A/31/PV.27 General Assembly

Mr. Amerasinghe's election comes at a time when the international community has begun to accept the idea that the struggle of man for his rights is nothing more than a fight for recognition of his dignity, his worth and his .entitlement to a full life in its economic and political aspects. In congratulating him, theIefore, on hill unanimous election to the distinguished office of Ptesident of the General Assembly-a tribute to his'CO'ilntry and a recognition· of his wealth of diplomatic experience and international standing-we of the Botswana delegation exhort him to maintain the momentum of the new vision, so that the thirty-fust yeu of the life of this OI:ganization will be a Uogical development from itslasttwo years, including both regulu and special sessions. 2. May I also express our congratulations and thanks to the previous President;Mr. Gaston Thorn,the Prime Minis- ter of Luxembourg, for his successful tenure of office and the part he played in the never-ending search for solutions to the intractable problems facing humanity,. and to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his untiring efforts in promoting the role of the United.Nations in internll1tional relations andthe pursuitoflillerty and human dignity. 3. It is appropriate at this point to express the sinCere condolences of my delegatl~n to the delegation of the People's Republic of China on the passing of its leader, - philosopher and teacher. ~ao Tsetung's qualities were such that they wonrespect andadmiration from hisgreatnation and from other nations as well. Hismemory will live long afterus.May hissoulrestin peace. . 7Uesday, 12 October 1976, at 10.55«m: NEW YOlK 4. Resounding successes in the struggle against imperialism andcolonialism in Mrica,Indo-China and other partsof the world are a victory for the indestructibility of the spirit of man, determined to assert his faith in his luger freedom. Imprisonment and torture, incendiary bombs and napalm, Shot-gun volleys and wu planes-in fact, all the sophisti- cated weaponry in the arsenals of'those sworn to resist change-succeed onlyin the destruction ofthe flesh but not the crushing of the soul and spirit of those bent on vindicating the justness of their cause. Little did our founders guess that, at this time in this century, the 51 Members in 1945 would have increased to 145. S. In congratulating the new Member admitted at the thirty-fust session-Seychelles-we equally congratulate those freedom-loving nations which continue to assist colonial peoples to achieve their universally cherished objective: their independence andfreedom. It isour fervent belief that the new nation will bring with it constructive realism and contribute significantly to the ideals and objectives enshrined in the Chuter ofour Organization. But even as we rejoice in welcoming the new State to this Assembly, we feel concerned about those whose member- ship is thwarted and frustrated by super-Power ideological rivalry. I refer in this regard to the People's Republic of Angola and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nun. My delegation sees, in this act,gross interference in the internal affairs of small States, a denial of their right to self-deter- mination and a travesty of the principle of Universality of membership. Being a small Staw itself, Botswana can only plead, for what it is worth, that every effort should be made to ensure the immediat~ admission to the Organiza- tion of the Statesconcerned. 6. Since the seventh special session, therehas beena series of conferences preoccupied with the establishment of the new international economic order. I refer in this regard to the Fourth Conference of Mrican Ministers of Trade held at Algiers in November last yeu; the Third Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77 in Manila in January and February 1976; the fourth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Devolopment {UNCTADJ, held in Nairobilast May; and the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Colombo last August-to name only a few. It is worthy of serious note .that, at all these Conferences, developing countries made their full contnbution to the international dialogue in the genuine search for lasting solutions to the ever-deteriorating world economic order. 7., Many of us in the developing world entertained great hopes for the outcome of the fourth session of UNCTAD. We. had hoped that the principles enunciated at the sixth and seventh special sessions would be taken a stepfurther. 8. This Organization has had the opportunity of address- ing itself to the new international economic order at two special sessions. What had to be said has been said, and there will be no point in repeating it here. To sum up, I only wish to say: first, that developing countries are pressing for a change in the presentinternational economic system, which is acknowledged by all, .developing and developed countries alike, to be unjust and inequitable; secondly, that the said change should,bring about .an equitable transfer of resources, including the transfer of technology; and thirdly, that new institutional economic arrangements should be created and deliberately designed to be development-orlented. We commend to this Assembly the' recommendations of the Fifth Conference of non- aligned countries[seeA/31/197/. 9. The struggle for freedom and self-determination in Africa, Asia, the Middle ~st and other parts of the world continues relentlessly and unabated. The dangers of politi- cal domination and oppression, and the denial to peoples of their human rights, spread far and Wide. New political defmitions are being coined to disguise aggression, and established international conceptsaredeliberately distorted to gain 'Political advantage-annexation by force and pos- sible extinction of the territories of Western Sahara and Timor, the encouraged secession of.the islandof Mayotte from the rest of the Comoro archipelago, expansionist designS in Belize and Djibouti~Qpartheidand racial discrimi- nation resulting in enforced self-accommodation through degrading capitulation by Transkei are all, without excep- tion, called self-determination. 10. Botswana is committedto the principle of the rightof peoples to freedom and self-determination, and we fmd it difficult to accordany formof legitimacy to thesearbitrary acts of political domination. Botswana is fullyaware of the reality of the existence of power relationships. We accept the existence of different political and social philosophies, ideologies and uystems. We believe that only on justicearid the right of all peoples to genuine self-determination-and not on coercion or the destabilization of smaller nations aimedat changing their nationalpolicies or controlling their resources or even' undermining their development efforts- should States MemberS of this Organization build.their international political order. As a member of the non- aligned movement, Botswana welcomes the observation of those who advise that the competing ideologie~ of Eastand' West should be confmed to those centres of power, thus releasing the energies of developing countries for the comlolidation of their independence, political stability and economic development. 11. It is now two years since Turkey landed troops in Cyprus, and since then there has been little or no progress towards a peaceful settlement that woUld preserve the unity, sovereignty andintegrityof thiscountry. Theexodus of refugees over the so-called "Attila Line" and the entrenchment.offoreip troops in this country, as well as the progressively hatdenillg attitudes evident as the inter- communal negotiations proceed with little or no success, are a matter of serious concern to the UnitedNations. 13. My country has consistently supportedthe sovereigJ;lty and territorial integrity of Cyprus as a free, independent and unitary State. Botswana does not accept that the existence of different ethnic groups in any given indepen- dent country provides a justifiable excuse for militarily powerful neighbouring countries of similar ethnic back- ground to interfere in, and determine by forceof arms,the futurenationalethniccharacter of that State. 14. The state of tension and insecurity of the peoples of the Middle East continues to occupy the attention of our Organization despite the interimaccords on the disengage- ment of forces in the Sinai and Suez, and on the Golan Heights, which we welcomed last year. These agreements had given us reason to be hopeful for progress towards a just settlement. Our expectations have been disappointed. Israel continues to occupy Arab lands acquired by force and pays no regard to the resolutions of the United Nations. We call upon the Western Powers, in particular the United States, to bring its power to bear on Israel to withdraw from all occupied Arab lands. Botswana recog- nizes the right of allStatesin the Middle East to secure and internationally recognized boundaries. 15. My delegation has noted with interest the withdrawal of the question of Korea from the agenda of this session. Botswana, however, continues to call for the dissolution of the UnitedNationsCommand, the withdrawal of allforeign troops from Korea, dialogue, and the peaceful unification of the country. Advantage should be taken of the With- drawal of the Korean question from the agenda of the current session for the matter to be settled by the Korean people themselves without any extraneous external in- fluences or pre-conditions. 16. The agenda of the thirty-first session of the United Nations is a long one covering varie,d subjects. If I should appear to have glossed over certain issues or even not mentioned some altogether, this should not bemisinter- preted asbeingindicative of a lack of interest or that, in the view of my delegation, such issues qualify for a lower rating. The reason is that, speaking as late as we do and having had the advantage. of listening to various ,speakers before us, we are satisfied that the essential subjects have beenadequately discussed. 17. Botswana urges this Organization to continueto work for general disarmament and that the,vaunted Hels~ agreement1 and the cooling of tension in Europeshouldbe extended to other parts of the world. Botswana fully supports the resolution of the non-aligned nations reiterat- ing previous resolutions that the Indian Ocean should be a 18. Botswana as a land-locked ana~ographicany dis- advantaged State attaches much importance to the work of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. My delegation hopes that the United Nations will continue to playa leading andconstructive rele in theissue before it to ensure a 3Uccessful outcome 4Jf the Conference, successful because it takes into account the interests of all nations, bigandsmall. " 19. My delegation believes that the continuing arms nce is inconsistent with the international call for universal peace and, security, for this can only be realized through general and complete disarmament. Nor is the arms race and the proliferation of nuclear armaments compatible withrecent effortsto achieve a newinternational economic order. The channelling of huge economic resources towards the production and stockpiling of these sophisticated weapons undercuts international effortsaimed at the socio-economic development of developing nations where the infu~ion of aidis required to create reasonably acceptable conditions of living. Thus, while we recognize the obstacles and difficul- ties involved, we are sympathetic to the idea of the convening of a world disarmament conference for the promise andhopeit holdsfor the futureof mankind. 20. A scrutiny of the structures and mechanisms of the United Nations reveals areas that require re-examination. The seventh special session in 1975laidthe groundwork for the restructuring of the economic and social sectors of the United Nations system. This was not an isolated develop- ment, but the recognition of the deficiencies of the present structures and the need for a review of some of the most important organs within the United Nations. Botswana supports such a review. 21. It is not necessary for my delegation to remind this Assembly that Botswana has common borders with minor- ity-ruled Rhodesia, colonially subjugated Namibia and minority-ruled and racist South Africa. Botswana has variously been referred to as a front-line State or as an island of sanity in a turbulent sea of racial bigotry, racial hatred, white supremacy and.black degradation, suppres- sion of the legitimate aspirations of the indigenous popula- tions and the denial of their human rights and self-deter- mination, and apartheid, severally referred to as "separate development", "multiracialism", "multinationalism" or "plural societies". The history of the United Nations is almost synonymous. with the repeated and sustained but unheeded, scorned and rejected warnings by the Organiza- tion of African UnitylOAU] andotherpeace-lovingnations that racial relations and conditions in southern Africa constituted a threat to world peace and security. It hadto take the downfall of the Portuguese Fascist regime and in particular the tragic events in Angola to awaken 'this Organization-particularly those Members who share a - common history, ethnic heritage, imperialist associations, economic interests and Security arrangements with the minority regimes-to the reality of the situation and te>. ·their responsibilities in upholding the Charter of theUnited Nations. 23. On Friday 24 September the rebel Prime Min~ster lan Smith issued a statement which, among other things, conceded the inevitability of change and therefore accepted the principle of majority rule, set the period leading to independence at two years, andaccepted the creation of an interim govesnment consisting of a council of State with parity of racial groups but with a wJpte chairman. Thesaid council would then set up a council of ministers with an African majority and an African ChiefMinister, and white members responsible for the portfolios of law and order, andjustice. 24. The Presidents of the front-line States-not the "so- called" but genuinely the front-line States of Angola, Botswana, Mozambique, Tanzania and"Zambia-meeting at Lusaka on Sunday,26September, while welcoming Smith's declaration generally, registered their reservations on cer- tainproposals which, ifaccepted, would have had the effect of "legalizing eolonialist and racist structures of power", called upon the United Kingdom to convene urgently outside Zimbabwe a conference to be attended by the "authenticand legitimate representatives of the peopleIof ZimbabweJ ", and reaffirmed their commitment to the libention of Zimbabwe and to the armed struggle. The conference to be called by the United Kingdom would have to address itself to: the structure and functions of the transitional government; its establishment; the modalities for convening a full constitutional conference to work out the independence constitution, and the establishment of the basis upon which peace andnormalcy canbe restored in the country. 25. The declaration by the front-line Presidents evoked various comments in southern Africa and abroad: "They agreed in.advance and nowhave shown their total unrelia- bilityand irresponsibility", saidP.K.Vander Byl, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the rebel r~gime; "If a peaceful solution in Rhodesia is to be foand, the American and British Governments should clear up the confusion", said Vonter, Prime Minister of South Africa; "Certainly some- thing has gone wrong with the Kissinger plan", said de Villiers Graaf, leader of the opposition United Party of SouthAfrica. 26. On the creditside,lmth the United StatesDepartment of State and the United Kingdom Foreign Office recognize the qualified acceptance of the proposals by the African Presidents and appreciate the danger of negotiating directly with Smith in the absence of the authentic and legitimate representatives of the people of Zimbabwe. 27. The important question now being asked is why the ffont-line Presidents had not expressed their reservations bef~te the acceptance by lan Smith of what he referred to as the I~ackage deal",or wheili.er in fact the Presidents had agreed to the detailed terms of the Smith statement in 29. Botswana welcomes what has come to be known as the Kissinger initiatives. In our view negotiations and the armed struggle are complementary strategies in the libera- tion effort. The armed struggle impels negotiations; mean- ingful negotiations showing practical progress result in the de-escalation of armed warfare. While therefore we appre- ciate the efforts deployed by the United StatesSecretary of State to prevail upon rebel Smith to declare his acceptance of the inevitability of change to majority rule, we should recognize the fact that, without the successes registered by the nationalist guerrilla cadres in the armed struggle, without the sacrifice, both human and material, and the sustailied efforts of the front-line States to awaken the conscience of the nationalist movements to theircollective responsibility in the liberation of theirmotherland, without the support and determination of OAU to liquidate the remaining pockets of colonialism from the African con- tinent and, last but not least, without the assistance- material, fmancial and otherwise-of freedom-loving peoples, the Kissinger initiatives would. probably not have achieved the success they have. To miss this point would be to misread the Rhodesia situation andthe determination of the rebel regime to resist change. 30. We concede the desirability of unity among the nationalist movements of Zimbabwe. It would be wrong, however, to make such unity a pre-condition for the conference. Many free countries in Mrica today negotiated their independence constitutions through multiparty dele- gations. What is vitally ne,cessary is that the Zimbabwe nationalists should do everything in their power to lead their country to majority rule and independence in the shortest possible time. . 31. In concluding this topic I wish to express my delegation's concern at the danger of introducing divisions among African States in order to strengthen hegemonism and spheres of influence. African countriesareclassified as hawks or doves, Communist or Western-oriented, progres- sives or reactionaries. For us in Botswana, the problem of liberation and independence is the problem of the reasser- tion of human rights and dignity. Therefore the form o( government the Zimbabweans choose shouldbe the result of the exercise of their unhindered right to self-determi- nation, without pandering to any particular ideological interest. The stage for the immediate transitionto majority rule is set and it is for the rebel Rhodesia r6gime to take advantage of it, failin& which the armed struggle will certainly continue until a military victory is won. 33. The continued intransigence of rebel Smith in Zimbabwe can be blamed on the United Kingdom as the administering Power. Prime Minister Vonter and his Government are responsible for the inhumanity of apart- heid, but the continuedcolonial status of Namibia and the degradation of its indigenQus people is a blot on the integrity andeffectiveness of the UnitedNations. 34. The time for maintaining symbolic interest in the Namibia question is past. The Western Powen should now accept and exercise their full responsibility in delivering Namibia to the people of that Territory, for it isthey that have consistently stopped mandatory action being taken against South Africa and consequently undermined the authorityof the United Nations Council for Namibia. 35. We welcome the stepsnow taken in this dlrection by the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Kissinger. We hope the South African Prime Minister, Mr. Vorster, fmds it possible to negotiate withthe SouthWest Africa People's Organization {SWAPO/under the auspices of the United Nations and outside of Namibia. That wouldbe a positive step towards the solution of the Namibia stalemate. To make the talks meaningful in the search for a genuine solution to the problem and in order to create a healthy atmosphere in the Territory at this crucial period in its history,it is imperative, in the view of my delegation, that the nationalist movements should not be denied the participation of theirleaden nowin prison. 36. Basic to all discussions andnegotiations is the require- ment that Namibia should emerge as a unitary State and attain its independence in the shortest possible period. The policy of "divide and weaken" which is applied by the South African Government to the African people in the subcontinent stands in direct contradiction to the South African nationalmotto "Exunitate vires'~ which applied to the whites. Nation-States are not created by whipping up racial and tribal differences or by exacerbating ethnic animosities. 37. From the foregoing it will have become clear that the Botswana delegation, while conceding that the Tumhalle constitutional talks have done some spade-work in examin- ing options for the independence constitution of Namibia, considen that the greatest achievement of the talks has been to expose and highlight allthe characteristic undesira- ble features of a government based on the wnt of the minority determined to perpetuate their privileged PQ&ition under the guise of theii protectedminoritY rights. It is our fervent hope that the proposed Geneva conference will re-evaluate its objectives, which should be the granting of independence to a unitaIy State of Namibia and self- determination for its unitedpeople. 44. While weconcede that South Mricaisa great country, with trade and other relations with many countries repre- sented here, and that it draws inspiration from its recognt- tion by us all that it is a wealthy country and stands athwar vital trade routes to the Eas.t, we must accept the fact that the unrest in that country is a call to the conscience of the world community, particularly of the Western Powers, not to sacrifice the indigenous people of Mrica on the altar of mercantile and mercenary interests andideological hegemonism. ~q. The world has beenshaken awaJAe by recent events in SouthMrica. For those whohave rdways conceived South Mrica as a peaceful countly where the African people-or the Bantu, as they are called there-are happybecause, it is claimed, theyhave more hospitals, more schools, andhigher incomes than anywhere else on the continent,it will have been a traumatic awakening, a rudeshock. SouthAfrica has always been depicted by its white rulers as the envy of the continent. They cite as proof of the better conditions the ingress of foreign Bantu labour-or, as the South African Deputy Secretary of Information put it in a United States television interview Saturday, the foreign Bantu "votewith theirfeet". , . 45. We noted withinteresttherecentshuttle diplomacy of Secretary of State Kissinger in southern Africa. I have already conceded Botswana's support for this initiative, allltough not for the details included in the declaration by rebel fan Smith. We are, however, waiting withcuriosity to know what initiative! the Secretary undertookin relation to South Africa itself. We in Africa have manytimes before now warned of the threat to international peace and security posedby the racistpolicies of South ~ric~ and i~ Balkanization of the countryinto "bantustans".We do not see the bogus Independence of the Transkei or any other "bantustan" asa solution to the problem, nor indeed do we consider the attempted appeasement of Coloureds, by promising them better waiting-rooms and the inauguration of their Cabinet Counell, as the answer to their plight. Botswana, in common with all countries which have suffered colonial situations, cherishes the principles of majority rule and self-determination for all peoples, the blacks, Coloureds, Indians and whites of South Mrica included. The acceptance by.any of these groups of ethnic, racial or religious Balkanization is a criminal betrayal of the entire population of South Africa. 40. The unrest? "No, there is no crisis", the South Mrican authorities retort. "Thepeople have beenput up to it by agitators, by Communists, by black power slogans. If the black people want majority rule, they can have it'in their own 'bantustans' such asthe Transkei, where the soDs are among the most fertile in South Africa. If theywant to share power with the white man, no. Violence shallbe met with violence and no concessions will be made in an atmosphere of arson and looting by irresponsible ele- ments." 41. What I have just said expresses in a nutshell the deep-seated attitude of the South African Government on the continuing riots where more than 300 unarmed black people, most of them children, have been shot dead,many more mjured and maimed, hundreds more arrested, and a number have sought refuge in humelessness. It shows callous indifference to human suffering, a determined refusal to admit the realities of the situation which they haw themselves created,in their religious adherence to the outmoded belief 'Of their chosen role as a bastion of white 46. Complete equality in the contextof SouthAfrica may seem a remote prospect, but so didit seem a distant dream to the Portuguese colonialists. It is our belief that, if Mr. Kissinger faBed to tell Prime Minister Vorster that a Government elected by, and representative of, the people as a whole is what Africa and the world community wantfor SouthAfrica, thenhisshuttleefforts in southern Mricawill be preserved in the archives of American historyunderthe label of one of William Shakespeare's classics, "Much Ado About Nothing". Peripheral and cosmetic concessions are not what the people of South Mrica want. They want to lead a fulllifeasfull citizens of theirowncountry. ~vilization in Africa. 42. We must accept the fact t.~at the unrest in South Mrica today-in Soweto, Cape Town, Durban and else- where-is a reaction against the phllosophy and practice of apanheid-afHll'theid.which is essentially violence, violence against human rights, including the right to be bornof any race, at any place and time,the rightto homeandsecurity anywhere in the country, the right to education and professional training of one's choosing in keeping with one's natural ability, the right to ownenhip of property, movable and immovable, the right to sell one's labour to the best market, the right to live a free and fulllife as a citizen of South Africa-in short, the right to be a human being. 47. To conclude my statement, I wish to observe that, with all the fearful warnings andsigns of events to come,it behoves the Government of South Africa to reorder its society in a democratic way and to spare posterity the misery, racial hatred, chaos and wanton lossof life which W3 have had the misfortune to witness in Indo-China and elsewhere. For the bell that has tolled for the Fascist

It is an honour and a privilege for meto be able to speak for the first timebefore thisAssembly. SO. In the name of the President, the Government andthe people of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar, I should like to offer my fraternal greetings and my friendly congratulations to the heads of delegations which have come to take part in this thirty-first session of the General Assembly of the United Nations, a gathering which is to debate the vital issues involved in the strengthening of peace in the world and the establishment of a new world economic order, which has already been the subject of numerous international meetings here in New York and at Manila, Nairobi, Colombo, Mexico Cityand Paris. 51. I wish particularly to take this opportunity to wel- come the admission among us of the Republic of Seychel- les, our neighbour in the Indian Ocean, which, I am sure, will make an important contribution to the work of our Organization. 52. Universal participation is virtually assured, and our delight would have been complete if the People's Republic of Angola and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam,which we wish to congratulate upon its reunification, had not been the victims of ostracism by a super-Power which, for reasons having to do with arbitrary logic dictated by fleeting interests, has deliberately taken refuge in the concept-not so long ago decried-of selective universality and the improper and unilateral interpretation of the Charter. 53. My delegation would wish to renewto the Delegation of China the condolences expressed by the Malagasy Head of State on the occasion of the death of Chairman Mao Tsetung, the great leader of the Chinese Revolution. The passing away of this great man is felt in an countries, including our own, as a loss affecting those who have admired his workandhislife,dedicated to the liberation of peoples and to the triumph of social progress over oppression and aggression. 54. The delegation of the Democratic Republic of Mada- gascar wishes to extend to Mr. Amerasinghe its most heartfelt congratulations on his unanimous election to the office of President of this thirty-first Session of our Organization. It is certainly no accident that the Assembly has chosen Mr. Amemsinghe, whose outstanding qualities as a diplomat and statesman were frequently higblig1tted during the difficult negotiations held at the various meet- ings of the Fifth Conference of non-aligned countries which onlyrecently concluded in SriLanka, hisnative country. SS. I should like to renew here our warmest congratula- tions to Madame Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike and to the Government and people of Sri Lanka on the warm 56. I should also like to take this opportunity to express, on behalf of the delegation of Madagascar, our profound appreciation for the heavy responsibilities so brilliantly fulfilled by Mr. Gaston Thorn, President of the Council of Ministers of Luxembourg, Mr.Amerasinghe's eminent pre- decessor. 57. Finally, my delegation would wish to pay a tribute to the vigilarttt actionof the Secretary-General, who,despite all manner of difficulties, has spared no effort to ensure that our Organization faithfully reflects our collective concerns and responds to the just aspirations of the third world. 58. We are here among independent countries, some of which were colonized and others not. All over the years, nationalism, which has been the mainspring in the struggle against colonialism in these formerly colonized countries, has expanded and has been enriched through multilateral diplomacy. The formerly colonized countries have become aware of their common problems and the highly justified challenge of any relationship of the imperialist kind is at present taking the form of the requirement for a new international order. In doing this, the countries concerned are not calling for anything lessthan the establishment of a new international community which should be genuinely· democratic; where the rights of peoples and nations to freely determine their economic destinies would be recog- nized; where international peace andsecurity would not be the simple results of the balance of terrorbroughtabout by a limited number of great and super-Powers constantly in quest of monopolies andhegemony, but would derive from a common awareness of the nuclear dangers threatening the survival of mankind as a whole; where the words detente and disarmament would not be limited concepts designed to safeguard the interests of a single region or a single group of countries, to le~timize the upkeep andthe perfecting of a considerable military means, or to conceal the main- tenance, and even the seeking, of zones of influence in regions so far spared the permanent confrontation of the great Powers; where imperialism and reaction would no longer . be tolerated in all of their manifestations to subjugate, to divert and to subvert the struggles and the profound aspirations of peoples to freedom, justice, equality and national independence; where the peoples, freed from the threats of arbitrariness and from the conspiracies of the great Powers, would be able to devote more of theirmeans to their own development than to their security; more energy to the promotion of their cultures than to the safeguarding of their sovereignty, and more effort to the work of national construction than to the defence of theirterritorial integrity. 59. Some have been misled into confusing the strengthen- ing of the cohesion of the third world aroundthesethemes with a willat confrontation on our part andwith our desire to crystallize some alleged opposition between the North and the Southandbetween the richandthe poor. Thisis to misunderstand the very foundation of our action which seeks, above all, to promote the development between States of a mutually beneficial co-operation, which, while 60. The t1fth Conference of non-aligned countries which recently met in Colombo, the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU.and the member countries of the Group of 77, at their two meetings at Manila and Mexico, came to convergent conclusions which indicate that the success of such a policy of international co-opera- tion preSlipposes: rust, the recognition of the specific nature of the authentic interests of the majority and, therefore, the abandonment of a policy oriented towards. the defence of privileges and the status quo, which is profitable only to a minority of countries; secondly, the renunciation of the imperialist and capitalist practices of exploitation, domination, intimidation, interference in the domestic affain of other States, of destabilization of Governments and of State terrorism, as practised by Israel at Entebbe and by South Africa in Zambia, among others; thirdly, the abandonment of arbitrary procedures and practices which have so far kept the majority away from the decision-making centres and have prevented it from realizing their peace initiatives, thereby placingthe worldin a state of pennanent instability andi insecurity; fourthly ~ the right of all countnes to participate on an equal footing in the settlement of all world problems, in particular those relatingto disannament, to the strengthening of peace and ofinternational security, and to development. 61. In this respect, the importance of the United Nations derives both from the lofty principles which it symbolizes, and from the fact that it remains a centre for study, reflection,negotiation and concerted action. 62. While recognizing its weaknesses and its inadequacies, we are pleased by the role played by the Organization, which was devised initially as a coalition of victors of the Second World War, and which has subsequentlybecome the principal instrument in the structural changes that have taken place in the international community as a whole, sometimes in spite of the reluctance, if not the outright opposition,ofsome ofits founding fathers. 63. The vitality of our Organization is reflected in the ever-increasing range of fields that it is dealingwith and the constantly-growing.priority it is according to the problems of particular interest to the countries of the third world. 64. We shall note, however, that as progress is being achieved. in the elaboration' and' the refmement of the political and economic platforms of the 'third world,' the Westemcountries tend to confme themselves to a virtually systematic role of opposition, and are developing proce- dures and practices aimed at frustrating the political will of the majority by requiring consensus on all points or by expressing reservations, whenever they do not actually cast negative votes. We also know that threats and intense political pressures are directed against certain specialized agencies which are playing a governing role in the devel- opment of the third world, evenat the risk of precipitating a serious crisis of confidence in the whole of the United Nationssystem. 66. The right of veto, which is not accompanied by any specialpolitical wisdomon the part of those holdingit, is in our eyes an anachronism, if not a downright obstacle, to our desire for change. To display our participation, we demand that the right of veto, if it is to be maintained, should also be given to a member of the non-aligned countries. 67. The conditions for future progress are tied into the recognition by all of the fact that a distinction must be made between the principles of the ~harter and the institl.dons it establisheswhich are subject to improvement as the result of the profound changesthat havetaken place in the composition of the international community. .' 68. This progresswill also be linked to the recognitionof the fact that the principles of the Charter will remain a dead letter without the political will to apply them. 69. This in particular applies to disannament and security. 70. The idea proposed at the Cl:~l)mbo Conference to convene a special session of the General Assembly on disannament is a major initiative this year in this field. This is a reaction to the feelings of powerlessness and frustration brought about by the standstill of the Conference of the Committee on Disannament and the exclusive attitude towards the majority on the part of the super-Powers and the participants of the European disannament conference. 71. This special session will serve its purpose if it can reaffinn the interest that the international community as'a whole has in the achievement.of general, cCnlplete and immediate disannament, entailing the destruction of the stockpiles of nuclear weapons and of other weapons of massdestruction. 72. The resumption of the initiative by .the majority within the United Nations, which must remain the appro- priate context for negotiation and decision-making in the field of disarmament, must. not be interpreted by the super-Powers as a- threat to ·their interests, but rather as legitimate evidence of our concern in .the faceof dangers inherent in the existence of the large· stocks of anns throughout the world, of the eminently unstable and precarious equilibrium of the groups of ·P~!wers holding these weapons, and of the great resources absorbed in the maintenance and the perfecting·of these weapons, which should instead have been utilized for the welfare of mankind. 73. This resumed initiative is justified particularly in the face of the. negligible results obtained through bilateral negotiation. indeed, the second phase of the Strategic Arm~ Limitation Talks [SALT} cowd not be concluded this year as anticipated. The agreement of 28 May 1976 between the United States of America and the USSR on the regulation Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in May 1975. 74. By reaffirming the importance of the denunciation of nuclear weapons by the majority of States, we denounce the continuation of the production of such weapons by countries which already possess them and we express our grave misgivings before the danger of proliferation of such weapons made evident by the co-operation given by France and Israel to South Africa in the form of equipment and technology strengthening the capacity of the latter in . particular to produce atomic bombs. We reaffirm that countriesexportingequipment andnucleartechnology have the responsibility to develop machinery which would be a satisfactory guarantee against the proliferation of nuclear weapons and we ask that countries possessing nuclear weapons also subscribe to the solemn declaration men- tioned in resolution 3472 B(XXX) which defines their principal obligations with respect to nuclear weapon-free zones and the States included therein. The full respect of the status of such zones constitutes, in our opinion, an effective measure to strengthen international security and that is why my Government hasplaced the establishment of a genuine peace zone in the Indian Ocean as the forefront of its foreign anddefence policy. 75. We reaffirm the validity of the principles incorporated in the declaration making the IndianOcean a zone of peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)) whose goals are to safeguard the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the States of the region and to eliminate from it the great Power rivalries and in particular to eliminate the military bases and nuclear weapons introduced within·the context of these rivalries. We condemn the seeking of naval superiority and projections into the Indian Ocean of defence concepts of countries which are not part of the region because they are a source of tension which is both useless and dangerous. We cannot accept in this region a balance of forces other than a zero balance in a context where the question would not be stated in terms of the maintenance or the strengthening of the military presence of the GreatPowers. 76. The Government of Madagascar takes note of the statement made in the course of this debate by a Power to 77. The events in southern Africa have caused us much concern. Indeed, the racist andminorityregimes in Pretoria and Salisbury, in their blindness and stubbornness, may very wen cause a widespread war in that area. We wish to make it quite clear that the African populations seeking liberation are not to be held responsible for the violence, the escalation of which wehave witnessed with anxietyand impatience. We wish also to say that, in our opinion,there is no such thing as a problem of Namibia, a problem of Rhodesia, or a problem of South Africa. Thereisone single problem concerning the entire area and that is that the African majority must take power and the dignity of Africans must be restored. It would indeed be a serious misreading of African desires if one wished to settle the problem by trying to contain a given ideology or ensuring the future for a given minority, for that mightlegalize or perpetuate neo-colonial or imperialist structures.The prob- lem of southern Africa cannot be solved by preventing an armed liberation struggle or eliminating sanctions decreed by the United Nations without first acceding to the claims of the majority, the legitimacy of which has been recog- nized. In the circumstances it isonly natural that weshould continue to give our political, material and military support to the liberation movements in Namibia, Zimbabwe and Azania which are the authentic representati....es of the populations concerned. 78. In the context of the foregoing, weuphold the rightof the Namibian people to independence with respect for its territorial integrity. We require the immediate elimination of the system of apartheid in South Africa ana we oppose the policy of "bantustanization"which isthe most extreme form of that policy. As regards Zimbabwe, we support the position of the Presidents of the front-line Stateswhohave rejected the interpretation put forward by Ian Smithof the Anglo-American plan, because that plan prejudges the decisions that the people of independent Zimbabwe should take in fun sovereignty. This applies in particular to the presence of white ministers of the "rebel" minorityregime in the transition govemment. It is our firm view that it is the duty of the UnitedKingdom, actingin concertwith the genuine representatives of Zimbabwe, to lay the ground- workfor that transitionwitha view to the country's speedy attainment of independence. In summary, in allthesecases we call for the full implementation of the principle of self-determination and respect for human rights. 79. In the name of the same principle, we demand the implementation of the relevant resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly in respectof East Timor and Western Sahara, which are victims of aggression and .. 84. The Democratic Republic of Madagascar, like many other countries, calls for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from South Korea, the dismantling of foreign .military bases, and the removal of the so-called "United Nations Command". In a word, we call for the honest and immediate implementation of resolution 3390 B(XXX), adopted by the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. May I remind you in this connexion of the words of President Didier Ratsiraka at the opening of the interna- tional seminar on the ideas of Djoutche, which has just been held in Antanananvo: 80. The resolutions adopted on this subject at the last Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU make it perfectly clear that Africa will not accept any subterfuge that might delay the independence of Djibouti. We wish to appeal toall the political parties of the territory to fmd a common politicalplatform before the referendum promised by France. That would ensure security and peace in the areaand the unity and integrity of the Territory. 85. Having reviewed the primary sources of tension in the world, I cannot fail to mention the problem of Cyprus. Here the continuation of negotiations between the two communities on an equal footing remainsthe only possible solution, provided there is strict respect for the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of that country. 81. w~ emphasize this latter point because, in the case of the Comoros,the former colonial Powerhas used and is still using manoeuvres that are contrary to specific commit- ments and to the very principles of the Charter relating to the independence and sovereignty of Member States. How can one fail to recall here the various resolutions of the United Nations and OAU concerning respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the independent Republic of the Comoros? What right has a non-African Power to refuse to evacuate Mayotte, when 95 per cent of all the Comoros voted in favour of independence and the unity of the archipelago? The maintenance of a European Power in that island smacks of a policy of spheres of influence which we had thought was a thing of the past, and we demand the immediate withdrawal of France from the territory. 86. There remains one continent, Latin America,which, it would seem, has been spared open conflict, but where imperialism and neo-colonialism have not abandoned their intentions to dominate and exploit. Nevertheless, the emergence may be noted there of a co-ordinated policy of independence and sovereignty, characterized by solidarity with the Government of Panama and by the lifting of the blockade imposed on Cuba. The increasingly positive role of Latin America in the non-aligned movement is a trend that we support. 82. We remain concerned by the threat to international peace and security in the Middle East. Efforts to bring about a just and lasting settlement in the area have unfortunately remained ineffectual owing to the intran- sigence and obstruction.of Israel. 87. As regards social problems, in view of their important place among the objectives of the United Nations Charter, and in view of the efforts deployed in this area in the past 30 years, the Democratic Republic of Madagascar is convinced that those problems remain among the major concerns of the political leaders of all countries, particu- larly of deve~opingcountries. 83. We deplore in particular the fact that, after the bogus relinquishment of the "step by step" policy, no fum commitment has been entered into regarding the convening of the GenevaPeace Conference on the Middle Easton the basis of respect for the principles that we have always upheld, am.or.-g which is fun participation by the genuine representative of the Palestinian people. We wish to feaffmn our support for the recommendations of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rightsof the Palestinian People, ofwhichwe are members. It is necessary that we should continue to give political and diplomatic 88. The challenges which confront us today are particu- larly acute, for the situation is 'constantly deteriorating, especially in regard to social factors that are an affront to human dignity. Reviewing the main events that have occurred this year in violation of variousresolutions of the General Assembly, we note the fonowing: the persistence of an forms of racial discrimination, particularly in South "I wish also to express the very sincere hope that the Korean people, in the very near future, without ~y foreign interference, in fun independence and in demo- cratic respect for the single will of the majority of its sons, will fmally rediscover the joy of reunification and the virtues of progress, justice and peace which that nation so ardently desires and to which it has an absolute right." 89. Although the various problems I have just mentioned have been the subject of a number of intematioeal conferences, and while it is true that the regional groups deserve credit for the work that has been done thus far, it must be concluded that the action adopted has been inadequate and ineffective. The resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council have been unavailing andtheirimplementation remains determined by a mistaken interpretation of the concepts of responsibility and sovereignty. 90. The.attention of the international community must once again be drawn to the gravity of the.situation and to the harmful consequences of these social problems at the political and economic level. The importance of those problems cannot be underestimated. 'They constitute the two mzjor challenges of the century-to combat under- development and to safeguard international peace and security. 91. I shall not read all the economic provisions appearing in the United Nations Charter,but may I read this part of the Preamble: "We, the peoples of the United .Nations, determined. •• to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom ... ". The cautious estimates established at the World FoodConference,heldin Rome in November 1974, indicated that SOO million human beings were affected by famine and malnutrition. Forty per cent were children, of whom over 300 million suffered "serious physical retardation". The World Bank, for its part, says that 750 million men,women and children live in nearly absolute poverty, witha percapita income of .lessthan S50a year. 92. This gloomy picture leads to aninevitable conclusion: the development crisis resides primarily in the poverty of the l11U~s, whose needs, even the most elementary ones-food, health,shelter,educatlon-areunfulfilled. They are victims of a system of exploitation linked to a power structure established primarily in the countries of the centre.Theresult isareat nationalinsecurity, heightened by the deterioration in the terms of tradeandthe growing gap between the industrialized countries and the disadvantaged countries, and by inappropriate trade structures stemming from the erro~ of the colonial past. 93. It is therefore essential to abolish the oldstructures to which the poor countries have been subjected. The Secretary-General of the UnitedNations rightly pointedout in one of his reports that the Governments of the world must in most cases be prepared to adopt radical poli~s to deal with the problems of mass poverty. In the same spirit, the international community,shocked by the continuation of the grave international economic imbalances, decided to lay the groundwork of a newinternational economic order. 95. It is indeed regrettable that the efforts of the international organizations, on which the developing coun- tries had relied, shouldat times have failed. TheConference on International Economic Co-operation, which was the expression of a new concept of dialogue between the third-world countries and the industrialized market- economy countries, adopted no decisions commensurate with'the questions on its agenda. ~cidentally, howcanthe United Nations Industrial Development Organization [UNIDO] be regarded as the primary mstrumem of indus- trial development in the peripheral countries when the intergovernmental committee responsible for estabUshing its constituent act failed to recommend a decision along those lines? And' how can one understand the attitude of the countries of the centre which, on the one hand, recognize the urgency of the problems of food and .agriculture that prevail' in the poor countries, and on the other hand are reluctant to contribute and adhere to the International Fund for Agricultural Development? 96. If the United Nations fails to inject new Ufe into international co-operation, that means that the countries of the centre refuse in fact, their protestsnotwithstanding, to enter into a businesslike and meaningful dialogue with the penpheralcountries. 97~ Hence, the only solution that can yield fruit in the immediate future would be for the latter countriesto rely on their own strength, through collective autonomy, the implementation of which would postulate the will to take action, jhe ability to fonnulate strategies and to defme institutional or negotiating procedures, and finally the powerto offermutualconcessions. 98. Such strategies should not be regarded as substitutes for real solutions, but as alternatives for breaking the present deadlock in negotiations with the industrialized countries. An the principles of the new intemational economic order, as well as certain programmes of action, remain valid, but strategies must be plannedto carrythem om. . 99. At a time when the defence of privileges and'of the status quo prevails overthe general interest,.when allkinds 100. The role of our Organization must be reaffirmed, and it must be allowed to exercise its influence without obstruction in the conflicts which have a tendency to persist and which represent constant threats to intema- tiQnal peace and security in the Middle East, in Korea, in southern Africa or in Latin America. . 108. In the past year the climate of world politics continued to be marked by the mutual desire of the United States and the Soviet Union to pursue their policy of detente. In Europe, efforts were intensified to realize the principles accepted by the HelsinkiConference on Security and Co-operation in Europe and to carry them into all areas of mutual relations. 101. We must see to it that detente as proclaimed in one area is not used as a pretext to justify lack of action in the vital area of disarmament, and we enthusiastically support the idea of restoring this problem to its central position in United Nations coscem. 102. In these areas, as in the economic and social areas, the majority wishes to be considered as active and responsible partners. That is a pre-condition for any form of progress, the foundation of any form of genuine international co-operation, and we have no doubt but that this need will be recognized before it imposes itself through its own momentum.

Mr. President, in electing you President of this General Assembly our Organization could hardly have made a better choice: you. represent an exceptional combination of experience and knowledge of the machinery of the United Nations with an outstanding ability for negotiation and conciliation. In you, we also greetthe representative of a country with which Austria has always had close and friendly relations. In addition, Sri Lanka plays an active role in world politics manifested this year by being the host of the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, in which Austria had the honour to participate as a guest. The Austrian delegation wishes you great success and assures you of its whole-hearted support. 104. I should like here to express thanks to your predecessor, the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of LUxembourg, Gaston Thorn, for the tact and great political insight with which he guided us through the often stormy daysof the previous General Assembly. 105. As Foreign Minister of Austria I am particularly pleased to express to Secretary-General Waldheim the thanks and recognition of my country for the permanent effort he has made for our Organization and the commu- nity of nations. Weextend to him our warmestgood wishes for continuing success in carrying out his important and cha11enging tasks. 106. One of the first decisions of this General Assembly was to admit the Republic of Seychelles to membership in the United Nations. We welcome the representatives of the new Member State in our midst. Its presence is a further indication of the progressing process of decolonization of Africa and demonstrates how close our Organization has come to the goal of universality. A further contribution to that end will be the admission of those States which have 107. An assessment of the contribution made by our Organization in the past year to the maintenance of peace and security in the world results in self-criticism as well as some measure of satisfaction. We may conclude from such an analysis that the fundamental factors in world politics have remained unchanged. 109. Continuing success for the policy of detente in Europe will depend, however, on the willingness of all to implement unconditionally the decisions of the Helsinki Conference. These decisions do not concern Governments alone but have a direct bearing on daily life and human relations. In particular they can provide contributions to the solution ofhumanitarian problems. 110. The Federal Government of Austria is a firm advo- cate of the continuation of the policy of detente not only in Europe but throughout the world. Austria will make its own contribution to that end. In the European framework this applies in particular to the Belgrade conference scheduled for next year. 111. While' certain new positive aspects can be noted in world politics, this General Assembly meets in an interna- tional atmosphere which still carries a considerable amount of problems and uncertainties. In fact, none of the major international crises has come closer to a solution: the impasse with regard both to the Middle East crisis and to the .question of Cyprus remains unchanged. There was no success in the efforts to reach agreement on new arms control and on new disarmament measures. 112. However, in these days, signsofhope begin to appear for the solution of one of the major problems in the world, the situation in southern Mrica. After the tragic incidents which began in the suburbs of Johannesburg and which dramatically underlined the seriousness of this situation, intensive diplomatic efforts were initiated a few weeks ago. These efforts have now brought a first tangible result. A conference on Rhodesia has been convened for 21 October and we sincerely hope that these developments will bring the people of Zimbabwe closer to the goal of majority government. 113. In Namibia any progress will depend on the inclusion of all parties, specifically SWAPO, in the negotiations. The United Nation~ should continue to undertake an important role. Weappeal to the Government of South Mrica to begin such negotiations for a peaceful and democratic settlement as soon as possible. My country would gladly make its neutral ground available to host the constitutional con- ference, should the partiesso wish. 115. The international community is nownearunanimity on the principles for a just andlasting peace in the Middle East. Itsindispensable elements are: the principle of respect for, and recognition of, the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of all countries in the region and the rigltt of all peoples and States to live within secure and recognized boundaries. 116~ Peace in the Middle East is also inconceivable without recognition of the le~timate nights andinterests of the Pdlestinian people. It is for this reason that participa- tion of hie Palestinian people in the negotiating process seems essential. 117. TheAustrian people isdeeply moved by the suffering of the people of Lebanon. Theinabllity to stop civil warin Lebanon is a threat to the balance of a region whose stability is of relevance to the maintenance of wortdpeace. I wish'to express my sincere hopethat by agreement among all the parties, peace and security will returnto this part of the world and the independence, sovereignty and territorial in.tegrity of Lebanon be secured. 118. Events in the Mediterranean area have It direct bearing on the security and stability of the whole of Europe. For this reason Austria is concerned over the situationof Cyprus. 119. For many centuries Austria hasmaintained close and friendly relations with the peoples of the Eastern Mediter- ranean. It is natural therefore that Austria has penistendy sought to make her contribution to the solution of the cdstsandexpressed her firm supportfor the safeguarding of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus. At the talks in New York and in Vienna this year and last, the Secretary-General of our Organization has tried time and again, through his personal efforts, to bring the parties together and maintain the dialogue between them. These effortsby Secretary-General Waldheim deserve all oursupport. 120. Today the United Nations plays animportantrolein the maintenance of peace in the Middle East as well as on Cyprus. The peace-keeping forces operating under the United Nations flag are the most important element in this regard. However, United Nations troops can never be an adequate substitute for a p,?Utical solution. May I say in this context in all frankness that the success of the peace-keeping forces depends on appropriate financing. Support for these operations should be expressed also in increased andmoregeneral contributions. 121. Pennit me to express my penonal thanks to all soldiers serving under the United Nations flag in the interest ofpeace wherever they may be in the world. 123. We have always believed that the policy of cUtente will only have credibility ifit also produces concrete results in the field of disannament. We therefore note with some apprehension that the negotiations between the States of the North Adantic Treaty Organization and those of the Warsaw Pacthave so farnot producedtheexpected results. 124. The complex nature of all disannament and arms .control measures, as well as the close connexion with the question of the security of States,leave no roomfor ovedy simplistic analyses. Accordingly, Austria has always attached special significance to the question of the balanced character of the limitation and ultimate reduction of the arsenals of the greatPowen and thus has stressed the need for negotiations withina small framework. 125. But it also is the task of this Organization, as Secretary-General Waldheim stated in the introduction to his annual report on the work of the Organization, now more than everbefore,to stimulate public concern overthe arms race and to underline the urgent necessity for disarmament measures as well as their global character and to provide adequate momentum for further negotiations (see A/31/1/Add.l, sect. VI. We can therefore give our full support to the proposal for the convening of a special session of the General Assembly on disarmament issues, as it was decided, at the initiative of Yugoslavia, by the non·aligned Conference in Colombo. 126. The feverish anns race is not the only threat to international security. In these past months a new wave of international terrorism has threatened the international community. Together with many other Members of this Assembly weconcurintheviewthatourOrganiZationshould devote itselfwithgreater intensityto the taskof combating international terrorism. Apart from the attempt to grapple with this intricate and emotlon-laden phenomenon as a whole, we must deal, as a matter of special urgency, with the most abominable manifestations of terroriml. The taking of hostages is indisputab~y one of the most horrify- ing crimes of our times. Austria will supportunreservedly any initiative that helps to combatthisinternational crime. Nevertheless, the United Nations should not owrlook the problem of terrorism asa whole. 127. I think this is the place to affirm Austria's profound attachment to the principle of the universal application of the human rights and fundamenul freedoms embodied la the Charter of the United Nations and in the Univenal Declaration of Human Rights. 128. A just and stable world can exist only if the dignity and worth of each individual are respected, and if social conditions are established whichfosterthe greatest possible development Qf all mankind. But respect for human rigltt! cannot be the distant goal of 8 better worldin the future. We should not throw it overboud on the voyqeto suchI world for the sake of short·tenn fictitious pins. Morality andjustice dictatetIllt violations of humanriabts,wherever they occur,must be the subjectof ourconcern andeamest effortsto eliminate them. 133. Let us here give voice to the hope that the Decade for. Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, Without'being disturbed by any extraneous elements that might impede its success, will be able to reach its original goal. In this connexion I would like to express the wish that the Decade would also eliminate the roots of racial discrimination, which are to be found in the hearts of men. Special attention therefore should be given to education towards tolerance and towards the respect of the rights and interests of others. I may refer to article 7 of the International Convention on the Elimination of AD Forms of Racial Discrimination {resolution 2106 (XX), annexl. which provides for such education. I hope that the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, whose' General Conference will begin in a few days in Nairobi, will also consider this question which is of the utmost importance for the' further development of man- kind. 134. Austria supports all efforts to establish a convention on the protection of minorities, complementing the Con- vention on the Elimination of Rac£al Discrimination which would safeguard the existence of ethnic groups. Accord- ingly, Austria supports the proposal put forward by the Vice-President of the Federal Executive Council and 136. The growing importance of the relationship between North and South is increasingly confronting the United Nations. The solution to. these problems has become a major issue of international politics. In this context, a central role in the reordering of world economic relations is incumbent upon the United Nations. The Austrian Govern- ment has pledged to support every endeavour that leads to the building of a more just and' stable international economic order. 137. In the present critical stage of the dialogue between developing and industrialized countries Austria strongly hopes that the spirit of mutual understanding, conciliation and co-operation, which manifested itself so clearly at the seventh special session of the General ~sembly and which was continued at the fourth session of UNCTAD, will remain a decisive factor in our future negotiations on a new international economic order. 138. Today we are at a transitional stage in our endeavour to build a more just international economic system. Onthe one hand it is necessary to bring the recommendations and decisions adopted in recent years closer to realization; on the other hand we are called upon to devote ourselves with particular attention to the preparation ofaneven closer and more effective, but also more comprehensive and far-reach- ing, international co-operation for the forthcoming United Nations Third Development Decade. 139. The proper performance of these tasks in the spirit of the forthcoming third Development Decade will require not only an enhanced will for common action but also new forms of international economic co-operation. In this connexion I should like to draw particular attention to the proposal of the Austrian Federal Chancellor, Mr. Kreisky, concerning an accelerated development of the infrastruc- ture of the countries of the third world. We will go into these considerations in greater detail in the appropriate MainCommittee of the Assembly. 140. Since the beginning of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea in 1973 the Austrian delegation has consistently advocated that the future convention should embody principles of international co-operation, with recognition of the rights of all States to a share in the exploitation of the wealth of the seas. Austria is convinced that a new law of the sea can contribute substantially to the elimination of the economic gulf separating developing and developed countries, which, we regret to say, is growing steadily wider; and that the least developed countries should receive special consideration in this process. 141. It is therefore a source ofgreat concern to us that the Conference on the Law of the Sea still has far to go before it turns the above-mentioned principles into realities and creates a just order for the world's oceans. After five 142. Permit me, once again, to touchuponthe agreement reached by Austria and Italy six years ago, which is concerned with increasing the autonomy of the South Tyrol and lays down a time-table for that process. With regard to this issue, on which the General Assembly adopted resolutions 1497 (XV)and 1661(XVI) I amhappy to report that it has proved possible to make further progress, including progress in important areas. However, a number of measures have stillto be put intoeffect.Austria welcomes the statement made recently by the Prime Minister of Italy,Mr. Giulio Andreotti, in thisregard. 143. We expect that the efforts made wi~ respect to this issue, which is being handled on both sides in a spirit of good·neighbourly co-operation, will soon produce further results. 144. 'In concluding, I would like to draw the attentionof the General A~~bly to another matter which is of importance to my country. I am referring to the optimal use of the Donaupark centre which isbeing builtin Vienna for the United Nations and made available to the Organiza- tion rent-free. Its cost of approximately SUS 700.mOOon will be borne by Austria. Work is proceeding as scheduled. It is expected that the entire complex (including office accommodations, an internationu conference centre and public facilities) will be completed in 1978. 145. It is obvious that the time has come for a definite decision by the United Nations concerning the optimal use of the premises available in addition to those reserved for the headquarters of the International Atomic Energy Agency and UNIDO. Thl$ General Assembly will, have before it proposals which are being prepared by t.'te Secretary-General in accordance with the request of the General Assembly at its thirtieth session. In the long tenn the optimal use of these facilities should produce remark- able fmancial and organizational benefits for the United Nations. I should like to express ourhopethat the General Assembly at its thirty-fmt session will take concrete decisions ensurin~ both a short-tenn and a long-term' solution of thisquestion. 146. Austria, traditional host of many international con- ferences, has moreover decided to construct, by 1982: a conference centre' near the Donaupark complex. With regard to size and functional capacity it will meet all the requirements of world conferences andwill,in addition, be available to the illternational organizations located in Vienna for theirconferences, 147. At the end of my speech I should liketo ("call that it is now just 20 years ago that Austria rust addressed the General Assembly asa full Member of the Organization. 148. I mention this because I wish to convey ourfeelings of gratitude and pride for having been able to join this Organization 20 years ago and for J,.aving been able to participate iJi its work and to strive for making it an even better instrument for the advancement of mankind. We have tried to do so with consistent ~solve and we pledge the untlagging continuation of thispolicy. .> 149. The PRESIDENT: This morning the Assembly will hear a statement by the Prime Minister for General and Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Surinam. I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Henck A.E. Anon andin inviting him to address the General Assembly.

Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure to extend to you my warmest congratula- tions onyourelection to the highoffice of President of this General Assembly. Your election is a recognition of your qualifications andit also doeshonourto SriLanka, a nation which has always been in the fust ranks of the developing world. In this connexion I would especially liketo refer to yourpresidency of theThirdUnited Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea,during which you demonstrated your outstanding talents in the field of modem multilateral diplomacy. 151. I am also pleased to express my deeply felt apprecia- tion for the excellent guidance of Mr.,Thom, th~ Foreign Minister of Luxembourg, as President of the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. Mr. Gaston Thorn will always be remembered by the Government andpeople of my country, since Surinam wasadmitted to membership in the United Nations dUring his presidency of the General Assembly. 152. I also wish to trtmsmit to the Secretary-General, Mr. Wildheim, the gratitude of my people for his tireless efforts to achieve peace and international co-operation in thistroubled world. 153. We welcome with enthusiasm the admission of the Republic of Seychelles to our Organization. Theadmission of the Republic of Seychelles is yet anotherproof of the CODWlUbtg process of decolonization and its entryinto the Otganization is a further step towards the goal of univer- sality. My Government looks forward to fruitful co-opera- tion between our twonationsandextends itsbestwishes to the new Republic. 154. It has often been said that the United Nations has lost its original vigour and that the world Organization cannot achieve its principal goals as contained in its Charter: the achievement of international peace and secu- rity, the development of friendly relations among nations andthe promotion of international co-operation. 156. The United Nations, based on the principles of equality and Universality, is in our opinion the most adequate instrument for the maintenance of international peace and security and for the solution of. the complex problems of the world economy. Certain undeniable short- comings are not inherent in the basic structure of the Organization, but are primarily the consequence of the refusal of some Member States to act in harmony with the letter and spirit of the Charter of the United Nations, and their refusal to implement the decisions of the organs of the Organization, thus undermining confidence in its effective- ness. We wish to.state emphatically that we'do not believe that the problems which keep haunting mankind-problems of war and peace and the safeguarding of the national sovereignty of smaller' nations-can be solved- through big-Power policy or through the establishment of military blocs. Despite all its short-comings, we fmnly believe that the United Nations offers the best safeguards for the maintenance of international peace and of the sovereigr.ty of nations, particularly the small and medium-sized coun- tries, and for the handling of international economic problems. 157. For the United Nations to function effectively, all independent States which subscribe to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations should be Members of our Organization. The principle of universality on which our Organization 'if based necessarily implies a politically pluralistic structure for our Organization: it implies an organization consistingof all indeperident nations, whatever their economic and political structure. For these reasons, we are in favour of the admission of the Socialist Republic of Vlet Nam, the two States of North and South Korea- pending their peaceful reuniflcationunder a single Govern- ment-and the Republic of Angola... 158. Although the threats to international peace have been somewhat diminished since the termination of the Viet Nam war and the adoption of the policy of detente, certain areas of the world continue to be a cause of grave concern. The conclusion of an agreement between Egypt and Israel for the disengagement of troops in the Sinai has avoided the outbreak of another military confrontation between the two nations. There can be no doubt, howevert that the positive results of the Sinai Agreement should induce the parties concerned to direct their efforts towards reaching a peaceful solution of the Middle Eastproblem as awhole. Piecemeal agreements, however gratifying they may be, carry the danger of intensifying frustrations which will eventually lead to further upheavals. This was clearly demonstrated by the violent confrontation between the 1S9. With regard to Namibia, it is the viewof the Republic of Surinarn that the United Nations has an obligation to put an end to Namibia's illegal occupation by the Pretoria regime. The United Nations should provide the people of Namibia with the opportunity to determine their own future and it shculd prevent the Balkanization of Nrmlibia into "bantustans". The Government of the Republic of Surinam fully endorses Security Council resolution 38S (1976), which declared that, for the people of Namibia to freely determine their own future, it is imperative that free elections under the supervisionand control of the United Nations be held for the whole of Namibia as one political entity and that South Africa should urgently make a solemn declaration accepting the holding of these elections. The Government of the Republic of Surinam, however, rejects recent South Mrican proposals for leading Namibia to independence by the end of 1978. These proposals are, in our view, the latest in a series of deceptive devices to circumvent the implementation of United Nations resolutions, since they do not mention the holding of free elections under the supervision of the United Nations. We are in complete agreement with the statement made by the Secretary-General on N~ibia Day, 26 August, that the proposals of the-South African Government do not constitute an adequate response to the needs. of the situation in Namibia and that South Mrica must abandon its unilateral approach and recognizethat co-operation with the United Nations is indispensable to .solve this matter to the satisfaction of the people of Namibia and the interna- tional community. 160. Recent disorders in South Africa are the logical and inevitable result of the oppressive and repugnant policy of apartheid on which the South African Government con- tinues to base its political system, in defiance of universal condemnation.It is to be expected that these disorders wnt increase in the future, and so will their intensity. The South African Government and the illegal regime of SaHsbuty did not heed the wind of change blowing in the southern part of the African continent even after the collapse of the Portuguese colonial empire, and time is rapidly and Inexorably running out for them. The Government of the Republic of Surinam will give full support to the oppressed peoples and their liberation movements in that region of the world, in their just and legitimate struggle. 161. Developments in southern Africa during the last few weeks seem to indicate that there is some movement in hitherto frozen positions, which could conceivably spell the beginning of the end of minority rule and racial oppression in the whole region. There is some hope that the oppressed majority will fmally be able to reach their goal and attain 162. During the fint half of the Second United Nations Development Decade, there have been serious short- comings in achieving the goals, objectives and policy measures specified in the International Development Strategy as envisioned by General Assembly resolution 3517(XXX). The hope that those measures would result in effective and concrete international economic arrange- ments, benefiting both ti"e developed and developing countries and closing the ga~' between those nations, has not in theleastbeenfulfilled. 163. In our opinion the results achieved up to now are only a fll'St step towards the restructuring of existing inequitable international economic relations. 164. We are,however, seriously concerned about the fact that no concrete results were achieved at the Paris Conference'on International Economic Co-operation, which hasconsequently led to a deadlock. 165. We do not wantto dwell on allthe underlying causes of this disappointing situation. We are of the opinion that the existing international socialandeconomic injustices will ultimately result in a political confrontation: a confronta- tion whichwedo not wantandwhich canonlyresult in the deStruction of international peace and security. The solu- tion of long·ran~g problems of intemationaleconomic co-operation should be found in a constructive dialogue between bothgroups of nations. 1". In thiscontextweparticularly welcome the adoption of the Declaration of Abidjan3 at the meeting of the Econemic and Soctal Council at itssixty-first se.on in the Ivory Coast. In the. Declaration of Abidjanthe Council declares its adherence to the principles of national indepen- dence, sovereignty and self-reliance and its faith in co-. operation, dialogue and negotiations between developed lild developing countries, based on a realpolitical will to plOlllote an equitable and just system of international economic.t:elations in confonnityWith the principles of the 167.. In a number of areas our Organization provided both an instrument for negotiations and a forum for the formulation of political guidelines. Despite fundamental conflicts of interest, developed and developing nations generally negotiated in a spiritof co-operation. 168. These negotiations led to the adoption by the General Assembly of theDeclaration andthe Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order (resolution 3201 (S-YI) and3202(8-VI)} as well as the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States in 1974. The Government of the Republic of Surinam will base its future policy on these instruments which, if fully implemented, will give a most important impetus to tenninate the inequity which charactedus the distribution of the wealth ofthe world, .A 169. It should.bepointed out, however,that the reluctance shown by some developed countries to harmonize their national interests With the needs andjust wishes of political instruments and the attainment of positive and concrete arrangements. We do hope thatthese nationswill broaden their views and the future wm give evidence of a less rigid position. Reconciliation is not a one-way meet and can .only be realized through concerted ef(orts by all parties concerned. 170. At the fourth session of UNCTAD, held in Nairobi this year, a programme to restructure global commodity trade in order to stabilize and increase earnings of devel- opingcountries, was launched. UNCTAD, interalill. agreed on the establishment of a common fund for the fmancing of buffer stocks. The operation of .buffer stocks, which couldbeheldor sold ifconditions sorequire, would helpto end the fluctuations in commodity . prices that have chronically plagued developing countries whiCh depend on their commodity exports. My Government will actively participate in the negotiations relating to the establishment of thisfund. 171. It would be a grave omission on my PartifI didnot e;tpress my country's appreciation for the assistance which we have received and continue to receive troi'll the United Nations Development Programme (UNDPI. We are aware of the fact that rapidly .improved rates ~f programme delivery, combined with cost inflation and a shortfall in expected resources, confronted the programme with a severe liquidity problem andweare glad that the Governing CouncU of UNDP took major substantive d~!Bions· about the programme's liquidity problems. 172. My. country supports the efforts of UNDP to promote the technical co-operation amons 'developing countries; This should, in our opinion, not merely ~onsistm the exchange'of experts andequipment among the develop. ing countries but should in addition seek to strengthen the technological'capacity of those countries and their scienti- fic andtechnical institutions. 174. May I saya few words about the recent session of the Conference on the Lawof the Sea,the outcome of which is amatterof thegravest concern to my country. 175. We are of the opinion that a continuation of the existing impasse, which was created as a result of disagree- ments on crucial issues, can only play into thehandof the industrialized nations. 176. If compromises cannot be reached soon between developing countries and industrialized nations on the one hand and between developing nationsamong themselves on the other hand, this will irrevocably have the devastating effectof placing the industri,jized nations in a position of utilizing theirtechnology andcapitalto execute a unilateral policy ofexploitation. 177. We, as developing countries, mustprevent at allcosts that the colonial policy of the industrialiud nations with regard to the natural resources of the continents be repeated withrespect to the resources of the seas. X78. Surinam remains prepared to participate actively in the search for a just solution and hopes that the interna- tional treaty on maritime law will be concluded withinthe foreseeable future. Some specific issues, such as the exclusive economic zone, are of eminent importance to my country. 179. In the absence of an international treaty soon to be agreed upon, Surinam will find itself compelled to confum its right in this zone. In this connexion my Government wishes to state that serious damage has been caused to its fIShing industry by the ships of several nations th.at, during the past years, have been plundering its fish resources in an indiscriminate way. It is clearthat the Government of the Republic of Surinam will not tolerate thisbehaviour in the future and that it will protect its national interests regardless of the outcome of the negotiations on the establishment of an international treatyonmaritime law. 180. It is almost One year ago that Surinam became independent after having beenundercolonial rulefor many . 4 Habitat: United Nations Conference on Human Settlements, held at Van"couver,31 May to 11 June 1976. 5 Heldat Rome from 10 to 13 June 1976. 18l. Surinam has already established embassies in two countries that are very dear to us, Brazil amiVenezuela. In addition, we have estabUshed diplomatic relations with various other countries in the region. Furthermore, Surinam has joined the Economic Commission for Latin America and soon hopes to apply for membership of the Organiza- tion of American States and the LatinAmerican Economic System. As far asthe useof nuclear armsis concerned, one of Surinam's first acts after its independence has been the signing of the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (Treaty C!f TIatelolco). 182. The integration into Latin America is the more fitting, since this year we will commemorate the fact that 150 years ago the Amphictyonic Congress of Panama was convened by the Uberator Sim6n Bolivar. The Liberator once stated that the newworld shouldconsist of free and independent States bound together by a system of mutual regulations which would govern theirforeign relations. It is in the spirit of this declaration that we shall estabUsh, maintain andintensify our relations withbrother nations of the LatinAmerican region. 183. In this respect the Government of the Republic of Surinarn sincerelY hopes that the "egotiationsbetween the Government of Panama and the Government of the United States will in the near future resultin the conclusion of a new agreement between the twocountdes,safeguarding the just and sovereign rights of the people of Panama. 184. Besides our policy leading to integration of Surinam within the American continent the Government of the Republic of Surinam has also established relations with countries in otherregions of theworld. 185. Our membership in this world Organization implies that we actively participate ininternation81 affairs, thereby observing binding international regulations. It is on these foundations that we shall base o~r policyas a member of the inte1'll3tional community andwegive the assurance that we will, in doing so, conductourselves in conformity with the sacred principles ofthe United Nations Charter.

On behalfof the General Assem- bly, md on my own behalf, I thank the Prime Minister and Minister for General and Foreign Affairs of the RepubUc of SuriDam for the important address wehave just heard from him.