A/31/PV.28 General Assembly

It will be exactly one year on 12 November next since this Assembly. almost unanimously, admitted the Comoros to membership in the UnitedNations. 2. These 11 months have enabled us to appreciate both the stature of the institution andthe value of the menwho bear responsibility in the Organization. For this reason, I should like to express to Mr. Amerasinghe the satisfaction of mydelegation at seeing him presiding overthis session of the Assembly. In a world where covetousness and unful- filled ambitions hold sway, how can we fail to appreciate highly the judicious choice that has been made by our Assembly? For this forum, where the most authoritative voices of ourplanetspeakout, needsto be imbued withthe wisdom and philosophy that characterize the peoples of the Asian subcontinent, which the President represents sowell. Mr. Amerasinghe may rely on the co-operation of my delegation to ensure that the work of this thirty-first session of the General Assembly will be crowned with success. 3. With the death of Chairman Mao Tsetung a great figure of contemporary. history has passed away. The Comoros associates itself closely with the well-deserved tribute paid by our Organization to the man who p\aced the whole of his life at the service of those who fight for freedom and dignity. . 11. TodlY we could hav~ witnessed a happyending to the process of deColonizatio~ as advocated by our Organiza- . tion. But at a time when the .naUonalist forces in JO~tI)e~ Africa, have uDleashed'avlliant offenSive;..Wuque of. its , kind, to ·obtain· the: right,to ~lf-"4etermjilation iQd iitdepe~.' , . .dence;the' ·c",ampions:.of.cololl;ialism' ~d'aJl the·f9rces of. evil have'·' ~ied to' place: ,the~selves' :at.the lervlCe .of Vorster. . '. . , 4. Much has often been sai<\ a,bou,.t the non~viabilitY of micro-States, including the C9mor~s. My delegation wishes' to express its sincere and warm congratulations to the Government and peopleof Seychelles, which was admitted to membership in our Organization on 21 September and with which we maintain the bestpossible relations. Onthis NEW YORK occasion, I should like to convince Member Statesthat the elements which defme a nation are not the same as those which characterize an economic Powerand, stillless,those which characterize a military Power. First of all, every people has a rightto existence and freedom; every people has a right to di~ty and respect; and every people has a rightfreely to choose its political 8!1d economic destiny. S. The wisdom and efficiency, like the grandeur of a people, can no longer be measured by takinginto account only its reserve of nuclear powermegatons or the number of its military victories~ Henceforth wemustestablish a new criterion: that of 'proven respect for the principles of our Charter. 6. By establishing a hierarchy and en1rusting rolesto one and to another, we are in the process of converting our Organization into an instrument at the service of the most powerful; hence we are in the process of betraying the commitments undertaken at San Francisco to whicH weall subscribed. 7. By virtue of those commitments and to expedite' the process that should leadto the universality of our Organiza- tion, the Comoros unreservedly supports the admission to our Organization of the brave peoples of Angola and Viet Nam. 8. The anguish that besets the w.llc,lt. of mankind, likethe uncertainties surrounding the future of peoples, fmds its sole source in the egocentricity of States in a universe where the interdependence of nations is a reality that can nolongerbe denied. 9. My delegation wishes the greatest success to the thirty-fll'St session of the General Assembly and nurtures the hope that in the course of the current session wisdom will prevail and international peace and security will triumphthroughout the world. 10. It is in thisspiritof peace, securityandprogress which governs all our decisions that I shall nowgoon to speak of the problems which tormentmankind. , 12. The sale of nuclear power plants, and the delivery of weapons to South Africa have no other meaning for Africa 13. What happened in Sowetoandin other places in South Africa is a clear-cut crime that weshould allcondemn with ourlast breath. 14. Vorster intends to grant so-called independence to the Transkei. The main objectof that farce isto undermine the national unity of the Azanian people and must be strongly rejected. We must embark resolutely uponthe course ofthe total isolation of the minority regimes in southern Africa. 15. With respect to Namibia, we note that in flouting all the resolutions adopted by the international community, South Africa continues to occupy that Territory and persists in applying there its laws and practices of repres- sion, the basis of which is the policy of apartheid. Confronted by this demal of the fundamental principles of human rights,our Organization cannotlook on aspowerless spectators of the drama of the.Namibian people. Thepolicy of "bantustanization", which is a defiance of the sacred principles of our Charter, seeks onlyto violate the national unityand territorialintegrity of Namibia. 16. The Comorian State, faithful to the principles which govern States, is particularly attached to the principle of respect for the political unity and inviolability of the frontiers of States and cannot at this point do more' than address an appeal to all Members of this Organization to put an end to those deliberate acts of violation of our Charter. 17. South Africa must return powerto the Namibians. In order to do so propitious conditions for true independence must be created. The Comorian State subscribes unre- servedly to the idea of converdng, under the aegis of the United, Nations, li consntutional conference with the participation of the South West Africa People's Organiza- tion (SWAPO] as the legitimate representative of the Narnibian people. 18. My country believes that prior to the convening of that conference the f.tl.Jll~w~g must be done: an discrimi- natory laws and me'lsures must be abrogated; all political prisoners must be released; all Namibians at present in exile for political reasons should be allowed to return to theif country without risk to themselves; the conference en- trusted with the creation and legalization of "bantustan homelands" must be dissolved; and all South African military troops must be withdrawn from Namibian terri- tory. The Comorian State considers that those minimal conditions, once fulfilled~ are the only.o~es capable, on the.. one lUU1d, of proving the sincerity of South Afl_~, and,an the other hand, of institutingthe necessary political cl~:at2 for the success of the conference. ' 19. With regard to Zimbabwe, since the declaration of the ind0pendence of Southern Rhodesia in 1965 by the white settlers living in that Territory, we must note with sorrow that certain countries, among them the most powerful, continue to maiiltain the best possible relations with the racist regime of Sallsbl.\ry, providing it thus with the means 20. By reason precisely of the pressure of the struggle and the opening of new avenues of confrontation throughout the country,and thanks to international opinion, which is increasingly in favour of the cause of liberation, the shameful regime of Ian Smith has had to face up to the exodus of the whites and the slowing downof immigration, which renders even more fragile the already precarious position of the whiteminorityin Zimbabwe. 21. We mustreaffirm the inalienable rightof the people of Zimbabwe to self-determination and independence as well as the legitimacy of the struggle that they are waging to obtain the enjoyment of that right. Thiswhole process can be achieved only in so far as a transitional black majority government has full and complete responsibility for the management of the country's affairs. 22. We sincerely hope that the constitutional conference convened by Great Britain, the administering Power of Rhodesia, will comply with the legitimate wishes and aspirations of the African peoples, and in particular of the people of Zimbabwe. 23. My Government follows with interest the actions undertaken by the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Kissinger, in southern Africa, the objective of whichis to create the conditions for a peaceful settlement of the problems arising in that region. 24. With respect to Djibouti, it would appear that the process of independence hasalready beentriggered. It is up to us nowto demand here of the administeringPowerthat it expedite the process, and we must warn it against its well-known methods of seeking to diVide the people and to ~iolate the integrity of the Territory as it did in the Comoros, ? 25. The world is concerned today with the serious situation which prevails in Korea, a situation which places the region in a state of crisis which could lead to a confrontation. We must encourage the efforts made by the two Koreas towards the peaceful reunification of their country. 26. In the Middle East, the situation has remained the same since the lastsession: Israel persists in its obstinacy, in its 1ntr~sigent attitude and in its resistance to any peace initiative, thus showing the international community its exp~sionis~.aims.' . ,27. NiY solution to the Middle. Eas.t problem necessarily'. mvalves the withdrawal .by Israel from the,,'occupled territories and recognition, on the onehand, of the national rights of ~e Palestinian people ID accordance. with the principles set forth in our Charter, and, on the otherhand, the right to existence of all the peoples in the Middle East in territories withsecure and guaranteed boundaries. 28. With respect to Cyprus, we must apply General Assembly resolution 3395 (XXX) and above all seek to 30. While none of the great Powers has a coast on the Indian Ocean, their presence in that ocean becomes more and more preoccupying each day. That ocean, which we w~t to preserve as a zone of peace, runs the risk of becoming tomorrow the battleground for those hegemonies which dispute controlin Africa, the Near EastandAsia. 31. In the displacement of the areas of conflict far from the industrial zones of the developed countries andclose to the areas producing primary commodities, we believe that we,the developing countries, bear a great responsibility. It is only throughlackof cohesion among ourselves andtrust in each other that this threatening evolution is possible. That is why the Comorian State is in favour of the convening of a conference of all the coastal countries on the Indian Ocean for the purpose of harmonizing their action in order that all the conditions can be established to allow for the implementation of resolution 2832(XXVI) in the spirit that the international community has wished to give it. 32. Let us now turn to the Comoros, It is a burning subject which has strongly attracted international opinion, especially in the third world. I should.not likeat thisstage to open a debate on the question included as item 125 of our agenda, which will be debated in plenary meetings. I therefore reserve the rightto provide moreinformation and to express the view of my Government on tliis question. 33. For the time being I shall confine myself to outlining the spirit and the framework in which the French Govern- ment and the Comorian Government entered into the process of bringing the Comoros to independence and the reasons why, as can be seen,having startedwitha dialogue we ended up in a confrontation. 34. The French Constitution states: "The French Repub- lic, faithful to its traditions, abides by the rules of international law.", Now, international .law includes the United Nations Charter, which France has agreed to abide by and to which the Comorian State is fully pledged; as a ~tate Member of the.Organization. '. . 3S. With regard to the rules and the laws of the French Government and Parliament, all laws, and public adminis- tration regulations, startingwiththe decree of 9 Sep~ember 1889-and here I shall cite but a few: the law of 9 May 1946, the law of 17 April 1952, the decree of 22 July 1957, the law of 22 December 1961 and the law of 3January 1968-have confirmed the political unityand the 37. How, then, on such a clear and precise legal basis and with such solemn commitments have we arrived at the situation that regrettably confronts us today in which negotiations with the French Government have been broken off. 38. The readiness of the French Government to engage in a dialogue and to seek a solutionto this problem keeps on being dangled in front of us. Asfor the desire for dialogue, I should like the international community to attribute it to the people and the Government of the Comoros, for in 1973, during the fll'st discusstons in Paris on the accession of the Comoros to independence; m. June 1974, when it became a matter of determining the modalities for the organization of the referendum which took place the same year; and, fmally, in October 1975, when the Comorian Government, three months after independence, itself requested and soughtto renew the dialogue, the Comorian side always committed itself wi~ fmn determination to seek out ways and means susceptible of promoting a rapid solution of the problem of the Comorian island of Mayotte, a solution which must necessarily respect the principles of our Charter and fully meet the ~agitimate aspirations of the Comorian people. 39. I should like to state before this Assembly that any timethe opportunity is given us we shall give proofof this desire for dialogue whichfor my Government has become a doctrine and a method of action. Political problems, whether bilateral or of international scope, canbe resolved through dialogue,' and we are convinced that, by resort to this methodin frankness and sincerity, many, if not all,of the problems facing the worldcouldbe resolved. 40. We intend to defend the legitimate cause of the Comorian people with fmnness and determination. We are ready to defend it everywhere-in New York as in Paris, in Colombo as at Ubreville. In May 1976,my country took part in the 'Work of the Franco~African Conference which was held in Paris1 at the invitation of the President of the Republic of Senegal, Uopold sedar ~nghor. That is additional proof that the Comorian people is in favour of any initiative whose result would be the reinstatement of Mayotte within the Comorian entity. . '. 41. What do we observe from the other side? France, after having signed the jomt declaration 9Rthe accession to independence of the Comoros oh 1'5 June 1973, after having, pursuant to a law of its own Parliament, orgMized 1 Conterence of Heads of State and Government and Ministerial Deleptionl of Benin, Burundl, Central African RepubUc, Chad, FrlnC'.e, Gabon, Ivory Coul, Mali, Mauritiul. Nipr, Rwanda, Senegal. TOBo, Upper Volta Ind Zaire. held It Parison 10 and 11 May 1976. 42. France is applying to the Comoros a strategy that has three aims: first, it wishes to consolidate its position in Mayotte, that is, first of all the establishment, starting on 6 July 1975, of a strong, inflexible and omnipresent administration in the island, which is completely out of reach of the control of the Comorian central authorities; secondly, it wishes to legalize this situationby organizing in Mayotte a series of referendums whosepurpose is to justify the occupation of the island;and, thirdly,it wishes to bring about, by the intensive behind-the-scenes propaganda of its diplomatic representatives abroad, the isolation of the Comoros and to deprive the Comorian cause of endorse- ment and support, thus rendering it a lost cause from the outset. 43. It seems to us that it is our duty to indicate to the Assembly that, for the consolidation of the independence of the Comoros, which it admitted as a Member of the United Nations on 12 November last, it is absolutely necessary for international solidarity to playa full role.. 44. I should like here to pay a sincere tribute to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who ever since he has assumed the heavy responsibilities of Secretary-General has ceaselessly been striving to bring about the essential objectives of our Charter, namely, peace, security and progress throughout the world. 45. The Mayotte affair constitutes a precedent fraught with consequences for the stability and the security of the independent African countries of the region and for the integrity of the young nations which, faced by numerous socio-economic problems, run the risk ofbeing divided by outside forces, We note with SOITOW that this is the first time that an independent State, whichhas been recognized by the international community, has been subjected to a process of recolonization. Faced with this crisis, the Comorian people is equally aware of the importance of what is at stake and of the scope of the struggle which it has to wage. It was in this context that on 14November 5~. This year 'my delegation ispleased to extend congratu- 1975 the Comorian Head of State our brother Ali Soilih, lations to the Government an4 people of Seychelles on declared: ' their admission to membership of our Organization., The .Sultanate of Oman looks forward 10 ,that day' ~, the near' "We shall assume our responsibilities; we shall assume future' when' all the countdes of'the"'world ",will be them because,we sh~ never confuse friendship, with,' .independent,'sovereigri arid represenied:,here., talQhg,partm humiliation,~cause nature basgiven the Comorian ,laying the foundation for' global justice, welfare' and certain qualities-'-simplicity" a sense ofhonourendurance 'equality. ' ,. and resistance to privation-and because, in'any event, our cause is just. Our struggle is a worthy oneand weare convinced that the Comorian people will emerge from this test united,strongand mature."

The developing' countries are fortunate to have such men as Mr. Amerasinghe. His election to the presi- dency of the General Assembly's thh-ty-fust session is indeed a wise choice, demonstrating the Assembly's appre- ciation of the efforts personally exerted by himand by his country for the promotion of international co-operation and accord and the codification of international relations. His participation over many years in the activities of this Organization and' in international conferences, the most recent being the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, hischairmanship of the Third UnitedNations Conference on the Law of the Sea since its inception,and his recognized diplomatic sagacity, soundness of judgement and abilityto bringabout accepta- ble formulations are a guarantee that the work of this session' will be brought'to the 'successful' cOnclusion hoped for and anticipated by us all. For all those reasons my delegation extends to Mr. Amerasinghesincere and heart- felt congratulations, wishing him every success. 48. Nor can I let thisoccasion pass without expressing my delegation's appreciation to the last President of the General Assembly, the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Luxembourg, Mr. Gaston Thorn,who so ably conducted the meetings ofthe thirtieth session. . 49. The United Nations-with a sphere of activities vast and diverse beyondimagination, with enormouscapabilities and a wealth of human and technical resources, facing asit does difficulties and crises that sometimes imperil not only the United Nations but the world itself, bringing it to the edge of a dangerous precipice-requiresan able man at the helm to steer it out of crises and to exploit allits potential for the preservation of international peace and security. The United Nations could not have found a better Secretary-General than Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who, in the most exemplary fashion, has exerted'prodigious efforts in his discharge of this immense international responsibility. SO. My delegation takes pleasure in commending the efforts ofMr. Waldheim and in declaring that his re-election as Secretary-General of this Organization will be instru- mental in developing our Organization to servethe interests of world peace and security. My delegation fully supports his re-election to anotherterm, confirming its confidence in hisadministration of this Organization. ' .. .'. . " . '. . 52. Despite the success of ,our 'Organization in solVing certain international problems resulting from colonialism, armed invasion and the forcible occupationof the territory 54. The Sultanate of Oman, as I have already stated, endorses peaceful coexistence among all nations, irrespec- tive of their system of government, solongasthe people of each 'country have chosen a system that suits their public interest. Unfortunately, however, some major Powers still attempt to interfere in the internalaffairs of other nations, using for that end other States overwhich they have some. influence or which subscribe to the .same ideology. The object of these agent States is to provoke disturbances, stage coups d'etats, encourage subversive elements or incite fratricidal murders, in order to gain approval and win generous rewards fromtheir powerful clientStates. 55. The sums being wasted to foment such disturbances and dissension are enormous. And at the very time when the fmancial resources of developing nationsare so sorely needed to raise the peoples' standard of living, needed to avert the famine already afflicting some.of them,needed to promote economic development, welfare and security in the world framework, these nations find themselves deprived of those resources, which are diverted to the defence of their independence, existence and population against inftltrators and saboteurs. 56. Inthat connexion I regretthat the Foreign Minister of Aden made a speech before the Assembly that wasmarked by interference in our internal affairs and export of subversive elements to our country. We will not stoop to the level of vituperation and so will not take the troubleto reply, for the people of our region, indeedthe people of the whole world, know the kind of Government that is established in Aden and know how it works; they also know the kind of Government established in Oman and its achievements, 57. The Sultanate of Oman, out of its faith in the principle of non-intervention in internal affairs and in pursuanceof a policy of good-neighbourly relations, has never interfered and never will interferein the affairs of any other State, in particular the affairs of its neighbours in the Gulf region. On the contrary, my Government always extends the hand of assistance to our neighbours, not excluding even that neighbour which intervenes in our internal affairs, in the hope that all such States will desist 59. My delegation affirms. that the Sultanate of Oman, which extendsthe hand tlf co-operation to others,is ableto defend its integrity and its people ·against any meddling in its internal affairs by any country. The Sultanate of Oman is further determined to pursue all avenues of co-operation to promote the well-hemg of all.counQies in the Gulf area in the context of economic dev~lopment and world peace. . . . 60. My' delegation has a profound faith in fun co- operation among developingcounttles. in generaLIf those developing countries that ~ n~i&bbours in a given region of the world could join forces to defend their economic, political and.defence interests and their security, it would be possible to create zones of peace far'removed from the rivalries of the major Powers. It'would, further, be possible to achieve inter-zonal co-operation. . 61. The creation of such zones would not be extremely difficult, given the sine· qua non of common interer.ts among the countries of the ~gion, .which requires that every country ·in the zone would be considering its neighbours' interests along withits own, and those interests wouldprovide the sound foundation for goodrelations. 62. It is wen known t.'1at the developing countriesarenot similar in every respect. There are varying degrees of development among those nations, and <many fields of development are fully open to close and constructive co-operation among them free of lily motivationof selfISh gain. Theareasofco-operation'woUld'bedetennmedby the capabilities and resources available to some and needed by others. If the creatiOn' of ·$Uch. co-operation could be achieved by methods consistent with the resources and capabBities of each member, the foundation would be laid for the mobilization of the politica1will to create such zonesof peace, with equality amongcountriesof the zones. Undoubtedly the desire for co-operation wouldprompt the development of a complex of relations and co-operation in various economic, cultural, social, technological and scientific fields. 63. We believe in this. pattern of international .co- operation, which wo~d lead· to the creation of regional zones, and we.declare here'~unyjJJingness to extend a hand to all countries in our region in'order to achieve develop- ment and security for our peoples and to preserve our independence against anyforeian intervention: It has been demonstrated beyond doubt that .. policyofmilitarypacts is. doomedto fallureand that regional co-operation among neighbouring countries, backed by the political will to lubstantia~ing his statement with figures, has reminded us that a situation prevails which constitutes a massive drain on resources. I refer to the expenditure on armaments, which every year amounts to almost $300 billion. Alloca.. tions for the arms race since the Second World War have exceeded 56,000 billion, which is almost equalto the gross national product of all the Countries of the world for the year 1976. 66. This regrettable fact prompts us'to ponder the pernicious danger that threatens the human race and its existence. Disarmament, like other international problems, is not an isolated phenomenon. Rather,it is fundamentally linked with international peace and security. There is no doubt that dispelling the fearanduncertaintyamong States and guaranteeing their safety from aggression, attack, occupation, colonialism and intervention in their internal affairs would significantly contribute to the attainment of the fmal goal of complete and general disarmament. Then, those staggering sums which are wasted in the arms race could be directed to the development and welfare of the internationalcommunity. 67. International economic relations require our special and increasing attention since the issue of development is also organically connected with international peace and securiW. We should not view development in the abstractor in isolation from international politics. Developing coun- tries do not regard the question of development asa lifeless mathematical equation but view it in termsof their portion of dmIy bread. 68. The Economic Declaration of the non-aligned coun- tries adopted by the Colombo Conference in August 1976 [AI311197, annex IIJ hasconfirmed this fact. That Declara- tion also stresses the practical means to achieve develop- ment in the world. On the basis of the principle of internationalinterdependence. the burdens of develQpment postulate effective p~rticipation by the developed countries and the developing countries. The developing countries are themselves fully aware that they, too, have responsibilities and obligations in the advancement of their economies. Both sides of the scale should be equally weighted, and burdensmould bemeasuredagainstcapacitiesandresources. 69. We nowhave a.heapof international documents which voice the conscience of the world and whose provisions deserve to be put into effect andto be respected since they are the result of long and exhausting studies and negotia- 70. My delegation appeals to developed countries to do their duty in the cause of international development-not by making grants or donations but, rather by enteringinto a commitment to their partners in the international community for their common goodand for the elimination of a serious danger that threatens worldpeace and security. 71. My delegation is fully convinced that the developing countries. on- their own side, must spare no effort to play their part, whether this calls for self-reliance, co-operation among themselves, or reaching an understanding with the developed world to achieve their goals on the road to development. 72. Proceeding from the principle of international co- operation, in which we all believe, especially co-operation in promoting international trade,shipping and the exploita- tion ofthe mineral resources of the'seabed, the Sultanate of Oman has effectively participated in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of Lite Sea,the fifth session of which, it was hoped, would reach an international agreement taking into account theInterests of all nations and provide a practical and useful regime of the sea. 73. Oman has effectively contributed to all the previous sessions of the Conference. It hassubmittedworking papers in which it outlinedits position on navigation in an attempt to reach acceptable and just solutions. This manifests our direct concern with questions of navigation, especially in the straits used for international navigation, as the Sulta- nate of Oman is a developing strait and coastal State. It is interested: in the fust instance, in the protection of its security and sovereignty over its territories so that it may carry out its role of protecting and ensuring the regularity of international navigation in the interest of development and the promotion of world trade. In this, weare readyto co-operate with all countries in orderto attain a brightand betterfuture for anideal international community. 74. Although the Conference has not yet achieved recon- ciliation of the conflicting interests or overcome the doubts and fears of certain countries, or mitigated the excessive concern of others for their owninterests,wesincerely hope that the Conference will, at its next session in May 1977, reach solutions to these conflicting positions and adopt the international convention awaited by all of us in the common interestof mankind. 76. Let us then replace international confrontation with international co-operation in our discussions of the prob- lems before us in our work this year. Let us reconcile our own interests with the general interest of the international community in order to realize the aspirations of people everywhere, who expect our Organization to do much towards the achievement of development and international peaceand security. 77. Ever since His Majesty Sultan Qabus assumed the leadershipof the Sultanate of Oman, the Sultanate has been working with dedication to the principles I have just mentioned to achieve development for its people and other peoples of the world, on the basis of regional and international understandingand co-operation. 78. Oman willeffectivelyexert all its efforts, and direct all its capacities and its full potential, to attaining the fundamental objectives of our Organization, obj~ctives in which Oman has the profoundest faith, for the establish- ment of an ideal international community in which prosperity, security and peace shall prevaileverywhere.

The election of Ambassador Amerasinghe to the presidency of thetlurty-flrst sessionof the General Assembly is symbolic in many ways. In addition to being a fitting recognition of his personal qualities as a diplomat who has attained the stature of a statesman, coming as it does after the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries held recently in his beautiful country, his election is a tribute to Sri Lanka's contribution to the cause of the United Nations and heralds the new role non-aligned countries are determined to play in international affairs. 80. To the outgoing President of the Assembly who, despite his responsibility as head of his country's Govern- ment, devoted much of his time and effort to the work of the" United Nations, I extend the gratitude of my delega- tion. 81. The job of the Secretary-General is not only, as it is often described,an impossibleone, but very often may be a thankless task as well. The nature of the office limits what a Secretary-General can say to set the record straight or even to defend himself when unfairly attacked. Courageously and resolutely, Mr. Kurt Waldheim has used the mandate and the authority of his office in defence of the principles of the United Nations Charter. The present Secretary- General will always be remembered for his forthright and forceful stand on the issues of colonialism and racism in southern Africawhen itcounted most. 82. We welcome Seychelles to membership in the United Nations and are looking forward to working very closely with its delegation. 84. The increase of the membership of the United Nations from SI States to 145 reflects the transformation the world Organization has undergone in the last 30 years.:Although this change is readily recognized by all, its full implications are not fully appreciated. Most of the problems in international life today can be traced to the failure of the international community to recogniZe .and accommodate the changes that have taken place since the Second World War. The prospect of peace and orderly intemationallife will also depend on the capacity of the international community as embodied by the United Nations to respond in timely fashion to much-needed changein the future. 8S. When the United Nations was founded 30 years ago, virtually all of Africa and Asia was under colonial domina- tion. Socialism, although fmnly established by then in one country, was very much a force of the future. The co-operation among the big Powers which the prosecution of the war against fascism required was counted upon to provide the basis for a new collective .security founded upon big-Power unanimity in the Security Council. 86. No sooner had the war againsffascismended than the peoples of Asia and Africa rose up against the colonial order. The old contradictions between socialism and capitalism." muted temporarily during the war period, reappeared and, .with them" the hope for international security predicated on big-Power unanimity receded. 87. For the greater part of the post-war period, the United Nations became the arena for a trial of strength rather than a forum for"a constructive accommodation of the inevitable changes that followed. Rendered ineffective by the failure to recognize for the United Nations a central role in international affairs, most of the revolutionary changesthat took place in the world not only bypassed the Organization but, propelled by historical forces,.proceeded despite the United Nations. 88. For almost two decades the United Nations remained a spectator when the great anti-eolonial struggle unfolded. In Indonesia, South-East Asiaand North Africa, the United Nations could not avert bloodshed before the peoples of those regions won their independence. In other areas, the United Nations played little more than a marginal role in their decolonization. 89. Although a nuclear holocaust and big-Power confron- tation may have been averted in Asia,Africa and the Middle East, hostilities haveoccurred all too often to cast doubt on the efficacy of the United Nations as a guardian of the peace. Hardly any significant agreement has been achieved involving a reduction of existing stocks of armaments. All the lamentations about disarmament have only resulted in limited agreements on arms control and have not placed any significant constraint on the frightfUl accumulation of conventional .and thermonuclear weapons, or on their increasingsophistication. 91. AD in aD, the record of the United Nations perform- ance shows, in the main,.a peat many Jost opportunities. The immediate fum", will therefore depend on what the international· community cail do to utilize for constructive ends the remaining opportunifies before time runs out on it. Over the long haul, however, the balance hangs on the capacity of the world community to perceive the require- m-ents for change and on its flexibilityfor accommodancn. 92. As we enter the fourth decade of the United Nations, we should recognize that even while we are calling for a newworldorder baed onnewpatterns ofrelationships, the fact remains that the Powen that be have not accepted for what they are the chlngesthat have taken place. There is need, therefore, to show where there is a refusal to accept clwlge, for a world that has dosed its eyes to an accommodation of the changes that have occurred despite the United Nationsesnnct now be expectedto bringabout the far-reaching restructuring of international relationships that a moresecureand prosperousworld requires. 93. Where doesthis impasse He? 94. First and foremost, there seems to be less than full appreciation of the fact that, with the independence of leveral Asian and African colonial Territories and' their admission to the United Nations, the aUgnment and the equation of forces in international relationshave changed. The majority of the present membership of the United Nations is made up today of countries which had attained independence in the last IS years.Likewise, the numberof Member States with a socialist systemhas increased. Some of the older Memben have themselves undergone internal metamorphosis and are today either under revolutionary or nationalistic leaderships which reflect and articulate the will ofthfJir people. 95. The outcome of all these transfonnations has been to Pltah to the foreground the problemswhich the third-world countries face, particularly' in their relations with tile established order-colonialism; the strengthening of inde- pendence and, sovereignty, especially over the use and disposition of natural re~urces; the struggle for a new order baled on mutual respectfor sovereignty and restraint from interference; and a call for new tenns of trade and economic relationships. On all. these problems, the newly independent countries are articulating demands which confront deeply entrenched vested interests and old ways of doingthings. 96. In the United Nations, the resistance to accept these new forces is reflected in the contemptuous disregard by the 'owen that be of resolutions of the General Assembly adopted with the overwhelming support of the membership IS the diktat of an irreapOnsibleim~ mechanical majority. 98. Not content with the monopoiy of powerwhichthey enjoy, the surrogates of the established order are being more than myopic in suggesting that, in order to cope with the demands of the new forces, their own power in the General Assembly should be further enhanced. The present international security system, which has placed arbitrary power in the hands of a few countries, has prevented'the resources of the international community from being employed in favour of the liberation ofcolonial peoples,to combat racism and to liquidate the consequences of aggression. Instead, it has been used mainlyto preserve the status quo. 99. Denying financial contributions to programmes of the United Nations supported by the great majority of Mem- bers is yet another leverage they exert to frustrate the will of the majority. 100. A concrete manifestation of the resistance to change is the actions of certain permanent members in increasingly resorting in the Security Council to the use of the veto to block forceful action whenpeace is breached or threatened. As a result of the exercise of the veto, the UnitedNationsis held in complete immobilityin the face of threats to peace and aggression in southern Africa and the Middle East. Nations of the worldhave so lost confidence in the security provided by the United Nations that they are now relying moreandmore on the acquisition of weapons of war. 101. Even more contemptuous is the use of the veto to deprive the peoples of Angola and Viet Nam of their right to membership in the UnitedNations. Despite the wrath of one permanent member the rest of the world has not only welcomed but rejoiced in their independence as a devel- opment that would strengthen the struggle against colonial- ismandimperialism everywhere. The peoples of Angola and Viet Nam have an inalienable rightto their rightfulplaces in the United Nations. They have strengthened that right by the indomitable struggle they have waged and by the price they have paid dearly in blood,sweatand toil. 102. We have now reached an impasse where the United Nations has become a platform for a sterile confrontation rather than a.medium for innovative accommodation. The minority, however powerful it may be, should take due account of the will of the majority. There cannot be an orderly accommodation of change, nor can we reaUze our hopes for a more secure and prosperous world, if the powerful few regard the voice of the peoples of the world as expressed in General Assembly resolutions as irresponsl- ble cries that can be ignored withimpunity. 104. The UnitedNations does not seem to haveverymuch time-by all prognoses some three years at the most-to seize whatever is left of the abundant opportunities that have been frittered away to solvethe problemsof southern Africa and the Middle Eastand to initiate a processtowards disarmament and the establishment of a new international order. If we go at the present pace, there will not be very much time. If, on the other hand, wemove with deliberate speed and with a keen perception of the altematives, not only shall we be able to arrest the dissipation of these last remaining opportunites but we may even succeedin turning them back towards fertile ground where they will ger- minate, senddeep roots and multiply. 105. That is why today we should have a very clear understanding of the inevitable march of forces and events and should adopt a realistic agenda and a time-frame. And it is against this background that my delegation wouldlike to plead for a sense of urgencyin all those sensitive matters where the prospectoftotal liberation and peacehangin the balance. 106. First, there is southern Africa. Did it require the slaughter by the brutal police of the apartheid regime of over 500 helpless schoolchildren, the maiming of several hundred and the imprisonment of thousands of black 112. When South Africarefused to recognize its obligation people for the world to begin to.realize that an explosive to be accountable to the international community, the situation was developing? Did theSharpeville massacre of United Nations terminated its Mandate, called for the 1959notforetellwhat wasto come?· , immediate independence of Namibia within its present , '··frontiers,and.assumeddirect :responsibillty to arrange. for '. ,"roi~·There~h;ds:~.~f:lliejjri.1~~'. :Nati~riir are-:tlillof tti~: :~e:e~e.f~i~~·pf:~~lf~~~~e~minatiQn~ :.:' :" . ' , dea~ cries"ofthe'people'of:Souili' AfriciL·The·recOrds'ats~ ' . amply show the warnings of African countries and others 113. Now that South Africa is confronted with the' that the whole situation was evolving towards a dramatic immediate spectre of·a .hberation struggle waged by confrontation which could only end in a terrible racial war, SWAPO-which would undoubtedly have the effect of the consequences of which would not be confined within galvanizing the revolutionary struggle in Us own territory- the bordersof South Africa. . . as a last-ditch manoeuvre to buy time and to stem the '. ;'":'." .. ,... " .....:..... ' . . ' , ~evi.tabJe 'mjlfcp.. .~f w~~pe~depce; i~ ~ ~~g preparations . 'l'08~ "Whai ':h~'the:U~ted:'N~ti~rts: do~e;d~sPii~: ~M',:'.:' ·f~,.·ar~~ge· ~oi.·:a:·~ogu~·.c~e~ci~ ·af ..~lf:~ete~fuait1o~. The ". warnings? . Withritual:re~tarity;·theGener31 ASSembiy and. late.strespon~,:tliat S.o~th ~fncahas'81ven to the deman.d its Committees. have been issuing edicts expressing jheir of the ~ecunty Councilto comply; ~y 31 A,,:gust of t~s disapproval-'-now elevated to abhorrence-of the system of year, ~lthall Ge~eral ~s~mbly and &:cunty Co~n~i1 apartheid as being incompatible with the rinci les of the resolutions. to ter~ate Its ille~al: ?ccupatlon of Namibia, Charterofthe UnitedNations p p accept Umted Nations responsibility and hand over the . ' powers of government to the authentic representatives of the people, in the form of a declaration of a so-called constitutional conference,is but an exercise in evasion. 109. In the meantime, however, things have been left to go on as they always have. Despite repeated calls for the adoption of sanctions" South Africa's trade with the great industrial Powers of the West has been assisted to flourish. South Africa has been allowed to purchase highlysophisti- cated weapons of war,which has made its forces,at least on paper, the most powerful in Africa. It has obtained the collaboration of Israel in the development of certain weapon systems. France sells to it nuclear reactors which, whatever the safeguards, whatever the promise sought or received, will enhance South Africa'scapability to develop its own nuclearweapons. 111. Despite the termination of whateverlegal pretence it might have had for administering Namibia on behalf of the international community, South Africa has continued to deny the people their right to self-determination and independence and has frustrated allattempts by the United Nations to assume interim responsibility in order to complete arrangements for the transferto the people of the powers of government. For over 30 years, since the very first session of the General Assembly, when its request to incorporate Namibia into its territory was rejected, South Africa has engaged in one manoeuvre. after another, in one dilatory tactic after another, often shifting grounds. First, South Afrlca claimedsovereignty over'Namibia by virtue of the right of military conquest. When this position became untenable, South Africa claimed a special right to admin- ister Namibia under the Mandate of the League of Nations, despite the demise of that organization. The International Court of Justice rejected this contention and insisted that South Africa should be fully accountable to the United Nations for its administrationof Namibia.s H4. As in the past, South Africa is now counting on the disposition of the Unit~d Nations to give it one more chance to show its goodfaith by giving the appearance that this latest manoeuvre represents an honest attempt to meet the requirements of UnitedNationsresolutions.The fact of 2 Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibill (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), Advisory Opinion, I.e.I. Reports 1971, p.16. 115. Zimbabwe stands today as a monument to the complete failure of the will and gross negligence by the United Nations of all responsibility. Asmall group of white racist settlers, numbering some 250,000, has been allowed to successfully usurp the responsibility of the United Kingdom to advance the people to independence, to deny to the indigenous inhabitants of Zimbabwe their right to independence, and to defy and frustrate all attempts by the United Nations, including the imposition of mandatory sanctions, to end the rebellion. 116. Once ~gain, the hand and design of South Africa are visible. South Africa considers Zimbabwe the outer perimete.r of its defence and has sent its troops there to bolster the Rhodesian rebel authorities in their brutal attempt to crush the liberation struggle. Even more significant is the fact that, by providing its territory as a corridor of evasion, South Africa, with the co-operation and complicity ofothers,hassuccessfully frustrated United Nations sanctions. 117. The picture in southern Africa is now clear. The racist and colonialist forces are strongly anchored in the apartheid regime of South Africa. Fromthat racist bastion they are endeavouring to buy insurance that would protect them against the advance of independence. They want to achieve this by showing aggressive prowess, asevidenced by their brazen attacks on Angola, Zambia and Mozambique, and combining that posture with the appearance of a disposition to negotiate. They also seem to be looking towards their traditional partnersfor help to bailthem out by salvaging the core of the colonialist interest through a commitment to defendthe apa;theid system. 118. The questions that inevitably arise are, What are the envisaged negotiations about? What price are the Africans asked to pay? 119. It should be clear that there cannot be any negotia- tions in any constv~utional conference of any formatexcept for transfering the powers of government to the authentic representatives of the people. That much should be clear and more. No mangement designed to protect entrenched colonial interests, ostensibly cWmed under the label of minority rights, can be acceptable. Theindependence of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia will have to be unconditional and unencumbered. 120. In the case of Zimbabwe, where an interim trsnsi- tional arrangement might be necessary, that will have to be 121. In any negotiating effort for the independence of Namibia and Zimbabwe, including the one initiated by the Secretary of State of the United States, Dr. Henry Kiuin- ger, the impression should be avoided that South Africa is allowed to use the independence of those two countries u bargaining chips to obtain Africa's acquiescence in its apartheid system. Even less, South Africa should not be made to feel that it is indeedbuying insurance. Letthere be no mistake: the struggle against apartheid will continue. With the independence of Zimbabwe and Namibia the struggle will, instead of abating, intensify. Theinternational community should not be deluded into believing that the independence of those two countries will usher in a period of tranquillity, brotherhood and peace. The international community should therefore brace itselffor the prospect of an intensified struggle, andeverything shouldbe done now, while thereis time,to avoid a tragic racial conflagration. 122. The key to avoiding a racial blood-bath is South Africa. As long as 4 million whites continue to deprive 16 million Africans and other non-whites of equality,justice and a role in the government of their country andattempt to herd them into racial ghettos, there cannot be tranquil- lity, there cannot be peace in southern Africa. That is the inevitable outcomeand the worldhasto be prepared for it. 123. That is why today no plan can hope to advance the prospect of a peaceful solutionto the fast-developing racial confrontation unless it .also includes the readfuess of the international community to impose sanctions against South. Africa. There should be tangible proof that the major· trading partners of South Africa will move towards sanc- tions with the rest of the international community. Short. of that, they will have to realize that the continuation of .. their present policies will countenance and strengthen the grip of the apartheid system. 124. South Africa will have to be made aware that, until it removes the apartheid system, it will face economic and political sanctions vigorously enforced by the United Nations. 125. In Namibia and with regard to the struggle against apartheid, the moment of truth has come: either we move with determination in the direction of mandatory sanctions or, through inaction,increase the chances for a racial blood bath. As I have suggested, we do not have much time. We should be wiser before we are overtaken by developments. 126. I wish briefly to refer to other colonial problems. The Comoros has beem dismembered on the way to independence. Its independence cannot be considered complete, nor France's mission to decQlonize those islands fulmled, unless Mayotte is unitedin independence withthe Comoros. 128. French colonialism in Djibouti is a spent force withoutmuchwill to linger on. The onlywayit canstay on in one guise or another is by taking advantage of circum- stances that outside forces may create for it. African countries should, therefore, continue their vigiliance and should make sure that the callthey have especially madeto the two neighbouring countries of Djibouti, Ethiopia and Somalia, at the last summit meeting of the Organization of African Unity{OAUJ,3 held recently in Mauritius, should be completely adhered to and implemented. That call consists of a request that Ethiopia and Somalia should renounce any and all territorial claims to Djiboutiand that they give an undertaking to respect the independence and, tenitorial integrity of Djibouti after its' accession to independence. 129.. Ethiopia, on its' part, has made an unequivocal declaration. at the highest possible level and reaffirmed several times that it does not have any territorial claim to thewhole. or any part of DjiboutL .: . . . . . 13~." Therequirements fora peaceful solution are known 130. Asa further demonstration of its goodfaith and as a and have often, been repeated here and in other interna- contribution to. the acceleration of the independence of the " .tional. forums.,.}srael must withdraw from all Arab terri- Territ~ryt and'in ."the in~er.est ofpeace an(fsta~ility'in the-:' ..,tOries·that it'has occupied sinCe June 1967. Israel must region, Ethiopia, submitted, at "the last African'..summit .. :recognit~· the right of .thePalestinian people to a national meetinga declaration to be jointly subscribed- to by,: 'homeland..::The· Palestinian'liberation Organization must, Ethiopia and Somalia that wouldcommitthe two countries ' take:part in all negotlations for peaceful settlements. to renounce any territorial claim they may have and to' , . " .,. . , respect the independence and the territorialintegrityQfan ·137.: Once .those, 'requirements are accepted, talks and independent DjiboutL ' .' ' .' .0", .,., • ,... negotiati~ns!Jnone 'format or another can proceedwith a " yiew.to .implementing.the priJ,lciples. of Security Council 131. The only response from the other neighbour' of Djibouti to the call of OAU was to say, without ever renouncing its territorial claim,that it is prepared to accept the exercise of self-determination and the liberation of the Territory. Such a declaration from that neighbouring State is in keeping with its often repeated policy because it considers Djibouti as being already part of its national territorywhich is now "under foreign occupation". 132. Somalia has rejected the declaration we proposed to be signed under the authority of OAU on.the flimsy ground that a solemn pledge by the two neighboUring States to respect the territorial integrity of an independent Djibouti would impose a limitation on the sovereignty of the new State, and would also create a right for the two States which they might use to intervene in Djibouti's internal affairs. Nothing' could be further from the objective our 3 Thirteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Gowrnment of the Organization of African Unity, held at Port Louis, Mauritius, from 2 to 6 July 1976. 133. OAU has asked France to make immediate arrange- ments to transfer the powers of government to the people. OAU has also called for a conference of allpolitical parties and groups as well asof liberationmovements to be heldin Accra, Ghana, under its auspices, with a view to creating a transitional government of national unity to complete the fmal preparation which would pave the way for the independence of the Territory. There is now in the Territory only a coalition government of two political groups. The base of the transitional government has to be expanded in accordance with the demands of OAU. 134. We hope that this thirty-fust session of the General Assembly willdiscuss the independence of Djiboutiand wnl strengthen the actions recommended by OAU by giying themits support. 135. The Middle Eastisone of those"problemareas where, the longer wewait,the moreintractable a peaceful solution becomes. After so many missed opportunities, time now . seems to have imposed a limit on a peaceful solution. Although we may disagree on the time-frame, there- is no 'doubt that. it. _ not one that can allow us indulgently to proceedat the presentpace. 0 resolutions 242 (1967~ and 338(1973)~ . 138. Unless some visible progress is made soon towards peace, the opportunlties that have led to agreements on the disengagement of forces.will be lost irretrievably. 139. I said earlier that a world that refuses to accommo- date changes that have taken place will be hard put to bring about those far-reaching transformations in the relations of States, espacial1y between the rich and the poor, the exploited and the exploiter, the weak and the powerful. Thus, the urgency to" solve some of the outstanding problems, in addition to ensuring international peace and security,is directly linked with the effort to createa more secure and prosperous world. 140. There are three major areas of internationalconcern which call for a profound change of attitude, accommoda- tion of interests and a determination to avoid conflicts by anticipating the potential sources of such conflicts and removing them, while there istime. These are disarmament, 145. My deleption feels that there is need to inject a 152. Similarly, discussion of development problems inand ._ of urgency in disarmament talksandto generate some outside the United Nations was constrained by limited momentum. A special session of ·the General Agembly vision. Most of the talks focused on resource transfers from devoted. to the~ con$ideratio~ .of.allthe outst8~lCijng. prob-·· the. developed to the developing countries. Until very terns of. ~~nt, ~ rec9mmen~~d by .~e:' recent . recently. little or nothing was heard about the need to do ..okt-aligned ·sun.ut.iit ~etmi,.· ~~f.achi~ve·~s purpose; ~way with built-in inequalities in h~ternational economic relationships, with economic advantages preserved through 146. The oceans and the seas cover more than two-thirds monopolistic practices, exclusive access to technology and, of our planet. Even when we fmd it dirficult to establish in some instances, to the resources and markets of the rule of taw to IOvem the relations of States on the developing countries. inhabite~ part of the &lobe, we have to think of how to re8';d.~e, Stat~ int,rests and inter-8tate relaUons over .and 153. In order to show howthese built-in inequities distort .~Jiatll'me- ··Wi'de: 'expiJises' Of' waiet, .which' modern the distribution of world economic surpluses, let us take techno{ogyhas broupt .within 'reach'of' utilization for the case of international trade, the mainstay of the present man's benefit.' . . order. 147. The att~mpt to create a regime of law on the utilization of the resources of the sea andthe sea-bed isone of the most challenging tasks ever undertaken by die United Nations. It is challen&iJlg because it is cneof the rue moments in historywhenthenations of the world have seen weU in advance that their coUective interests would be better served if they placed limits on their rights and behaviour and if they planned andworked together for the utilization of the resources of the sea and the ~a-bed for the benefit of :all. 148. This endeavour to createanacceptable relime for the Eea is in a race against the disposition. of each State, especiaUy where the possibility andthe technology exist,to 154. Excluding oil exports, about 12 major primary commodities account for about 80 per cent of the total export earnings of the developing countries. The final consumers payover $200 billion for these commodtties and theirproducts, while the primary proaucers-thedevelaping countries-obtain only about $30 billion, the middlemen taking the difference. Another example isthat out of $102 billion of international reserves created during the period 1970-1974, the developing countries received $3.7 billion otless than4 percent. ,155. We cannot today realistically speak about economic .development and, even less hope to find justandeqUitable sob.~tions to the ills of under-development, unleS$ the problem is seen in the context of the need to buildnew structures of economic relatlonshlps. As long asthereis no 157. The development of the third-world countries is a central problem. International trade has to be restructured to bring to developing countries their due share ..,f the benefit. Not onlyshould they beenabled to have unencum- bered access to the markets of the industrialized countries but also their export earnings should be protected from seasonal fluctuations andthese shouldbe heldat reasonable levels of parity withthe prices of industrial products. 158. The historical disadvantages ue such that better terms of trade alone would not be enough. Aid has to become a vital component of a new international develop- ment strategy. In order to play such a role, aid hasto be conceived not as charity but asan invemtment.which would redound to the benefit of all. Aid has to be more coacesslonaty and, especially with regard to the least developed and disadvantaged, it should be made available mostly as grants. Donor countries should also alleviate the heavy burden of debt-servicing born: by the developing countries. Any agreement to that end should be considered as additional aid rather than a cancellation of contrflctual obligations. Some organic link should also be established between development fmancing and the creation of new intemationalliquidity. 159. I should like to conclude my statement by offering some observations on the' achievements of the recent non-aligned Conference held in Colombo, Sri Lanka. Fint of all, the impact of the results of that Conference should not be lost on the United Nations. The views expressed by them represent the' hopes and the aspirations of over 2bptionpeople who are represented in the.Umted Nations by 82 sovereign States. 160. At Colombo the non-aligned countries defmed a new role for their policies. That role is to helpbring aboutnew ~ructures of peace and prosperity through dialogue and accommodation. They also save notice that the non- . alignment policy they wish to pursue is not one of acceptance of the' present status quo but one that leeks change in favour of the liberation of peoples, the assertion of sovereignty over natural resources, the liquidation of the consequences of aggression and the pursuit of just and priat~ roleto ensure theinterest of theirpeople onthebais of equality, mutual benefits and recosnition of commoo responsibOity for the weD-being of an increasingly inter- d~penclent wodd. 162. In particular, Ethiopia subscribes to the views of the non-eligned movement on a number of specific proNems, suchas the question of Cyprus, the problem ofthe Korean peninsula and othen reprding Latin America. 163. My country alwes the coune charted by the non- tJigned movement. The new Ethiopia believes in a dynamic non-alignment which is committed to cItaqe. Ethiopia believes that It a time when third-wodd countries _ calling for radical changes in the international order,each one of U$ has the responsibility of carrying out internally thOle changes that would mike our demands at the international level credible.

The representative of France wishes to speak in exercise of his right of reply. Members will recall that the Genenl Auembly at its 4th plenary meeting decided that statements in exercile of the right of reply shouldbelimited to 10minutes.

The delegation of France ha uked to beallowed to speak in order to make a clarifICation in reprd to the statement madethis afternoon by the Minister for Foreip Affairs of the Comoros. 166. My delegation has already had a opportunity, here and elsewhere, to state itsposition dearly on this question. It will do soverybriefly once again now. 167. The island of Mayotte is an integnl part of the French Republic becaule of the freely expreaed will oOts people. The people of Mayotte, the MahoraiJ, have con- firmed their choice by a leqe majority and in complete freedom during levenlcomultations. That is a fact which everyone should take into account. France does not have the kind of ambitious der4ns on Mlyottethat the Minister for Foreign Affain of the Comorosl1lqedit hid. It simply feels obliged to take into consideration the wishes of a population which it is not .eeking to JeColonize an~ ~o which it intends to proPOIe a provisional status of ID evolving nature. 168. For !ts part, the French Government has absolutely no intention.to backaway'from dialogue or to imPOIe any kind'of ostracism at all on the State of the Comoros. It remams prepued to leekagreement on the basisof existing circumstances, which it has not losthopeof overcoming10 that reconciliation may be achieved. 169. Nothing is immutable. My delegation wishes Ipin to provide assurance to that effect.We hopethat our tanguqe will be undentood by everyone. We shall adhere to this proposition on Monday next,when the problem in question will again bediscussed here.