A/31/PV.23 General Assembly

Mr. President, may I first congratulate you most warmly on behalfof Chad on the occasion ofyour brilliantelection to the presidency of the thirty-first regular session of the United Nations General Assembly. Those who thus have entrusted you with this challenging responsibility know that your abilities as a statesman and your far-reaching knowledge of the problems confronting the international community will enable you to guide our work with the necessary tact and authority, so that some of these urgent and grave problems, may find a felicitous andjust solution in conformity with the principles of our Charter. I am particularly pleased, Mr.President, that you come from a third-world country, the Republic of Sri Lanka, whose contribution to the struggle of peoples for independence, freedom and dignity has beenso clearlydemonstrated. You are indeed the right man to stimulate the necessary efforts to fmd solutions capable of effectively ensuring justice, peace and security in the world,and I shouldlike to pledge to you the whole-hearted co-operation of the delegation of Chad. 2. I should also like to pay a well-deserved tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Gaston Thorn, PrimeMinister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Luxembourg, who skilfully and wisely fulftlled his mandate as President of the thirtieth session. 3. May I also express my country's best wishes to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, our Secretary-General, whose great abilities, devotion and persevering will to succeed have been strik- ingly apparentin the service of our Organization. 4. On behalf of the delegation of ChadI wishto greetthe delegation of the Republic of Seychelles, whose presence . here is a source of satisfaction to us. However, we regret that Viet Nam and Angola, two independent countries, have not yet been admitted to membership in our Organization, NEW YOlK S. Chad has already conveyed to the greatChinese.people and to its leaders the profound sorrowof our people, of our High Military Council and of our Government on the death of Mao Tsetung,Chairman of the CentralCommitteeof the Communist Party of the People's Republic of China,and my delegation wouldlike to reiterate thosesentimentshere. 6. Each year, at this time, we have the opportunity to meet in the General Assembly hall to reflect together on problems confronting our world in crisis. These problems are as numerous as they are complex,and generate points of tension in different parts of the world that the internationalcommunity is concernedto-eliminate in order to secure the maintenance of international peace and security. The greater the progress of science and tech- nology,which are maJcing gigantic stridesfor the welfare of' mankind, the more conscience-stricken we are by poverty, ignorance, racial discrimination, expansionism, zionismand so forth. Although the international community has achieved satisfactory resultsin recentyearsin the matter of co-operation, decoloRization and detente, many disturbing situations unfortunately persist, and these we believe should be considered only by the United Nations. On this occasion I should like to reiteratemy country's position on the burning questions of our day, which generate political instability in the world and constitute a threat to inter- nationalpeaceand security. 7. In an address broadcast on the occasion of the first anniversary of the Second Republic of Chad, our Head of State, General Felix Malloum Ngakoutou Bey-Ndi, the Chairman of the High Military Council and of the pro- visional Government $ reaffirmed our devotion to the principles of concBiation, reconciliation, unity and good- neighbourliness-principles which are constant elementsin our domestic policy. 8. With regard to foreign affairs, the Head of State of Chad unequivocally reaffirmed our faith in the United Nations and our unwavering support for the principles of the non-aligned movement and of the Organization of Mrican Unity IOAU/, whose object, like that of the United Nations, is the maintenance of international peace and security. 9. The questions of Rhodesia and Namibia have been discussed at such length in this Organization and elsewhere that it is unnecessary to recall the numerous violations of our decisions by those who stood to benefit by such violations. I shall therefore confmemyselfto indicatingmy Government's position on the latest developments. 10. We believe that all the initiatives that have now been taken, although belatedly, to ~ring· lan Smith and his henchmen to review their position should be considered 11. For our part, we believe that allthe measures wetake must be directed to the following: fust, the total elimina- tion from thepolitical scene.ofIan Smith,his Government and the black Rhodesians who are gravely compromised with his regime; secondly, the establishment of a transi- tional Government composed of members of allthe groups that have longbeenstruggling for the genuine independence of Rhodesia, pending free elections, based on univenal suffrage, withthe participation of allthe Rhodesian people; thirdly, the participation of all the freedom fighters, without exception, in 'any negotiations; and lastly, the immediate liberation of allpolitical prisoners. 12. In Namibia, all efforts to find a solution have been contemptuously disregarded and frustrated by those who wish to perpetuate their domination over that country, which has vast natural resources. Here,as in Rhodesia, the people aspire only to freedom, justice and human dignity. To realize these aspirations it is eSsential to'begin by ensuring their national unityand territorial integrity and to prevent the manoeuvres of the apartheid regime, which seeks to create so-called national homelands, grotesquely called "bantustans". Moreover, the lawsstemming from the so-called constitutional talks at Windhoek,which were'held with the participation of dubious individuals whose 81- legiance to the Vonter regime gives them no moral authority to discuss the interests of the N'amibian people, must be rejected. TheSouthWest Africa People's Organiza- tion, the only movement recognized by OAU because it is the authentic representative of that people, must take part in these negotiations if'there is to be real peace in the region. Any attempted solution that did not take this aspect of the question into account could onlylead to an intensification of the violence whose dimensions it would be diffic~t to gauge. 13. We believe the time has come to carry out un- hesitatingly the provisions of the Security Council resolu- tions on Namibia, in particular resolution 385(1976), and to extend the necessary assistance to the Nambian peoplein their struggle for independence. If nothing is done, the freedom fighters will have no choice but to extend their guerrilla activities to allfrontsuntil they achieve victory. 14. In South Africa a national movement hasarisen which sufficiently demonstrates the resolve of-theblack masses to rid themselves of the inhuman and tyrannical apartheid system. Is it not shocking that, at a time when the international conscience is more than everhorrified by the 15. However, the erosion of this so-called authority will not be prevented either by criminal and gratuitous repres- sion, or by the supply of increasingly sophisticated arms, which encourages increasing repression. The international community, which has declared the minority racist regime in South Africa illegal in its resolution 3411(XXX) and declared the apartheid policy to be an international crime, must not be content withtolerating the situation prevailing in the zone. It must rather realize the grave threat which the apartheid regime poses to international peace and security in order to find appropriate measures which could effectively assist the population to exercise its inalienable right to self-determination. It should, moreover; demand the liberation of all the political prisoners, thousands of students, African opposition leaden opposing theapartheid regime and other political detainees under the laws on "terrorism and the security of the State." Asregards South Africa, we would be committing a grave error if we were gulled by the ideaadvanced by some that the independence of Zimbabwe and Namibia will cause apartheid to fall of its ownweight likean overripe fruit. 16. The problems of concern to southern Africa are unfortunately to be found in other regions of Africa and the world where peoples are still subjected to imperialism, colonialism, racism andzionism. .. 17. In this connexion, we cannot fail to mention the infringement of the sovereignty, national unity and ter- ritorial integrity of the Comoros by the former colonial Power. Our attitude towards the dismemberment of that country, in total disregard of the aspirations of ita people, has been clearly expressed from this rostrum last year,I I will not repeat it here; but I should like to stress unequivocally that my Government cOf:.aiden that the occupation of a part of the territoryof ,~ Stateconstitutes, whatever the motivations may be, an extremely dangerous precedent. This behaviour, which increasingly affects some States in violation of international law and the will of peoples, should be systematically rejected. It should leadus to be increasingly vigilant if we want to avoid the dismemberment in the near future of a State Member of this Organization by those who want to indulge in this game either byforceof arms or by simple subvenion where . successionist impulses arepresent. 18. Let us now turn to the situation in the Middle East, where no solution has been found despite the numerous initiatives and resolutions adoptedin thisregard. There has 19. The prolonged sufferings of our Arab brothers, the origins ofwhich arewell-known, mustbe brought to an end through the attainmentof a genuine and durable peace. The oft-repeated principles for a settlement are acceptable; hence, any other manoeuvre, however subtle, would only amount to a smoke-screen. A genuine and durable peace means, first an,'! foremost, the immediate evacuation of Arab and Afric1U1 territories illegally occupied by Israel since 1967; secondly, the restoration to the Palestinians of all their inalienable rights; thirdly, international guarantees for all the States in the region to live within secure and recognize;J boundaries; fourthly, compensation to the Arab peoples, particularly the Arab people of Palestine, for 'damages due to Israeli aggression. • 20. Likewise, we feel profound sorrow at the Lebanese tragedy which stems directlyfromthe Israeli-Arab conflict. The destruction of Lebanon only renders moreevidentthe urgency and the need to fmd a global solution in this part of the world. 21. The small countries, more than the developed ones, need the United Nations to develop and to see their interests protected. 22. If the fundamental principles of our Organization are immutable, none the less the Charter contains some obsolete provisions. Proof of thisis the rightof veto, which is being abused by certain permanent members of the Security Council to protect their selfish interests. The Security Council, whose principal role is to safeguard international peace and security, should reflect the geo- graphical composition of the international community.The area of mternational peace and security should not be the exclusive monopoly of the greatPowers. The right of veto, to mention but one of the obsolete provisions of the Charter, is an anachrontstic institution. We should correct certain errors harking back to a time that has been superseded to turn our Organization into an effective tool for co-operation among States for the maintenance and consolidation of international peace andsecurity. 29. While colonialism is progressively crumbling, other insidious forms of domination, remote-controlled by im- perialism, gradually emerge in orderto disturbfriendly and brotherlyrelationsamong Stateswhich have just accededto independence. If we do not rapidly unmask these vicious manoeuvres, peace in the entire world will be jeopardized. In this connexion, I should like to refer to questions increasingly raised in the minds of people concerning the relations of my country and some of its neighbours- relations mentioned in an Associated Press release and reflected in some of the mass media, including The New York Times of 10 September 1976.In an article whichcan only be called extravagant, in mentioning some countries including Chad, The New York Times said, interalia, that Chad apparently had sold off part of its territory to a neighbouring State in return for substantial economic assistance, and no one had protestedthis. 23. As our Head of Statehas already had occasion to state to the Secretary-General on the occasion of hisofficial visit to N'Djamena on 12 May 1976: "We in Chad have great hopesin the future of this community". 30. We should wonder what the people in my country think of these reports. I would like to say that vastefforts have been undertaken by the new regime radically to change the mentality of the Chadian masses, who are now becoming increasingly aware of the just relations they should maintain with one another and with their neigh- bours, how they should handle internal or external sub- version, and the vigilance and responsibilities they require in order to exercise full control over the exploitation of their natural resources, taking into account the back- wardness and the obscurantism into which they have been deliberately plunged by colonialism, neo-colonialism and imperialism. Our country has been listed by the United Nations as one of the poorest countries on the planet-a land-locked country where internal communications be- come impracticable during eachrainyseason. 24. The independence acquired ..:t great cost is being consolidated where foreign and sordid interests seek to question it. I should like therefore to renew the sincere greetings of Chad to the glorious people of socialist Viet Nam,of Laos and Kampuchea, whose strikingvictories over the forces of evil prove, if need be, that no foreign intervention can frustrate the desire of people to live freely as they wish. We sincerely wish that after having endured 30 years of ruthless and unjust wars these people might . fmaDy know peace in order to devote their entire energies to the reconstruction of their destroyed economy and to the rehabilitation of their social andcultural1ife, whichhas suffered such upheavals as a result of foreign intervention. Thus, they could fully contribute to our efforts here to 26. We firmly oppose the use of force in international relations; this practice is only aimed at the small countries which do not have sufficient means to enjoy their legiti- mate right to self-defence. We support a convention on the non-use of force in relations among States. 27. We also sincerely believe that the extravagant ter- ritorial claims and the campaigns of subversion, aided and abetted by certain States, greatly increase the risk of international tension and constitute a serious threat to international peace and security. We welcome the efforts of the General Assembly, which adopted resolution 3496(XXX) of 15 December 1975 aimed at convening in 1977 a conference of plenipotentiaries on the succession of States in the matter of treaties in order to draft a convention, one of whose essential provisions would be to guarantee existingfrontiers among States. 28. These sacrosanct ideas of peace, justice and peaceful coexistence enshrined in the Charter are a guarantee for small countries,including mine. . 32. I should like to state today, before world public opinion, that my country will never yield one inch of its territory to anyone. 33. As I hare already stated at the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in Colombo, nothing will weaken the idea that the Chadian people truly constitute a nation of allits children,including those who are now expatriates for various reasons, and nothingwill detract us from the duty to defendit: 34. As regards the Indian Ocean, I should like to reaffirm the positive vote of my delegation on resolution 2832 (XXVI) of 16 December 1971 and other resolutions declaring the Indian Ocean a zone of peace.We shouldlike to appeal to the great Powers and the main maritime users to conform to the relevant decisions of the UnitedNations. 35. As regards Cyprus, we should like to reaffirm our determination to respectthe sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus. The solution of the Cyprus problem can only result from direct negotiations between the two communities-the Greek-Cypriots and the Turkish- Cypriots-without any foreign interference. 36. After this brief political outline, I should like to deal briefly witheconomic questions. 37. In this connexion, I should like to point out with profound regretthat we continueto live in a worldof good intentions, where concrete actions and political will are often absent. Indeed, the meetings of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development{UNCI'ADJ follow one another, the North-South Conference is marking time, and-something which indeed bears repeating-the gapthat separates the rich and the poor becomes wider and wider. The third world is left to draw the balance sheet of its poverty, an the more aggravated by the problem of foreign debt. 38. The alarming element of the present situation is that the developing countries, which represent 70 per cent of the world's population,have only 30 per cent of the world income. 39. The developed countries are aware of this state of affairs,but they remain indifferent or, at most, endorse it; but the increasing awareness of the international com- munity cannot remain indulgent to suchan attitude which, in plain words, is a deliberate act further to enrich the minority and to impoverish the'majority, and to maintain it in a situationof poverty,disease, hunger and illiteracy. 40. Faced with the urgent problems of raw materials and development, the sixth special session of the General Assembly adopted resolutions 3201(S-YI) and 3202 (S-VI) relating to the Declaration and the Programme of Actionon the Establishment of a NewInternational Economic Order. 42. International action ift favour of tradein commodities has not made general progress since the adoption of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade {resolution 2626(XXV)J• 43. It is not surprising that many of the provisions of this Strategy concern commodities, since these provide a large portion of the foreign exchange earnings of the great majority of developing countries. 44. Thus, turning more particularly to the community of poor nations, we believe that the dynamics of future development cannot be confmed to "bipolar" relations between third-world countries and developed countriesbut should also be founded on the strengthening of economic co-operation among developing countries in order to translate into concrete action the notion of collective self-sufficiency. As the production capacity of our coun- tries increases and as our own internal consumption is intensified, our countries should strengthen their over-all infrastructure by strengthening their tiesin the commercial, fmancial and monetary fields as well as in the areas of production and investment. In future, these links could be expanded in order to encompass new types of distribution in all areas. 45. In thisconnexion, the Mexico Conference that hasjust completed its work,2 has laid the groundwork for horizon- tal co-operation more than evernecessary. It was successful in so far as there was unanimity in the adoption of measures concerning production,trade, infrastructure, serv- icesand,particularly, monetaryand fmancial areas, the area of science, technology and technical co-operation. 46. The establishment of anew, international economic order as we see it would remain an insoluble problem if developed States persist in their egoism andfailto agree to fundamental changes in relations governing existing trade relationships. 47. I should like to dwell for a minute on the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Seawhose work, Mr. President, you have beenguiding for the past few years. 48. This important Conference, whose aims are the draft- fug and the conclusion of a convention which would lay downinternational maritime law, is deadlocked despite the increasing efforts that you, Mr.President, and the represen- tatives of developing countrieshave unceasingly exerted. In the opinion of my delegation, the responsibility for the little progress achieved at the fifth session of that Con- ference devolves upon the maritime Powers, which de- liberately delay the work of the Conference in order to 49. The future convention should take into account the interests of all parties concerned, bearing in mind the new international economic order and the principles of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolu- tion 3281 (XX/XI. Chad, which is a land-locked country, will support any initiative aimed at including in this convention provisions according preferential treatment to developing countries which are land-locked and geographi- cally disadvantaged. SO. I cannot close the economic part of my statement without dealing with its corollary, that of the foreign debt which, according to the conclusions of the Conference just held in Stockholm, grouping businessmen of 34 countries under the auspices of the International Chamber of Commerce, today amounts to $US 120 to 170 billion. Within the present international context, it is very difficult, if not impossible, for the developingcountries to repay this debt and the interest incurred unless their foreign exchange earnings are guaranteed. Consequently, it is essential to ensure to these countries effective guarantees that their products will sell at competitive prices on the world market. 51. It is therefore urgently necessary to convene an international conference on debt which could study the modalities and payments arrangements. Such a conference, in my view, would undoubtedly foster a better understand- ing of the real scope of this heavy burden and would prove to all the urgent need to establish a new international economic order enabling developing countries to discharge their obligations. 52. In conclusion, I should like to thank very sincerely on behalf of my delegation all members of the General Assembly for the confidence they have expressed to my country in appointing us one of the Vice-Presidents of the present session. 53. UHLA PHONE (Burma): Mr.President, permit me first of all to convey to you the warm congratulations of the delegation of Burma on your election as President of this General Assembly. We wish you every success in the discharge of your high office and assure you of our support and co-operation. 54. To our outgoing President, Mr. Gaston Thorn, we take this opportunity to pay a tribute to his energetic efforts in presidingover the last Assembly. SS. We should also like to take this opportunity to extend to the delegation of the Republic of Seychelles a very warm welcometo our Organization. 56. At the same time, we regret that our friendly neighbour, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam has not yet been able to send a delegation to participate in the work of the General Assembly. The consistent view of our Govern- ment is that each application for membership should be decided strictly on its merits in accordance with the 57. Likewise, we very much regret that the People's Republic of Angola which has been accorded de jure recognition by more than two thirds of the States Members of the United Nations is still denied admission to our world Organization. This is contrary both to the spirit of the United Nations Charter and to the principle of universality. 58. The addition of each new Member implies the growth of this world forum in both strength and stature. It also implies the Organization's continuing validity and efficacy. Despite its short-comings and despite its apparent inability to make an impact on some of the most vital issues facing the world today, the United Nations remains a basic necessity of our times and the best hope of mankind. 59. In recent years, the tendency of tile great Powers to have recourse to negotiations, dialogue and contact in the search for political solutions to their differences' has resulted in the relaxation of tensions among them and has been instrumental in giving a positive direction to their relations. The fact remains that this is chiefly a bilateral process based on mutual interest and security. It cannot be meaningful for other countries unless the same great Powers limit their involvement in the areas of the world where their competing interests tend to interpose. 60. Peace and security are indivisible. It is important to stress here that in the closely linked world of today, peace and security cannot be confined only to a few Powers.It is our fervent hope that it will be equally possible for other parts of the world to benefit from the favourable trends in great Power relations, so as to achieve the greatest possible spread of peace and security. 61. The longstanding areas of crisisin southern Africa, the Middle East and the Korean peninsula, continue to consti- tute a threat to international peace and security. Over the past 30 years, the General Assembly has been preoccupied with many of the problems of these crisis areas. Yet there is no discemible prospect of fruitful advance towards their resolution. Today, the situation in these areas is marked by acute tensions. The issues have become more intense and complicated than ever as time and history overtake events. 62. We meet at a time of grave forebodings in southern Africa. Dark clouds of war hover menacingly as the people of the region mobilize for armed struggle to liquidate colonialism, racism and racial discrimination. The collective efforts of the United Nations to assure the peaceful fuifdment of the aspirations of the oppressed peoples of southern Mrica have long been up against the solid wall of open defiance by the minority regimes of Rhodesia and South Africa. 64. If the minority regimes are to be induced to change their course, this can be accomplished only through united action on the part of the international community to dispel such illusions in accordance with the purposes and princi- ples of the Charter of the United Nations. 65. So long as the Korean problem eludes settlement, it will remain a source of world tension. Burma regards the joint North-South communique of 4 July 19723 as an act of statesmanship opening the door to dialogue to facilitate conditions for a peaceful solution of the Korean problem. Given the spirit which moved Korean statesmen to agreeon the three principles of the joint communique, may we be permitted to express the hope that they willovercometheir present differences and prove equal to the commitment to seek national unity and the peaceful reunification of Korea. It is our view that the Korean people t.'-emselves should work out, without any outside interference, acceptable positions that could be adopted as a basis for eventual reunification. It also stands to reason that any process directed towards resolving the Korean problem must involve the active participation of both the Democratic People's Republicof Korea and the Republicof Korea. 66. The crisis in the Middle East continues to command world attention. The situation there has, in fact, become more confused and complex with recent happenings in Lebanon. The lack of a lasting and permanent homeland for the Palestinian people is the underlying cause of the problems of the Middle East. The basic prerequisite for the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the region is obvious: it is the restoration of the national rights of the Palestinianpeople, including the right to establish their own State. It is also clear that the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and political independence of all States in the region and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized borders cannot be ignored and must be respected. 67. Burma is, in principle, opposed to any territorial acquisition by war. We consider the rectification of the problem of the Israeli occupation of Arab lands of 5 June 1967 to be of the utmost importance. 68. Allow me to turn briefly to the region in which my country is situated. The end of the war in Kampuchea,Viet Nam and Laos last year was highly welcome in South-East Asia. It was a great relief to the region, which had not known peace and tranquillity since the beginning of the Second World War. Now, after 30 long years of arduous 73. The armaments race has thus become one of the . greatest scourges of humanity, and failure to act wisely and effectively at this juncture in order to halt and reverse it is bound to confront the world with an unpleasant and irreversible reality. 69. Asa result, the whole regionis undergoinga process of far-reaching political, economic and social change and, of late, there .have emerged trends towards establishing new relationships among the countries in the area. There is a growing awareness among these countries that they them- selves have to play an increasingrole in creating conditions under which peace and security can be maintained, and co-operation for economic and social advancement pro- moted. We view these positive factors as providing the countries of the region with an opportunity to work together for their common objectives of safeguarding national independence and promoting peace and social progress. 70. Let me now turn to another area in which resolute and co-ordinated international action is urgently required. For over 30 years now, the world has been concerned with the problem of disarmament, but nations are engaged in rearmament. Indeed rearmament has been pursued so ruthlessly that, over the past decade alone, world military expenditures have more than doubled to the staggering annual rate of $US 300 billion at constant prices. What is perhaps even more alarmingis that an end to this escalation of military spending is nowhere yet in sight. Along with military expenditures, military arsenals-particularly those of the major armed Powers-are continuing to grow unchecked in size and in diversity. New and even deadlier weapons systems are being developed. Massive arms trans- fers are taking place on an unprecedented scale. In short, the uncontrolled arms race is threatening to become uncontrollable. 71. To quote the words of our Secretary-General "in a world increasingly preoccupied with the problems of social justice, hunger, poverty, illiteracy, disease, development and an equitable sharing of resources", in this situation, such continued diversion to armaments of creative human energies and productive resources on a colossal and ever- increasingscale is both tragic and intolerable while keeping the world in a constant state of insecurity and tension. 72. My delegation cannot fail to stress that the ominous implications of nuclear weapons continue to impingeupon our lives. No progress has been made in nuclear dlsarma- ment despite the priority assigned to it in negotiations for the goal of general and complete disarmament under effective international control. Nuclear testing continues. At the same time, ever newer and deadlier types of nuclear weapons and systems are being devised and produced. The number of nations possessing technological capability to produce nuclear explosives has increased and the possibility ofits misuseis becominga matter ofgrave concern. • 75. We have often stated in the General Assembly that Burma strongly favours the governing of the oceans and their usesby generally acceptable and universally applicable rules of international law, elaborated through multilateral dialogue and consensus. We have stated that if multilateral dialogue should fail, or become unduly protracted, neces- sity would compel nations to resort to unilateral action in establishing national maritime zonesalong their coasts. This is precisely what is happening now in various parts of the world,incrudingourown. 76. As some of my colleagues present here are probably aware, the Prime Minister 'of Burma in his report to the Pyithu Hluttaw (parliament) on 10March 1975, stated that arrangements were under way to establish Burma's ex- clusive economic. zone at 200 miles. Till now we have kept faith with the negotiations of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea.However,faced with the prospect of even further protraction of those negotiations, we in Burma consider that the time has now arrivedior us to judge what measures are needed to protect our national maritlme interests and act accordingly. We must, however, hasten to add that the historic international effort to elaborate a new convention on the law of the sea has not been an exercise in futility. It can fairly be said that, as a result of the Third Conference, new legal concepts have already emerged as principles and rules of international maritime law which will provide a sound and viable basis for inter-State relations with respect to the sea. 77. I would now like to say a few words on the state of the international economy. As the representatives present here are fully aware, one of the basic aims of the United Nations is to promote social progress and better standards of life in greater freedom and, towards thisend, to employ international machinery for the promotion of the economic and socialadvancement of all peoples. 78. To what extent has this objectivebeen achieved? Over the past three decades, numerous consultations have indeed been held both within and outside the United Nations with a view to resolving the economic problems facingthe world today. As a result of these consultations, many important issues have been clarified and useful approaches to the solution of the problems involvedhave alsobeen identified. The large number of resolutions adopted and recommenda- tions made, particularly the recommendationscontained in the International Development Strategy, testify to this. 80. In recent years, the sixth and seventh special sessions of the United Nations General Assembly, the fourth session of UNCTAD, and the recently concluded Colombo Con- ference of non-aligned countries have highlighted the tasks ahead. It is imperative that the international community address itself urgently and resolutely to these tasks if any appreciable progress is to be made towards the achievement of the objective set out in the Charter of the United Nations. 81. The resolutions and decisions taken at various United Nations forums have not had the political impact we had hoped for. This should not, however; make us lose sightof the useful work the United Nations and its agencies are performing in the economic and social field. In this regard, we are glad to note that the activities that the regional commissions, the specialized agencies and other United Nations bodies have undertaken in support of the develop- ment effort of many developing countries have met with a considerabledegree of success. ., 82. Obviously, we are in favour of increasing the effec- tiveness of this role of the United Nations. We therefore welcome the present attempt to restructure the United Nations and to make it a more effective instrument, for economic development and international co-operation. 83. I' have so far dealt with the problem of economic development and social progress in the international con- text. This is because in our increasingly integrated world, the interdependence of the interests and well-being of developed and developing countries is a factor of growing significance. .i4. Nevertheless, it should be emphasized that, although a favourable international setting can be conducive to pro- . moting economic progress,the main effort for development must be made by the developing countries themselves. International assistance and co-operation can, at the same time, play a useful supplemental role in aidingsuch efforts. The assistance thus provided, at present and in the future, should be expanded and made more effective. This, we feel, is a responsibility which the developed countries should undertake in co-operation with the developing countries. 85. n,ese are in general the reflections of the delegation of Burma ~n reviewing the world situation.

It is with genuine feeling that I return to this podium where I first came when I addressed the eleventh session of the General Assembly as Minister of Foreign.Affairs of Panama on 27 November 1956.4 At that time we supported the right of the Egyptian people to nationalize the Suez Canal and we indicated the similarities between the Suez and Panama Canals. Today, 20 years later, we come before you after the liberation of all the African continent to prove to you how mistaken the United States continues to be by insisting in perpetuating its presence in the colonial enclave known as the zone of the Panama Canal. OUl' Governments throughout the years. 88. On behalf of the delegation of Panama I wish to join my colleagues who, when speaking, started by congratu- lating Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe on his electionas President of the thirty-fast session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Everyone present here knows the important part you playedasPresident of the ThirdUnited Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea and we know well, too, the lofty intellectual and diplomatic qualities that wlll enable you effectively to lead the work of its next sessions. We are particularly happy at the selection because we have recently returned from your beautifulcountry, Sri Lanka, where we enjoyed so much courtesy and the warm hospitality of a fun-loving and hard-working people whose memory wlll staywith us for ever, 89. We share with the Secretary-General his conviction that by working together with courage and persistent constancy we shall move forward along the course which leads to the major objectives of peace, justice; human dignity and equity which have for centuries been a legitimate aspiration of mankind. 90. It is inconceivable as was rightly pointed out a few days ago [Ist meeting) by the President of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly and Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Luxembourg, Mr. Gaston Thorn, that $300 billion are spent every year on the arms race and at the same time not one tenth of that amountis allocated to fJghting under-development, which condemns to the most wretched poverty 1.2 billion people, many of whom aretotally destitute. 91. L, welcoming the Republic of Seychelles as a new Member of the United Nations family, wewish to place on record that we would be pleased if shortly th~ People's Republic of Angola and the united Socialist Republic of VietNam were to occupy their lawful places in thishall. 92. On behalf of the Revolutionary Government presided over by Mr. Demetrio B. Lakas, and whose headof State is General OmarTorrijos Herrera, wecordially greetallStates Members of the United Nations attending this session and we .thank them for having elected Panama as a Vice- President of thissession of the General Assembly. 93. While it is true that detente has brought about a relaxation of tensions among the great Powers which removes the possibility of an atomic crisis, we cannot afflrm that mankind has been freed from armed conflicts and threats to international peace and security which ire potentialcrises unless they are resolved. 94. Possibilities for the developing countries to share among themselves their capacity for development has increased in the last years. We now have unprecedented opportunities to achieve the scientific and technological 95. Technical co-operation among the developing coun- tries is one of the mechanisms basicto the establishment of the new international economic order and it is also an instrument which contributes to changing the structure of international relations. In our region, the Latin Amerii:an Economic System, knownas SELA, offersnewperspectives for co-operation. 96. We have attentively followed the ~"Ussions at the meeting of the International Monetary Fund which were held in Manila. Panama agrees with the Managing Director of the Fund that both the developing countries as well as the industrialized countries should fmd a solution to the continuoususeof high-interest loanswhicharerequested to cover deficits in balances of payments so as to eliminate those perpetual deficits resulting from the unjust inter- actionswhich nowprevail in internationaltrade. 97. Our delegation joins others who have preceded us in afflTming that Panama will spare no efforts in seeking a remedy to the deterioration of the international economic situation. The picture is a sombre one and it is the duty of every nation which ~ fmancially more solvent to raise the availability of development loans with less harsh and burdensome conditions for poor countries. 98. At the same time efforts must be madeto set up on a universal level a policy to control inflation which is the scourge of all countries and devastates the less developed countries. 99. Panama is undergoing an economic crisis similar to that occurring in the vast majority of the developing countries. Thisyear more than ever before we have felt in my country the effects of unemployment, inflation and recession. 100. At the same time the United States continues to delay a solution to the problem of the Panama Canal, which is closely'connected with our economy since it is the most important natural resource we have. We do not believe it is just that the most powerful nation in the world should continue fully to exploit thisresource while the majorityof our people lacks the most elementary needs of a dignified life. 101. For the economy of Panama to be reactivated and for us to come out of the present economic crisis withina reasonable time, we have to make a better use of our geographical positionso asto attain the degree of economic growth and stability which will enable us equitably to participate in the new international and economic order whichweadvocate. 102. The Revolutionary Government of Panama, even . thoughit respects the system of free enterprise, hasthrough labour laws and taxation attempted a more equitable distribution of our national wealth among all our in- habitants. 105. Since 1973 when this item becamea burning issuein the debates of this Organization, Panama has been out- standing in its co-operation and endeavours in this field. Panama had the honour and the responsibility to be Chairman of the Ad Hoc Committee on International Terrorism established under resolution 3034 (XXVII) of the General Assembly and has always based its arguments condemning such a practice on some fundamental premises which in substance mean that the United Nations must intensify its efforts to eradicate the causes of international terrorism. 106. Panama will at all times endeavour, as it has in the past, to assist in formulating measures which might consti- tute a real barrier to or brake on the continued practice of international terrorism. 107. The fighting in Lebanon is of the utmost concern to us. With profound sadness we witness the pain of the internal tragedy of civil war in Lebanon, whichhas brought death to thousands of human beings and incalculable material losses. We hope that the groups involved in the present conflict, the leaders of all sectors and, in general, the population of Lebanon will help to halt this fratricidal struggle and strive to re-establish peace and order. We are pleased to have heard the news this morningthat a meeting will be held in a few hours to that end. We hope that this friendly country will maintain its unity and territorial integrity so that all will respect its rights as a free, independent and sovereign nation. 108. In order to arrive at a just and lasting formula for peace in the Middle East we reaffirm the need for the withdrawal of the Israeli forces from all the territories occupied in the 1967 war. We support the idea of implementing Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), taking into account that the Palestinian prob- lem must be resolved on the basisof the establishmentof a Palestinian State which will include Gaza and the West Bank of the Jordan, and we consider that Jerusalem must be given a special international status. At the sametime we believe it is vital for the Arab countries to accept the right of Israel to live within secure and recognized frontiers like all the other States in the region. 109. In the case of Cyprus we advocate the withdrawalof the occupation forces as called for in the resolution adopted by the General Assemblytwo yearsago[resolution 3212 (XXIX)) as a point of departure, so that later through . negotiations an agreement, may be reached to preserve the territorial integrity, independence and sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus so that all its inhabitants may live in peace and the country can return to the prosperity to whichit is entitled. 111. Panama reiterates its support for the just claimof the Argentine Republic regarding the Islas Malvinas and we hope that soon a formula will be found which willmake it possible to. restore that territory to the sovereignty of Argentina. 112. Panama reiterates its hope that the negotiations .which would give Bolivia an outlet to the sea will advance in a positive direction until the desired objective is obtained. 113. The constitution of Panama of 1972 providesfunda- mental guaranteesprotecting nationals and foreigners under its jurisdiction in all matters pertaining to the sacredrights to life and liberty and indicates a revolutionary concept on the scope and vastness of the human rights enjoyed throughout the entire Republic. 114. Participation in the government' of my country through mechanisms of people's power which function from one end of our national territory to the other is a right and obligationof all Panamanians. US. In a dynamic and tangible manner, which is shared by all sectors of the Panamanian community, we apply the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Inter- national Covenants on Human Rights which we have ratified, as well as the Optional Protocol. In this respect all that remains for us is publicly to declare our hopes that the 38 States which are now parties to the Covenants will by joined by many others so that this system of protecting human rights will soon attain the desired goal of univer- sality. 1"16. Without leaving the context of human rightswe wish to emphasize here that we are offended and afflicted by apartheid and rampant racism which white minorities have imposed on the indigenous majorities in southern Africain bloody defiance of the clear-cutprovisionsand mandates of the international community and of the historic transfor- mations which are inexorably advancing throughout the entire world. 117. Wc are encouragedby the latest diplomatic initiatives undertaken by the WesternPowerswith a viewto achieving political independence in Namibia and majority Govern- ment in Zimbabwe. The struggly for liberation which has been intensified by the heroic people of Zimbabwe in recent months with the support of OAU so as to achieve genuine independence on the basis of majority government has the total support of Panama. 118. We hope that the transfer of power from the racist minority of Ian Smith to the majority of the Zimbabwe people will be carried out rapidly so as to prevent more sacrifices by that heroic people. We appreciate the efforts made to that end by the Secretary of State of the United 119. To make majority rule viable with a low cost in human life the Secretary of State of the United States has offered the United Kingdom considerable economic as- sistance in order to compensate the white minority in Rhodesia which wishes to emigrate. 120. Taking note with satisfaction of this generous plan of the United States to relocate more than 200,000 white Rhodesians, we cannot fail to remind the leaders of North America that they could do the same to relocate the 3,000 North American Zonian familiesresident in the Panamanian territory known as the Panama Canal Zone so as to facilitate the negotiations on the new Canal treaty and eliminate once and for all the primary source of conflicts which perturbs relations between the United States and Panama. 121. Repeatedly we have said, and we say again,lliat we welcome North Americans and in general all foreigners who wish to adjust to the atmosphere and customs of Panama and we reiterate that we are prepared tc givethem the same cordial treatment which our people has always given once we have eradicated from our territory the colonial enclare known as the Panama Canal Zone. 122. We are please to note that, in United Nations bodies, Africans and Latin Americans have made common cause to condemn every kind of colonialism. 123. It wasthe privilege of my country that its capital was chosen by Simon Bolivar, the Liberator, as the venue for the Amphictyonic Congress of Panama, which met on our isthmus from 22 June to 15 July 1826, and we were particularly pleased to note that, on the initiative of the Latin American group of States, we have on the agenda of the present session an item entitled "One hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Amphictyonic Congress of Panama" [item 117J. The Foreign ~nister of Venezuela, Mr. Raman Escovar Salom, quite rightly said in this hall: "This Congress was a "historical event which for the first time collectively defined the political strategy of the Latin. American continent" [6th meeting, para. 108}. At that Congress Bolivar aimed at setting up a league of Latin American nations to be a spokesman for the colonial peoples of the world in opposition to the imperialist claims of the European Holy Alliance. 124. We are therefore certain that the special plenary meeting which will be held by this General Assembly to celebrate the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Amphictyonic Congressof Panama and to pay a tribute to liberator Simon Bolivar, will have the enthusiastic support of all States Members of the Organization. This celebration is of singular importance for the Latin American nations and for the non-aligned countries. For the former, the genius of Bolfvar converted into continental doctrine the feeling and thinking of unity which was common to the 125. My delegation shares the view of the Secretary' of State of the United States, Mr. Kissinger, in his last speech here [11th meeting}. regarding what hemispheric relations should be. Panama, which is the geographical and senti- mental centre of the Latin American continent and which is both the window and the mirror of the hemisphere, is where the United States should show mankind a good example of what a mutual conception of relations between North, Central and South America should be. 126. The negotiations between my small country of Panama and the great North American super-Power on the question of the Panama Canal, which were started 12 yearn ago after the violent events which endangered peace in the region in 1964, are still awaiting a solution. We trust that Mr.Kissinger, despite the rhetoric of the political campaign in North America, will not leave this task unfinished, and we hope that, with the assistance of other open-minded statesmen, we will reach an agreement which will satisfy the legitimate aspirations of the Panamanian people before the end of next spring. 127. The so-called Panama Canal Zone, 10 miles wide and 50 miles long, which cuts and fragments the central part of the Panamanian isthmus and makes of the Republic of Panama a divided nation, is today an anachronistic colonial enclave. There is no justification :for its existence and it must disappear so as to restore the territorial integrity of the State of Panama and promote relations of peace and friendship in the region. 128. The brotherly and unanimous support of the Latin American countries, as well as of the United Nations, the third world and other States Members of the United Nations, has given renewed impetus to the cause of Panama. 129. Among the manifestations of international public opinion in favour of Panama made with growing intensity after 1973, we must emphasize the statement of the Secretary-General of the Organization. On 20 March of that year, the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim,urged that the burning issue of Panama be considered in accordance with the spirit of our times and within the present historical context. He said: "The problem awaits a solution which can only be based on the respect for law and the search for justice. A solution will have to take into account the basic principles which are enshrined in the Charter such as the principle of territorial integrity, sovereign equality, the obligation to settle all international disputes by peaceful means and the principle which by now has become an accepted common standard, namely, that any State is entitled to put to full use and for its own account all its natural potentialities."5 131. As part of the agreement at that time the President of the United States, Lyndon B. Johnson, after consulting former Presidents Truman and Eisenhower, committed the honour of his country to the negotiation of a new treaty. For 12 years we have been negotiating with three different United States administrations for a treaty which will be reasonable and just for Panama. 132. On 21 March 1973, when the Security Council met in Panama, the United States vetoed a resolution which took note of the willingness shown by the Governmentsof the United States of America and the Republic of Panama to establish in a formal instrument agreements on the abrogation of the 1903 convention on the Isthmian Canal and its amendments and to conclude anew, just and fair treaty concerning the present Panama Canal which would fulfil Panama's legitimate aspirations and guarantee full respect for Panama's effective sovereignty over all of its territory; it further urged the Governments of the United States of America and the Republic of Panama to continue negotiations in a high spirit of friendship, mutual respect and co-operation and to conclude without delay a new treaty aimed at the prompt elimination of the causes of conflict between them.' This resolution won the affirma- tive vote of all members of the Security Council with the exception of the United Kingdom, which abstained. 133. We are particularly pleased to place on record that on 17 September Mr. Edward (Ted) Rowlands, member of Parliament and Minister of State of the United Kingdom, after a meeting held with myself to deal with Anglo- Panamanian affairs, agreed to a declaration which states in part: "Mr. Rowlands emphasized that, since Great Britain is one of the main users of the Canal, Her Majesty's Government is most desirous that the present nego- tiations should lead to a prompt solution acceptable to both parties which would 'satisfy the needs of the negotiating parties by eliminating the causes of conflict among them. This treaty would naturally restore to Panamajurisdiction over its entire territory." 135. On 9 June 1976 at the sixth sessionof OAS General Assembly held in Santiago, Chile, I had the honour to read the joint report presented by. the Government' of the Republic of Panama and the United States of America, which in part states: 134. On 15 May 1975, OAS unanimously adopted the following resolution: , "THE GENERALASSEMBLY, "HAVING HEARD the report on the negotiations concerning the Panama Canal question made by the representatives of the United States and Panama;and 8 See Organization of American States, Proceedings ofthe General Assembly, Fifth Regular Session, vot. I, Certified texts of the resolutions and declarations (Washington, D.C., General Secretariat of the Organization of American States, 1975), resolution AG/ RES.174 (VOO/75). 9 See Organization of American States document OEA/Ser.P, AG/doc.681/76 of 9 June 1976• "That on March 24, 1975, the Head of the Panamanian Government and the Presidents of Colombia,Costa Rica, and Venezuela signed in Panama City a Joint Declaration concerning the Panama Canalquestion; and "That the Declaration has as antecedents the Joint Declaration signed by the United States and Panama in the Council of the Organization of "'~r..•erican States on April 3, 1964, and an eight-point agre,_"lent signed by the two countries on February 7, 1974, known as the Tack-Kissinger Statement, ' "RESOLVES: "1. To note with satisfaction that on February 7, 1974, the Foreign Minister of the Republic of Panama and the Secretary of State of the United States signedan eight-point Statement setting forth basic principles that will serve as a guide for the negotiators of the two countries, in which it is stipulated, inter alia, that the Panamanian territory of which the Panama Canalforms a part will soon be returned to the jurisdiction of the Republic of Panama, and that the Republic will assume total responsibility for the inter-oceanic canal on the termination of the new treaty. "2. To note with satisfaction the report represented by the Delegations of the United States and of Panama, which records the progress made. "3. To express the hope that a prompt and successful conclusion will be reached in the negotiations that the Governments of the United States and the Republic of Panama have been conducting for eleven years for the purpose of concluding a new, just and fair treaty concerning the Canal, which will defmitely eliminate the causes of conflict between the two countries and be efficacious in strengthening international co-operation and peace in the Americas."8 "... both governments are in agreement with the concept expressed by General Torrijos that we are not simply seeking any new treaty-we areseeking a treaty that will fully meet our common goals in the future and be seen by cur sister republics as reflecting a new era of co-operation in the Americas."9 137. The present negotiations for the agreement are based on the Joint Statement signed by Foreign Minister Tack and Secretaryof State Kissinger on 7 February 1974, which as you know, contains the eight pointswhichare to serve as a guide for the newCanal treaty.t! 138. On the occasion of the ceremony held in the city of Panama to sign that agreement, the Secretary' of State of the United States declared: "On behalf of the President, I hereby commit the United States to completing these negotiations successfully and asearlyaspossible." 139. We in Panama wonder what degree of credibility there is in the words of the Secretary of State when he expresses his concern for worldproblems in other areas and engages in much diplomatic activity in southern Africa to ensure that a minority will accept the principle of non- discrimination and of political equality for all the in- habitants of Rhodesia, whenat the same time it seems to be difficult for him to prevent the paralysation of all diplo- matic activity aimed at solving similar problems in Panama. Can the interest expressed by the United States in South Africa's compliance with the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council on Namibia be genuine when at the same time it ignores the contents of many resolutions on respect for the territorial integrity of countries, the right of all countries to exploit their own natural resources for the benefit of their peoples, and so forth, regarding Panama? What can we in Panama think of all this activity and leadership displayed by the United States to achieve decolonization in other areas of the world when it persists in maintaining a colonial situation-in the veryheart of our country? 142. We have been scrupulous in transcribing literally the above pronouncements in favour of the Panamanian cause made by the vastmajorityof StatesMembers of the United Nations because we consider that these documents express the feeling of the international community with regard to the new Canal treaty. This will also make it easier for delegations represented here to have all the facts whichmay be useful in forming their opinions in the eventthat, as our Head of Government has announced, we should feel compelled formally to submit at the next session of the General Assembly in 1977 a new item entitled "The question of the Panama Canal". 140. The greatest. difficulty regarding the new treaty resides in fmding an acceptable duration for the parties. While the United States expressed the opinion that the duration should be 30 to SO years, that is to say duringthe remainder of the useful life of the Canal, Panama considers that, for all effective purposes, we would be prepared to accept a reasonable duration not going beyond the year 2000. So far the United States has confmed itself to emphasizing that all issues are negotiable, and that is why wehave expressed cautiousoptimism. 141. The Political Declaration adoptedon 18 August 1976 by the Fifth Conference of non-aligned countries in 10 See Organization of American States, Proceedings of the General Assembly, Sixth Regular Session, vol. I, Certified texts of the resolutions (Washington, D.e., General Secretariat of the Organization of American States, 1976), resolution AG/RES.219 (VI-Q/76). 11 See The Department of State Bulletin, vol. LXX, No. 1809 (Washington, ne, U.S. Government Printing Office, 1974), pp. 184·185. "The Conference reiterated its firm support and soli- darity with the Government and people of Panama in their fair struggle for their effective sovereignty and total jurisdiction overthe so-called Panama Canal Zone. "The Conference reaffirmed the support of the Non- Aligned countries for the Panamanian control of the Panama Canal and reiterated their firm support for all efforts that the Republic of Panama will make before international forums, in particular the United Nations bodies. "The Conference praised the progress made by the Panamanian people underthe Revolutionary Government headed by General Omar Torrijos Herrera, offering any support that they may require when facing any action which may cause its destabilization." [See A/31/197, annex I, paras. 110-113.J 143. During the debates of candidates Ford and Carteron Wednesday, 6 October on matters of foreign policy and defence, the Head of Government of Panama, General Omar Torrijos, made the' following statement: "Thissuperficial approach to the most explosive subject in the United States' relations with Latin America is extremely irresponsible. President Ford claimed credit for having no young American fighting in any part of the world. But in Panama, 20,000 soldiers of the Southern Command of the United States Armyeachnightsleepon alert with combat boots, rifles and water bottles within reach, ready for the contingency of Latin America's claiming the sovereign rights of Panama denied to it in negotiations. "As regards Mr. Carter, I shouldlike to remind him that the word 'never' is one that has been deleted from the political dictionary with the era of the struggles for liberatk.n." 145. In the meantime we believe that the announcement . made yesterday by the Secretary of State of the United States was a timely one, namely, that negotiations are to be resumed within the next two weeks. 146. Both the Democratic Party platform and Mr. Ford under the Tack-Kissinger agreement, as well as the military authorities of the United States, affirm that they agree with the idea of a new Canal treaty. We therefore affirm that if the United. States genuinely wishes to negotiate seriously and in good faith, this is the time for the North American Government to return not only towards Panama but towards Latin America, the third world, and the vast majority of the countries that are a part of the United Nations. 147. Panama believes that between now and 2 November, election day in the United States, there is time to move forward considerably in the negotiations and we should not lose such precious time. 148. Now I should like to refer to the problem of non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States. Mr.Henry Kissinger, the Secretary of State of the United States, in his speech before this forum [11th meeting) rightly insisted on the danger of armed intervention to economic and social progress and, above all, to world peace. But he limited his apprehensions to the particular situation of southern Mrica. He was, in fact, speaking of military forces exclusively in the immediate, obvious and violent form of intervention. 149. My country believes that the principle of non-inter- ventlon should be extended to all forms of intervention, regardless of semantic disguise, because there are other forms of intervention-far more effective than the armed variety-that are carried out surreptitiously at economic and social levels. 150. We must therefore insist on the validity of the principle of non-intervention not only when it refers to armed struggle in southern Africa, in the, Near East or on the Asian continent, but also throughout Latin America, including the Caribbean. We do so because foreign inter- vention in almost every case is contrary to international law, to the principles of self-determination of peoples, of national sovereignty, and, it should be emphasized, to the very principles of the United Nations Charter that is the origin and justification for this Assembly of the nations of the world. 152. We agree with the statement made by the Major of Miami, Mr. Maurice Ferre, at the Democratic Party Con- vention that we must put an immediate stop to the political maneuvres that have blocked the course of positive action on behalf of a new Panama Canal treaty. 153. The New York Times was emphatic in its editorial of 27 September 1976: "It would be an unspeakable tragedy if a new Panama Canal treaty-an imperative for future United States relations with Latin America-should become a casualty of the American Presidential campaign ... It is up to President Ford to send Ambassador Ellsworth Bunker back to Panama ..." 154. The Washington Post of 3 October 1976 said: "Gen. George S. Brown, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, !!';Jblicly urges the President to get on with negotiations. Otherwise, he warns, there could be trouble. 'You'd be tighting men you can't identify at a time and place of their choosing.... That's not the way, in my judgment, to assure the continued maintenance and operation of the Canal.'" Elsewhere, the editorial states: "In fact, Panama has been remarkably patient and understanding. It merely wants to negotiate the treaty that the U.S. has solemnly promised to negotiate." 155. That negotiation is essential to put a peaceful end to the lacerating colonial situation which exists in the heart of Panamanian territory before 'the national feeling of our people wrests the solution to the problem from the hands of the diplomats. 156. Given the vacillation and the confusion of the two North American presidential candidates on the question of the Canal, I am certain that in' Panama my fellow citizens will present a united front so that the world will continue to support us in our inflexible will to recover effective sovereignty over all our national territory.

As there is some time available and as the afternoon meeting has a crowded schedule, may I suggest to the Assembly that we permit those delegations that are ready to exercise the right of reply to do so now in the time available. If I hear no objections, I shall take it that the Assembly agrees.

I shall call upon the represen- tatives of Saudi Arabia and the Syrian Arab Republic to exercise their right of reply. 160. Zionism is a Khazar ideology formulated by the late Mr. Herzl at the end of the last century. You might say, who are the Khazars? Are they heathens? No, they were heathens between the first century and the eighth century, when they came from the northern tier of Asia and skirted the Caspian. They were a hardy people. They settled in what was known as Bessarabia and what today is southern Russia. Both Byzantium and the Moslems in the eighth century courted them to become either Christians or Moslems; but then on second thought they wanted to maintain the balance of power and they converted to Judaism. The Khazars' ancestors never saw Palestine. They are not our Jews, who are as Semitic as I am:These were converted Jews, just as the British, who were pagans, were converted by St. Augustine to Christianity. That does not make them a Semitic people. They have a Semitic religion just as our Indonesian brothers or Nigerian brothers who became Moslems. 'Ihey have a Semitic religion which is Islam, but that does not make them Arab or Semitic. 161. I do not blame the Jews of Europe, who were maltreated for many centuries by the Europeans, for.the fact that fmally Mr. Herzl towards the end of the last century··thought there could be no salvation for the Jews unless they had a State of their own.Butunfortunately the Zionists picked the wrong territory, Palestine. And they claim since the days of Mr. Eban that God gave them Palestine. I amsureMr. Eban is not of the Jews whoaremy brothers and cousins. He is descended from the Khazars. Therefore what is zionism but a colonial movement that was motivated by Judaism as a religion for political and economic ends? I do not sayMr. Herzl maliciously wanted political Zionism. He thought there was, as I said, no salvation. But that Utopia, that dream of his,turned into a nightmare. 162. And what business had our British friends of those days to partition part of the Ottoman Empire and put it under mandate, whereas they declared that they were fighting for democracy and mandates were nothing but colonialism in disguise? Palestine and Iraq were placed undera British mandate, Syria and Lebanon undera French mandate. You will recall-or thoseof you who are students of history-the secret Sykes-Picot-Sesanov Agreement. Sesanov-they forgot about him after 1917, when there was the outbreakof the Russian Revolution. 163. These are the facts. The myths are that there is no religion that can constitute a nation. A nation needs the cultural background that is basedon tradition, on customs, on common interests. There is no such thing as Jewish blood, Arab blood, American blood. What makes these nations are a common culture, common way of life, sometimes food. They need not have the same language.

May I sayto the representative of Saudi Arabia that hisstatementisnot in the natureof right of reply. It is a substantive statement. By the rules of the General Assembly, the right of reply is limited to 10 minutes. I intend to enforce that rule.

All right, enforce that rule, but you cannotdrawa hard and fastlinebetween what is substance and what is form and what is right of reply. I am coming to the right of reply and I have ample time to develop my thesis, but there are many newcomers here, and it is my duty not bo be formalist, but to let the newcomers here know what the situation is as a back- ground. 166. Mr. Allon mentioned terrorism-Arab terrorism. Who was terrorist in Palestine? Who blew up the King David Hotel? Who killed 250 or so at various scenes? Who hanged British soldiers fromthe trees? He talksabout Arab terrorism. I do not condone terrorism. Nobody condones terrorism. It was those Khazars, who had nothing to do with the land, who came and perpetratedall the injustices and the tribulations fromwhichthe areaissuffereing. 167. Mr. Allon mentioned Lebanon. Had there been no Palestinian problem there wouldbe no conflict in Lebanon. I have to tell Mr. Allon that, if the Jews wantto remain in our area, including thosedescended from the Khazars, they have to seek acceptance by adjusting themselves to the area. If they seek acceptance by adjusting and adapting them- selves, I, for one, would so counsel the Arabs. They are human beings; we have nothing against anyone who happens to be a Khazar. But the Zionists want to lord it overthe Arabs andthey areliving on tensionbecause, if the tension disappears, then they will not receive tax-free money from the Americans and others. They are surviving on the taxpayers' money-American money and other money. Let it be known that it is a question of time. AsI mentioned and repeat again, God is not in the real-estate business to give any people a land. God gave us Palestine, Mr. Eban said,and ! repeat what I told him-since when is God in the real-estate business? And where is your title deed? Andyou Americans of yore, and also before you the British, since when didGodgive you a powerof attorney to transfer land that is not your own, when you declare that you fought world wars for democracy and self-deter- mination and you flouted all this. You think you fought 168. If I raise my voice, it is so that I may drive it home that we do not hate you, but we will not be dominated by you. Where is Alexander the Great? Where are the Romans? Where are the Seleucians? Where are those who came after the Seleucians, the Byzantines? And where are the crusaders? And where are the Mongols? And where are our brothers the Turks who had dominated that area, and the latter-day saints-the British-where are they? Their empire crumbled and went down the drain, And you think you are going to survive, you Zionists there. It is a question of years. Either by attrition-df not by conflict, and I hope there will be no war-or by assimilation, you will disappear from history as if you were a pinch of salt in a boiling kettle. You will disappear like a pinch of salt in the boiling kettle of the Middle East. But for your sake, for the sake of the Palestinians, for the sake of the world, because you may push it into a holocaust, you have permeated the Western Powers with your media of information, with your influ- ence. Yesterday, did you not hear, Sir, did you not see-the day before yesterday, was it not? -Mr. Carter and Mr. Ford currying favour with the Jews in this country to get their votes, because they keep the balance. Where isjustice? The policy of tt.Jse Western Powers is predicated on their misguided sell-interest. Let there be peace with justice, and if you want to postpone it from year to year, through draft resolutions, the situation will get worse and the tragedy will deepen to both so-called Arabs and so-called Jews. I am trying to drive some sense into you. Mr. AlIon, you tell them what I have said-it does not have to be here-nor does it have to be Mr. Herzog, who makes an exit whenever I take the floor. •

In his statement yesterday, the representative of the Zionist regime merely spoke on and about everything except the real Issue, which ls, as everybody knows by now, Israel's occupation of Arab land and Israel's infringement of the rights of the Pales- tinian people. 170. Mr. Allon launched the usual criticism and insults against the United Nations, against the specialized agencies, against nearly every organ and body ofthe United Nations, the Commission on Human Rights, the Special Committee on the Situation with Regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, the General Assembly itself, and against nearly all Member States of the Organization, the . Arab countries, the third-world countries, the socialist countries. This is very ironical and very strange on the part of someone coming from a so-called State which owes its own existence to the United Nations. As a matter of fact, Israel, to my knowledge, is the only Mzmber State created by a resolution of the United Nations in 1'947[resolution 171. Mr. Anon accused the United Nations of being politicized and he wants the United Nations to confine its activities to mere economic, cultural and other questions, as if the Charter of the United Nations were an economic Charter, a cultural Charter, as if it did not mention anything about human rights, about self-determination, . about the right of every people and every nation to live in peace and security. The ridiculous call in Mr. Allon's statement was that (and I quote): "... there must be a return to the Charter ..." {22nd 'meeting, para. 129J. Look who is calling for a return to the Charter! The very country-the very entity-that has been violating that Charter for 30 years, since its existence, because of a resolution which violated that Charter at the very begin- ning. Yes, Mr. Allon, let us return to the Charter, let us obey the principles of the United Nations and the Charter and let us fulfil the flrst of those principles and objectives of the United Nations, the principle of non-acquisition of the territory of others by force and aggression,the principle of not resorting to force or aggression in order to control the territory and the fortunes ofother people. 172. It is also ironic that the State which was based on terrorism dares every now and then to speak about terrorism. I will not repeat what Mr. Baroody said when he reminded this august body about the crimes of zionism in Palestine and outside Palestine. I will not enumerate them, but I will say only that Israel considers as acts of terrorism only tile acts of resistance against its aggression, while it considers its own aggression, its own terrorism-which is a terrorism committed by a State and not by desperate persons struggling for their freedom and self-deter- mination-as heroism and courage. Also Mr. Allon dares to deny that Israel is the other pole of the axis of racism. Facts are there and the third-world countries, the African countries, all the world knows, everybody knows now, about the increase in the relationship between the regimes of Pretoria and Tel Aviv. Only a few months ago the representative' of the ugliest racist regime, Vorster, came to make a pilgrimage to the occupied territory, and the rites of that pilgrimage were visitsto the factories of the aeroplanes of the Zionist regime, of the factories of torpedo boats and missiles, Gabriel missiles, and after that pilgrimage, after that religious visit, now we see that the military ties and co-operation between the two regimes are at their summit. 173. I will not take long, but I would like to end by mentioning two very important things that Mr. Allon referred to. First of all, he referred to Syrian Jews. Every time the Zionist representatives and Israel want to divert world public opinion from their own crimes, they mention what is called the Syrian Jews. I will not refer to any statement from Syrian or Arab sources. I will just refer to witnesses and to testimony from American Jews-from a brilliant and very eminent journalist such as Mr. Mike Wallace, who three times presented on American television complete documented programmes about how the Syrians of Jewish faith live like any other Syrians of Christian or Moslem faith. He was attacked the firsttime he televised his 1975 to confirm what he had said. The United States Ambassador in Danw,cus confirmed whatMr. Mike WalIace had said. And then, under the presmre of the Zionists, he wasobliged to return a second timeto Syria. Hetook with him a teamof reporten and photographen and they came back with a new report on the Syrian Jews, which said not only that the Syrian Jews lived in fun equality with their Moslem and Christian brothen, but that they were even more prosperous bt";use they workvery hardand they are very clever people. And that television programme is still here in the archives of the American television and Mr. Wallar.:e has those films for anyone who wanw to see them. I do not want to take the time of the Assembly to read the documentation, the testimony and the photo- graphS, the picture of how our Syrian brothers of Jewish faithlive in Syria. 174. So let the Zionist representative not repeat that now and again. It is now a known fact that fll'St of all the Zionists do not represent the Syrian or the Soviet or the American or the Armenian or any other Jews. We do not believe that any State has the right to represent citizens from other countries only because those citizens happen to follow the same faithandreligion. Otherwise, I asa Moslem Syrian representative shoulr~ pretend that I represent the Moslem Chinese, the Moslell\l Turks, the Moslem Cypriots, the Moslem Iranians and tbe Moslem Pakistanis, which I do not do because we do not believe in discrimination according to religion. Everybody knows now that Israel doesnot really care aboutthe fate of persons following the same religion living in other countries, because everybody reads today how Israel is disappointed that, for instance, Soviet Jews whoemigrate fromthe Soviet Union do not go to Israel, but go to the United States. So that means they 175. And the last point-I apologize also to mycolleagues for being so long-the last thing is about what Israel is pretending about the Middle Eastand peace in the Middle East. The Israelis say that they have tried to reach peace, they want peace and whatsort ofpeace. For instance, they art: suggesting the termination of the state of warandthey say that until this moment, no reaction, no answer, has come fromthe Arab side about thisproposal. 176. I repeat what we have stated many times in this Assembly list year and in the Security Council: that Israel is not sincere in pretending that it wantspeace because it is proposing the end of the state of war while its soldiers occupy the territory of two Arab countries and of the Palestinian people. The occupation i'!l an act of aggression. The military occupation of the territory of othersisan act of war. So howcanyou pretendthat you wantto terminate that state of wareven when your soldiers areoccupying the territOi'y of those parties with whom you want to end the state of war? Very well, Mr. Allon, withdraw yoursoldiers from our territory and then come to usto speak aboutthe end of the state of war. We want peace, Mr. President, but we want peace based on justice, on freedom and on self-determination. The meetingrose at1.25 p.m.