mexico.3 It is important that these efforts should be supported by the international community and inter- national organizations. 95. The objective of growth, which is included in the . International Development Strategy, cannot be achieved without a rapid increase in net transfers of resources to developingcountries by the end of the decade. 96. As no radical solution to the major problem of the foreign .debt of these countries, which has worsened in recent years to unacceptable levels, was found at the fourth session of UNCTAD, it is essential that the developed countries should make a particular effort to see that the transfer of resources matches the projected level of the annual net capitalneeds of the developingcountries. 97. In this context we believe that the vast social and technical progress which humanity has achievedin the first half of this century and which has made possible discoveries unknown to any other century, should itself serve as a catalyst for the emergence of a new concept of inter- national morality worthy of our ambitions and efforts, marked by justice and equity, based on a genuine concept of democracy and having as its goal international detente and the flourishing of human society. 98. If we take a quick look at the geopolitical map of the world, we realize that there remain hot points which still 99. In spite of the retreat of colonialism throughout the world and our conviction that it will inevitably disappear, there are many parts of the world dear to us which are continuing to suffer from a yoke which is perhaps more oppressive than the one we ourselves knew. 100. Morocco is legitimately proud of the role it playedin its assistance to most of the liberation movements which declared war on colonialism in Africa or elsewhere. The initiatives it took in the holding' of the Casablanca Conference, held from 3 to 7 January 1961, and in the summit conferences-African, Arab or Islamic-for whichit had the honour of serving as host, are just-a few'of the reasons why weare proud of Morocco's contribution to the liberation movement of peoples and. its ambition to participate actively in the tapid elimination of under- development, injustice and colonialism. 101. The African continent continues to suffer from colonialism, racism andapartheid. 102. The people of Zimbabwe, who have displayed so much patience, has resolutely embarked on the path of armed resistance against a minority racist Government wInch is determined not to cease humiliating' Africans on their ancestral soil. . 103. Namibia continues to suffer from subjugation, while South Africa persists: in ignoring the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and disregarding the principles-and the values to whichthe whole of mankindhas subscribed. 104. From this rostrum the Kingdom of Morocco re- affirms that the only possible solution is to eliminate all racisthotbedsin Africa. 105. It is fitting for us to be sideby sidewith the fighting people of Zimbabwe, to support it, to give it aid and assistance and to offer it our solidarity until it wins final victory. It is our duty to tighten the economic and political blockade decided upon by the United Nations and to preventInfiltrationof mercenaries into the Territory. 106. In this regard my delegation wishes to express its complete solidarity with neighbouring countries and its admiration for the sacrifices they have made and are continuing to makein the positive assistance whichthey are providing for the liberation of southern African countries still under foreign domination. We alsowishto support the many efforts which are now being made to find a solution making it possible to place power in the hands of the majority,and this in the shortest possible time. 107. Furthermore, the particular responsibility of our Organization with regard to Namibia makes it our duty vigorously to oppose any attempt to partition this country, particularly to create an artificial State on any part of its territory. 108. Morocco, which considers SWAPO as the only authentic and lawful representative of the people of 110. The Middle East continues to be the most disturbing hotbed of tension. 111. Israel persists in its policy of occupation of Arab territories. And while the initiatives taken more than a year ago are, to be sure, a new element in the efforts to achieve withdrawal from those territories, we note with concern a 'stagnation of the situation, which indicates a deliberate intention on Israel's part to protract matters for purposes that are easy to understand. 112. The cases of Sin'ai, the GolanHeights, the West Bank and Jerusalem require that the efforts already undertaken be resumed with all the necessary diligence, in order to defuse a situation that endangers international peace and security, entailing incalculable political, economic and humanconsequences. 113. The tragic situation of the Palestinian people still awaits. a just and equitable solution. The international community is now certain that the Palestinian resistance is pursuing a legitimate course in order to recover its inalienable right to exist as a nation. The determination of the Palestinian people, its heroic resistance and its spiritof sacrifice have indeed brought the nations of the world to recognize the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole and lawful representative of that admirable people, and to allow it to be present in order to demonstrate the inalienable rightsof the Palestinian people to independence, nationalsovereignty and a return to their homes. 114. It is now for the international community to draw from the events the conclusions capable of leading to a rapid and equitable solution,whichmust be imposed in the face of Israeli arrogance. It is now for the international community to guarantee that the Palestinian people can return .to the territories from which they were arbitrarily driven out and to ensure that that people is enabledfreely to exercise its rights to independence and national sover- eignty. 11S. Of course, the events in Lebanon have, regrettably, become a matter of priority recently in the Middle East context. But we should not lose sight of the fact that the ,Arab-Israeli conflict remains and could get worse at any moment. 116. The Kingdom of Morocco, whose sons gave the best example of heroism and sacrifice during the war of October 4 Ninth extraordinary session of the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity, held at Dar es Salaam from 7 to 10 April 1975. S Dakar International Conference on Namibia and Human Rights, held from S to 8 January 1976. 117. My delegation deplores the tragic situation in the fraternal country of Lebanon and shares its suffering, the cause of which lies in events which leave no member of our international community indifferent. 118. Foreign hands, and particularly Zionist hands, have played a nefarious role in the plot that led to the civil war in that fraternal country. We are, however, convinced that our Lebanese brothers will fmally be able to thwart all these plots, thanks to their determination, their Vigilance and their sense of nationality. It is indispensable that the Lebanese problem should be solved by the Lebanese themselves. 119. The Government of His Majesty King Hassan 11 reaffirms its total and unconditional support for all efforts towards guaranteeing Lebanon's sovereignty and territorial integrity, and in particular the efforts now being made by the League of Arab States. It is our great hope that in the course of the forthcoming Arab summit conference to be devoted to the Lebanese situation we shall succeed in our efforts to enable the people of Lebanon to play once'again the role they have alwaysplayed in our community, and to enable Lebanon to become once again a land of humanity, peace and tolerance. 120. The situation in Cyprus remains of concern. We are still convinced that the solution lies in the adoption of a constitution safeguarding the interests of the two com- munities, guaranteeing the independence and national unity of Cyprus and making it possible for the citizens, whether Turkish or Greek, to live together in the understanding and fraternity dictated by the imperativesof a common life and the interpenetration of interests. 121. My country has, indeed, constantly stressed the necessity of maintaining the Mediterranean, the cradle of so many civilizations, as a sea of peace. That remains our deep conviction. 122. We have the same conviction with regard to the Indian Ocean, which must be and remain a zone of peace. 123. Thanks to the active solidarity of the international community, to the goodwill, patience and vigilance of our Organization, and to the wisdom and determination of the peoples of Morocco and Mauritania, another decolonization problem, that of the Sahara, has been solved in a just and equitable way, in keeping both with the -sacred principles that guide our action and with the aspirations of two peoples deprived for more than a century of part of their national territory. 124. Indeed, today the Sahara, concerning which an item was regularly included in the Assembly's agenda for more than 15. years, has expressed its unshakable will to be reintegrated into the motherland; it has done that through its most authentic representatives, the members of the SaharanJema'a. 126. In the introduction to the report of the Secretary- General on the work of the Organization [see A/3I/I/ Add.I, sect. Ill], it is indicated, on the one hand, that in January 1976 a Special Representative was named who undertook an exploratory mission in the region, but for well-known reasons that mission could not be concluded; and, on the other hand, that the Secretary-General then resumed his consultations with a view to clarifying the situation and decreasing the tension, but further initiatives by him were precluded by the actions of some of the parties. 127. With regard to the failure of the Special Represen- tative's mission, I do not wish to dwell unduly on the pattern of events, but I would remlnd the Assembly that the mission was not successful because of certain initiatives which were taken and which did not fall within the framework laid down by common agreement, under which contacts were to have been undertaken only with Govern- ments. 128. As for the measures taken by some of the parties, to which the Secretary-General ascribes responsibility for the preclusion of action by him, it is precisely those measures that I am denouncing; one of the most serious was the encouragement given to the creation ofan artificial Saharan republic. These are, moreover, measures which are at the basis of the grave tension existing in the region. There were some examples at Addis Ababa and in Mauritius, during conferences of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] , and at Colombo, during the Conference of non-aligned countries. They were all designed to ensure the so-called Saharan authorities, which had been artificially created, an international existence that no one is ready to accord them and to mobilize-although this was in vain-regional and international opinion in their favour. 129. It is to the honour of the regional organizations which were seized of this issue that they chose the path of wisdom and refused to allow themselves to be drawn on to the road of adventunsm. 130. Indeed, aware primarily of the concern created by the deterioration of the situation in the region, the heads of State of Africa, demonstrating the wisdom that has always . characterized their initiatives, took the decisionto convene an extraordinary summit conference to be devoted to the consideration of the tension in North Africa. 131. As for the non-aligned movement, noting that OAU still had this question on its agenda, it expressed the hope that that organization would succeed in its task of good offices, which it had voluntarily undertaken, thus refusing to take a stand on what is after all only a regipnal dispute, but, rather, completely supporting the African initiative 133. Born of different concepts of the question of the Sahara and diametrically opposed assessments of the solution required by this problem, tension between the adherents of the two schools of thought is increasingly becoming a matter of.concern. 134. Morocco has no intention of allowing itself to be intimidated by pressures or threats, still less of accepting any renunciation of any of its legitimate rights whatsoever. 135. The history of our relations with the States of the area over the last 15 years eloquently demonstrates the constant concern of Morocco in the search for peaceful solutions to problems between us and our neighbours. 136. But the spirit of good-neighbourliness, understanding and co-operation which has constantly prevailed in its regional and international policies, and for the sake of which, in other circumstances, it was willing to make considerable sacrifices should in no way be interpreted as willingness on its part in any way to pay the price of the ambition of others. 137. We believe that, above all,there is a limit to patience, and we cannot indefmitely remain indifferent to the provocations we are suffering. 138. It is therefore our conviction that any discussion of the question of the Sahara at the present stage is liable to be dangerous, premature and inappropriate-dangerous, because' unfortunately there is every ground for belieVing that some people are looking for any pretext in order to lend any possible future military action the semblance of legality and International justification; premature and inap- propriate, because OAU has decided to devote to this question an extraordinary special summit meeting and it has always been our Assembly's practice to respect proce- dures that have been embarked upon by a regional group. 139. The true problem to which our Organization should now devote all its efforts with all appropriate diligence is that raised by the situation of our brothers who came from the Sahara but are now being kept in Tindouf. These are Moroccans and Mauritanians living in the most precarious conditions. They are, in fact, involuntary refugees and exiles. 140. I do not want to get involvedin detailed explanations as to the process which led these people into the situation in which they now fmd themselves, but I think I can claim that most of those at Tindouf are there against their will and if they were given the opportunity they would return home without the slightest delay or hestitation. "The two Heads of State, fully aware of the state of extreme poverty in which a number of Saharan natives live in the region of Tindouf, issue an urgent appeal for them to return to their respective homes, where they are sure to be welcomed with all the solicitude and concern merited by their situation. The duty of the Saharans is no longer to live on international charity in a foreign country but to return home and rejoin their families and to take part in the building of the prosperity of their countries alongside their Moroccan and Mauritanian brothers in a climate of liberty and dignity. "The King of Morocco and the Islamic Republic of Mauritania are determined to do everything in their power to ensure the repatriation of their nationals in close co-operation' with the competent humanitarian international organizations. They invite those organi- zations to help them and to put an end to the tragic plight of the Saharans. We assure them of our deter- mination to providethem with all the facilities andall the necessary guarantees to permit these men, these women and these children, who come from the Sahara, to rejoin the society to which they belong and to liveamong their own in peace and freedom." 143. Since then Morocco and Mauritania have placed this distressing question before all competent humanitarian organizations, particularly the United Nations High Com- missioner for Refugees. 144. The only objective and humane solution to. this problem lies in the repatriation of all the Tindouf refugees who are natives of the Sahara. The plight of these unhappy uprooted people cannot leave our Organization indifferent. That is why the King of Morocco feels entitled to call for your participation and assistanceto help them return home a.s soon as possible. Any other solution would be ineffective and would certainly tend dangerously to increase the state of tension, which is already very serious, in the region. 145. Morocco certainly does not wish to avoid any discussion of the substance of the problem, particularly in an Organization which has given so much proof of its objectivity, its maturity and its effectiveness. 146. Morocco certainly does not wish to shirk expla- nations which would in any case establish once again the rightness of its position and initiatives, the international legality of the measures it has taken and what it has done. 147. But, concerned as we are for our dignity as an African country, and recognizing that the heads of State of Africa have made tremendous efforts and have undertaken praiseworthy initiatives in order to fmd a way of avoiding the worst with regard to the three fraternal countries involved, we for our part express our total confidence in them. 149. In this meritorious work the solidarity of all the inhabitants of the country has beenmanifested vigorously, and the Moroccon nation as a whole is now mobilized in theservice of the Saharan provinces. 150. A few weeks ago His Majesty King Hussan 11 floated in Morocco a loan of $225 million for the development of the Saharan provinces. A month would have been enough for this loan to be largely covered and even exceeded, because it produced more than $250million. 159. May I also pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Gaston Thorn, Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Luxembourg, for his untiring and successful efforts in presiding over the deliberations of the thirtieth regular session of this Assembly. 151. The Sahara is now living in an atmosphere of peace and hard work, and there is a feverish climate of activity in reconstruction and rehabilitation. 152. Morocco, like Mauritania, confident of its rights and satisfied that it has given our Organization a modest contribution for a solution in the settlement of the question of the decolonization of the Sahara, once again would like to declare its confidence in our august institu- tion, itsunshakeable faith in our ideals of peace andjustice, its determination to persevere along withyou in a construc- tive search for an equitable and harmonious settlementof all the other problems of the same kind which still await a solution, convinced, as we are, that no sacrifice is too great ultimately to preserve the dignity of man,to consolidate his achievements and to ensure hisprosperity. 153. From its very foundation, our Organization, with generosity and discipline, with perseverance and determi- nation, has attempted to lay down the principles of its mission andthe rulesfor its activities. 154. Throughout its constant efforts it has reconciled the imperatives of the most diverse ideologies and has tran- scended particular circumstances for the benefit of an emancipated and objective concept of man and his ideals. 155. Thanks to the wealth of its ideas, the multiplicity of its options and the relevance of its preferences, it has roused the conscience of mankind to fight for the total liberation of the peoples of the world and for respect for. theirrestored sovereignty. 156. In this noble work it has not hesitatedto resort to different·ways and means of fmding the most judicious solutions, bearing in mind the specific features of eachcase and the collective aspirations which have beenexpressed, or the needs which have made themselves clearly felt. 157. Therein lies the secret of the success of the noble mission which it has agreed to undertake. That in itself amply justifies the confidence and gratitude of present and future generations. ! 58. Mr. MWALE(Zambia): Sir, allow me, first of all, to join the representatives who have spoken before me in congratulatins you on your well-dellerved election to the high office of President of the thirty--tint resuIar session of the United Nations General Assembly. My deleption is 160. The death of Chairman Mao Tsetung has left the people of Zambia with a deep sense ofgrief. Chairman Mao Tsetung symbolized those qualities that have marked and will continue to mark the outstanding and phenomenal achievements of the People's Republic of China and that country's contribution to the world as a whole in many fields of human endeavour. Chairman Mao Tsetung wasa greatrevolutionary leader whose lifewas a shining example of dedication and self-sacrifice in the cause of the Chinese people and that of mankind as a whole. Even before the founding of the Chinese Communist Partyin July 1921,he dedicated his life to the cause o'f the oppressed people of China against imperialism and domestic reaction.He was a worker,a teacher,a greatguerrilla leader,a philosopher and a great statesman. In all these and other walks of life, he was an uncompromising champion of the cause of the downtrodden. 161. China's commitment to the cause of liberation and to the fundamental rights and interests of the developing world is an inspiration to the majorityof mankind. We in Zambia mourn Chairman Mao Tsetung because he and his great revolutionary country have been reliable supporten, not only of Zambia, but of our oppressed brothers and sisters in southern Africa. Under the wise chairmanship of Mao Tsetung, the friendly people of China have forged a profound bond of friendship and co-operation basedon a genuine commitment to the just cause of mankind. Chair- man Mao Tsetung has left us with lasting inspiration and pride. 162. In this connexion, Mr. President, I wish to convey, through you, to the delegation of the People's Republic of China my delegation's profound sense of sorrowand grief at the deathof that greatrevolutionary leader. 163. Since the thirtieth session of the General Assembly, little has taken place to shift the balance on the inter- nationalscene from one of too muchemphasis on national or regional military strengthto oneofa fairer consideration of the genuine needs of the entire worldcommunity.Yet the fulfilment of the basic needs ofmankind asa whole isa more secure basis for international peace and security. III the contemporary world, the United Nations is placedin a difficult position; for, While it is trying to promote the genuine needs of mankind in the political, economic, 164. Let me briefly address myself to a great challengeof our times-namely, development and international eco- nomic co-operation. 165. During the past year, development and co-operation for development have increasingly become important in international politics. Indeed, development issues have today acquired a dominant, if not central, place in world affairs and in the minds of statesmen. In a real sense, development and international co-operation for develop- ment have now regained the attention previously held in the early 19608, when the First United Nations Develop- ment Decade was initiated by this world body in order to pursue policies to accelerate the economic and social progressof developingcountries. 166. This is indeed as it should be, for we have all witnessed with great consternation the widening gap be- tween expectations and fulfilment in the intervening period of 15 years. The hopes and aspirations of the developing nations occasioned by past declarations of Development Decadeshave remained largelydisappointed and unfulfilled. Such hopes and aspirations for a greater and a more equitable share in the world's economic and social benefits have' nevertheless continued to rise. They have not, how- ever, been met with corresponding commitment and con- crete action from the developedcountries. 167. Meanwhile, in the face of prolonged neglect or indifference on the part of the developed countries, old problems have become more complex, new problems have been created, and crises have emerged. Consequently, the economic and social situation of the developing nations has further continued to deteriorate. We are familiar with the variousserious and complex difficulties still confronting the developing nations-difficulties which have adversely af- fected the ability of their Governments to ensure even basic standards of liVing for their peoples. 168. We in !ambia know these economic difficulties too well, having attained political independence barely 12 years ago. Since independence, the ruling United National Inde- pendence Party, the Government and peace-loving people of Zambia have vigorously worked towards the ~versi­ fication of a once copper-oriented economy. We are proud to say that encouraging results are already evident with regard to self-sufflciency in staple food commodities. The implementation of the Zambian philosophy of humanism, a basic communal form of socialism which capitalizes on the importance of a man-centred society, has led to marked progress in the vital fields of rural reconstruction, educa- tion, health, agriculture and economic reforms. 169. Unfortunately, on the international scene, the con- tinued lack of significant progressin the important areas of trade, transfer of capital resources, debt adjustments, monetary reform, the transfer and development of appro- priate technology to and within the developing countries constitute a major source ofprofound concern. In addition, the developing countries have had to bear the brunt of the 171. Significantly renewed and expanded efforts aimed at assisting the developing countries to be self-reliant have become all the more urgent and imperative. Evidently, additional means for an adequate effort to assist the developing countries are within the capabilities of the international community. The critical situation of the developing nations for the world social and political environment must be accurately perceivedand understood. 172. Isolated, half-hearted and marginal measures applied thus far by industrialized countries are clearly inadequate to' the gigantic task now before us. namely, to achieve a new and viable world order based on eqUity. justice and equality of economic opportunity among all countries..... developed and developing, big and smalL The costs of establishing such a world order are much less than the costs of the arms race, and the stakes for its achievement much higher. 179. The road towards the establishment of a new international economic order has already been clearly defmed. The task ahead will, admittedly, be difficult. The cardinal point that should be borne in mind is that the movement towards the new international ecoilolIlic order cannot be dismissed casually by anyone individual or group of countries. 174. The United Nations General Assembly. in both its sixth and seventh special seSSions, has affirmed the principle of economic interdependence between the developed and developing countries. In addition, it has atrll'ii1ed the principle of collective responsibility for the economic well-being and secunty of the wotld·s developingnations. Moreover, common agreement was reached at the seventh special sesslon on the need fot structural changes. in international economic relations through negotiation and mutual accommodation. 175. These are some of the main objectives within the context of the neW international economic order which it is now the solemn duty of all States, in partictdu those materially better off, to attain through concerted means. Other key objectives are contained, inter alis, in the declarations adopted at the recent United Nations con- ferences on industrialization, food, employment and habitat. 176. It is therefore now incumbent on the community of nations to seize the opportunities thus afforded to give expression to its avowed solidarity in order to fulrd the commitment to change. 177. During the past year, there have been signs of small, yet fairly signific~L and, it is to be hoped, irrevenible, 178. International negotiations in process or in prospect, such as those within the framework of the Paris dialogue or UNCTAD, require renewed political impetus to facilitate common agreement on the specific means and institutions for s~lving key global problems. 179. In this connexion, my delegation would like to urge speedy agreement on, inter alia. the establishment of' the common fund for financing buffer stocks-a fund to which Zambia has already pledged to contribute-and effective measures for dealing with the critical debt problems facing many developing countries. 180. It is also encouraging that the developing countries have now, more than ever before, demonstrated their determination to develop and enhance their mutual co- operation in various fields, implementing thereby the principle of collective self-reliance which they have long espoused and championed. 181. The relevant decisions adopted, both at the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries held at Colombo and at the recent Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries held in Mexico, bear eloquent testimony to the heightened sense of collective self-reliance among the developingcountries. 182. The developing countries recognize the fact that the development of their peoples and economies depends primarily on their own efforts, although the success of their development efforts could be eased, or frustrated, by Intemational assistance and trade policies. 183. The achievement of greater self-reliance among the developing countries constitutes an indispensable ingredient of the new international economic order. It is a vital objective which deserves the unqualified support of the industrial countries. 184. For a viable and just world order, which we are all seeking to establish, depends on collective self-reliance and progress in the developing countries and on co-operation and willingness to assist on the part of the industrial countries, In the' spirit of the growing recognition of interdependent interests of developed and developing coun- tries and given the importance of equality of economic opportunity among nations, my delegation would strongly urge the developed countries to support and encourage developing countries in their determined efforts at achiev- IDg collective self-reliance. 186. The Conference has yet to resolve central issues relating to various important matters such as, first, the rights and interests of all States to all natural resources in the area beyond the territorial seas of coastal States- whether those States are 'land-locked, 'coastal or geo- graphically disadvantaged; secondly, issues relating to the exercise by land-locked States of their right of free access to and from the sea; and thirdly,'rational exploitation of the resources of the sea-bed as the common heritage of all mankind and the equitable distribution of benefits derived therefrom. 187. My delegation is aware that various proposals have been presented to the Conference on the Law of the Sea. My own delegation to thatConference is one of those that have presented concrete proposals. In relation to the first of the three matters to which I have just referred, I should like to mention specifically one important proposal which could very well lead to a break-through in the negotiations and provide a nucleus of an emerging consensus, 188. Zambia believes that the world community should continue' to recognize a belt of ocean space, of suitable width, known as the territorial sea of coastal States'. This could probably be extended by the Conference on the Law ofthe Sea to 12 nautical miles, measured from the coasts of such States. 189. Beyond such limits, however, the area and its resources should continue to belong to all mankind and may be apportioned according to regions or subregions. All States in such regions or subregions, whether Iand-locked, coastal or geographically disadvantaged, should continue to have equal rights, especially with regard to all natural resources. Such areas, which could be delimited in such a manner as not to undermine the economic viability of the remainder of the international area, might be known as regional or subreglonal economic zones. 190. Similarly, proposals reflecting equitable, solutions have been made in respect of the second and third matters that I have just mentioned. Zambia's position on both these matters has already been elaborated in the course of the current negotiations on the law of the sea. 191. My delegation has a keen interest in ensuring that the Conference on the Law of the Sea achieves satisfactory results. It should do so expeditiously but without sacri- ficing the hopes of all mankind for equity and justice. It is my delegation's view that this will be possible if all participating States renew their faith in, and recognition of, the fact that the mandate of the Conference relates to the ocean space and its resources which are the common heritage of all mankind and res communis. All States, whether land-locked, coastal or geographically disadvan- taged, are looking forward to the equitable sharing of benefits derived from this common heritage. 193. We are convinced that the relaxation of tensions in the world and the promotion of international peace and security are intricately related to the substantive progress in ' the field of disarmament. Wealso agree with the declaration made in Colombo by the 85 members of the non-aligned movement that the arms race is inconsistent with the efforts aimed at achieving the new international economic order in view of the urgent need to divert the resources utilized for the acceleration of the arms race towards socio-economic development, particularly that of the de- yelop~g countries [see A/31/197,annex I, para. 136/. It is m this con~ext that we are convinced that meaningful and durable universal peace and security can be achieved not only through general and complete disarmament under effective international control but also through a consistent and sustained promotion in the basic needs of mankind as failure in this regard greatly contributes to tensions between and within nations. 194: To tackle the problem of the arms race effectively, we m Zambia call for the convening of a World Disarma- ment Conference. In this respect, this Assembly should welcome and adopt the recommendation by the Colombo Conference for the convening of a special session of the General Assembly as early as possible on the question of disarmament{ibid., annex IV, resolution 12/. 195. The arms race, with its concomitant adverse spheres of influence, is spreading danger to traditionally peaceful areas of the world. For centuries the Indian Ocean has been reiatively peaceful except during the painful period of the slave trade. Through it, man's interdependence was pro- moted by the use of its waters mainly for peaceful trade and commerce between continents. However as I am speaking today, the peace of the Indian Ocean is being disturbed by its increasing rnilitarization. The rivalry be- twe~n the big Powers in the Indian Ocean is increasingly posing a great threat to the genuine interests of littoral and hinterland States and to the international community as a whole. It is because of this threat to the Indian Ocean, and even more so to the littoral and other States in the area that Zambia and other countries have continued to call fo; the preservation of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. 196. The Middle East situation still remains a great threat to .inte~ationalpeace and security. In Lebanon, people are being killed almost every day. The war in Lebanon must end, because its continuation is only diverting the attention of the world from the fundamental problem in that area. In the view of my delegation, there is nothing that has taken place in the Middle East since 1967 which would nullify Security Council resolution 242 (1967) and other United Nations resolutions. 197. Israel continues illegally to occupy Arab territories in defiance of the relevant resolutions and decisions of both 198. The problem of Cyprus is a matter of great concern to us all. Numberous declarations have been made and resolutions adopted in the United Nations and oilier international forums, upholding the independence, the territorial integrity and the non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus. Zambia submits that there is no justification for any State to go to the lengths of dividing another sovereign . State into two or more entitites on the grounds of ethnic diversity. We are opposed to the creation of new colonial situations in the world. In this connexion, we call upon all parties concerned to comply fully with the decisions and resolutions of this body in respect of the problem of Cyprus. It is our firm belief that as long as there is foreign interference in the internal affairs of Cyprus no durable solution will be found to the problem and thus it will continue to be a threat to international peace and security. 199. In Korea tension is high, primarily because of foreign intervention. The continued presence of foreign forces in the southern part of Korea masquerading as United Nations forces is inimical to the legitimate interests and aspirations of the people of Korea as a whole, This continued threat to international peace and security calls for urgent inter- national action. We strongly urge the immediate withdrawal of all foreign forces from Korea. 200. The Democratic People's Republic of Korea has already demonstrated to the international community its seriousness of purpose and high degree of understanding in respect of the Korean problem. Zambia strongly supports the position that Korea should be admitted to the United Nations as a single unitary State. Once again, we in Zambia reaffirm our total support for the Korean people in their genuine efforts for the reunification of their country and the enjoyment of their lawful and legitimate rights in the United Nations. 201. Interference in the internal affairs of the developing countries by the big Powers and other developed countries has assumed dangerous proportions. The independence and sovereignty of a number of developing countries remain under constant threat. 202. Zambia has noticed, with dismay, that in the past months some reactionary Powers and forces are back in a vigorous way at their old game of destabilization. Efforts are being made to undermine the independence and sovereignty of a number of progressive Latin American, Caribbean and other developing countries whose only interest is to free themselves from centuries-old imperialist and neo-colonialist exploitation. Wewant to state here that affluence based on the exploitation of other States and peoples is criminal and is not in the interests of the millions of exploited people in the world. Such actions are meant to establish unequal relations between developing and so- 204. In this connexion, the non-aligned countries and other progressive forces of the world will continue to render full support and offer solidarity to the progressive peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean in their just struggle against international imperialism and neo-colo- nialism. Some countries of that area are members of the non-aligned movement, and many more haveshowna keen interest in the objectives and principles of the movement. We shall remain in full solidarity with our Latin American and Caribbean friends in their legitimate struggle for genuine national independence and sovereignty, including full control overtheir natural resources. 205. The negative viewheld by some States in the world that the United Nationscontinues to play a marginal rather then a central role in world affairs will continue to have some validity, unless the institutionalized dictatorship of some permanent members of the Security Council through the veto system is removed. The United Nations must be democratized. The argument that the power of veto must go hand in hand with responsibility in world.affairs is invalidated by the fact that some of the Member States which continue to enjoy the right of veto in the Security Council have far less power and responsibility in the world of today compared with other Member States or groups of Stateswhich do not have such power of veto. 210. The Zambian Government's position on Zimbabwe is very clear. Zambia supports the intensification of armed struggle. As is well known, attempts at achieving peaceful change in Zimbabwe that were undertaken strictly within the framework of the OAU mandate failed principally owing to the intransigent attitude of the racist regime of lan Smith. Rebel leader lan Smith then had every oppor- tunity peacefullyto transfer power to the majority. But the illegal Smith regime's short-sightedness had led to the intensification ofarmed struggle. 206. Furthermore, the veto has largely been more abused than exercised responsibly. In most cases it is used merely to serve the perceived national or group interests of the factions within the world power structure. Oneof the most vivid expressions of abuse of the veto is in the area of undermining the principle of universality. It is therefore intolerable to note that the Socialist Republicof Viet Nam and the People's Republic of Angola have not taken their . rightful places herein the United Nations. We are, however, confident that soon the heroic peoples of Angola and Viet Nam will assume their legitimate and rightful placesin this august Assembly. 207. Let me now turn to issuesof colonialism and racism. My delegation is. happy to welcome the Republic of Seychelles as a Member of the United Nations. The accession of those islands to independence is a significant development in the history of decolonization and a matter. of great encouragement to the other peoples of Africa which are still fighting against colonialism and racism in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa. . 209. Colonialism and racism are on the retreat in southern Africa. The oppressed peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia have stepped up the' war of liberation against their oppressor, represented by Smith, Vorster and their impe- rialist collaborators. In South Africaitself, the black people and other non-white people oppressed.inall aspects of their human existence have decided to call the bluff of the reactionary apartheid regime.Thus, as'] am speaking today, armed struggle is going on with increasing intensity in Zimbabwe and Namibia. In South Africa itself, the black population and other progressive people of that country are sacrificing their blood for the liberation of their country. Many more are ready to fight. What they need are medicines, guns and other war material. No doubt, victory is on their side. 211.. The heroic struggle launched by the patriotic people of Zimbabwe has inflicted severe blows on the Smith minority racist regime. It is now obvious that the Smith regime . has been forced to recognize and accept the inevitability of majority rule and the need to establish immediately a transitional Government to implement that principle. 212. I wish to state here that Zambia is determined that Zimbabwe shall be born under a genuine, free and independent government. To that end, the armed struggle will continue in Zimbabwe until a genuine majority government is in control. We want to add here that what is best for Zimbabwe shall be determined by the people of Zimbabwe themselves, who have been victims of colo- nialism and racismfor too long. 213. In their Lusaka communique of 26 September 1976, issued as a reaction to lan Smith's statement accepting majority rule for Zimbabwe within two years, the Presi- dents of Angola, the United Republic of Tanzania, Botswana, Mozambique and Zambia put the entire Rho- 214. In calling upon the United Kingdom to convene the conference, we are taking precautions against giving the white racist minority regimeofIan Smith any semblance of legitimacy or legality. It is for that and other reasons that Zambia rejects Ian Smith's proposals on the structure and functions of the council ofState and council of ministers in which he plans to leave in the hands of the whites the chairmanship and the ministries of defence and law and order. 215. We shall continue to support intensified armed struggle until majority rule is assured and achieved. We appeal to the international community to continue the application of sanctions against the rebel colony of Southern Rhodesia until the establishment of an African majority government in Zimbabwe is attained. 216. Having declared the inevitability of continued inten- sified armed struggle, it is important for the international community to increase its assistance to the liberation n., ""'ments both materially and financially. Furthermore, it is now imperative to strengthen existing programmes of assistance to the countries that have either closed their borders with Southern Rhodesia or have cut offvital trade in implementation of United Nations sanctions against that illegal white racist minority. regime. In that respect, the international community should not, at this crucial stage, minimize the attention it is focusing on the adverse economic and social consequences and human suffering experienced by those countries. 217. For instance, in the struggle for human rights in southern Africa, Zambia has suffered considerably in human, financial and material terms. The cost to Zambia for implementing sanctions against the rebel regime of lan Smith is already in excess of SUS 450 million over the past three years. . 218. In Namibia,' the racist regime of South Africa continues illegally to occupy that international Territory. The racist apartheid regime of South Africa continues to flout with impunity the United Nations resolutions on Namibia. In particular, it has blatantly ignored numerous Security Council resolutions on that Territory. In January of this year, the Security Council gave South Africa until 219. The liberation struggle. in Namibia has reached a decisive and crucial stage..Meredeclarations of support and solidarity with the Namibian people in its struggle for independence and freedom are not in themselves enough. The Namibian patriots, under SWAPO, need practical material assistance in order for them effectively to conduct the war of liberation in their country. Therefore, we call upon countries and peoples that genuinely believe in the cause of the liberation of Namibia to provide SWAPO with the necessary assistance so that the people of Namibia can also enjoy peace,justice and freedom. 220. Zambia reaffirms its position that the armed struggle in Namibia will continue unless South Africa immediately withdraws its armed forces and the entire oppressive administrative machinery from Namibia; Namibia becomes independent as a single unitary State; and SWAPO takes its legitimate place in Namibia as the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people. 221. To this end Zambia will continue to support SWAPO and to co-operate with the United Nations and the rest of the international community in working towards the achievement of these objectives. Weshall neither accept nor co-operate with any puppet regime in Namibia sponsored by racist South Africa. However, Zambia, having rejected the so-called Tumhalle Constitutional Conference in Wind- hook, strongly feels that any meaningful future conference on Namibia should be between SWAPO as the authentic representative of the Namibian people and South Africa as the illegal occupation regime. Such a conference should be held under the auspices of the United Nations as the legal and legitimate authority. 222. In South Africa itself, the revolutionary situation that has been growing over the years'is now ripe. As I stated earlier, the oppressed people of South Africa have now come out into, the open to confront their oppressor. The spirit of Sharpevillehas kindled the hearts of South African patriots, whose blood now flows in Soweto, Alexandra and in many other townships in South Africa. These patriots have chosen the only way open to them-indeed the only way-to liberate their country, and that is with blood. 223. Zambia condemns in the strongest terms the South African racist regime for its brutal massacres of the innocent oppressed people of South Africa. However, it is our firm view that, whatever military machine South 224. The racist regime of South Africa must know that the game of apartheid is up. That regime should scrap the system ofapartheid immediately. 225. The revolt that has now erupted throughout urban South Africa will be the determining factor in the aovance towards social justice and human dignity. The situation in' South Africa will never be the same. The obnoxious system of apartheid will be eradicated and replaced by majority rule. The freight train of revolt is on the move ID South Africa and the Vorster racist regime, with all its military and naval arsenal, with all the kith-and-kin support from its traditional alii~s, will be violently pushed aside or knocked down never to rise again. To this end we appeal to all peace-loving countries and other progressive forces of the world to render more material assistance to the liberation movements of South Africa, namely, the Mrican National Congress and the Pan Africanist Congress, so that they can wage the strugglefor their birthright. 226. We are all aware of the unholy alliance existing between the racist South African regime and a number of Western countries, including Israel. The collaboration be- tween these countries and the apartheid regime of South Mrica in the political, economic, military and other fields is primarily aimed at oppressingand dominating in perpetuity the African and other non-white people in the interest of monopoly capital. In particular, we are gravely concerned at the French nuclear collaboration with the racist regime of South Africa, which has implications for peace and security in southern Mrica as a whole. We call upon France to abandon this scheme and instead to join with all well-meaning countries in ostracizing the apartheid regime of South Africa. 227. Let me also make it clear that Zambia rejects and condemns the decision of South Africa to grant so-called 228. Therefore, in southern Mrica the war of liberation will continue in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Mrica itself until genuine independence, freedom and justice are won under authentic representatives of the peoples of these countries. Zllmbia will continue to support the just struggle by our patriotic brothers and sistersin southern Africa. We shall continue to render all moral and material assistance possibleto the oppressed people ofsouthern Mrica through their authentic liberation movements until their cherished goalsand aspirations are fully attained. 229. Allow me to state that, while our Organization continues to experience short-comings,especially in its role of maintaining international peace and security, it never- theless manifests increasing strength and viability in many other areas of global concern. In this connexion we are mindful of the increasingly central role assumed by the United Nations in vital international discussions and nego- tiations coveringvarious fieldsof global co-operation. ., 230. It would be remiss of me if I did not pay a special tribute to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, our most dedicated and distinguished Secretary-General, for the vigilant and un- tiring efforts he has continued to render at the helm of this august Organization, oftentimes in extremely delicate and difficult circumstances. Mr. Waldheim has proved that he is committed to working relentlessly towards the fulfilment of the sacred principles of human dignity, social justice and world peace and security-all of which renders credence to the raison d'etre of the United Nations. 231. Zambia once again pledges its full support of and confidence in the United Nations as a sanctuary of peace and security for all mankind. We appeal to all Member States, large and small, to pull together in order to enable the United Nations to function effectively.