A/31/PV.31 General Assembly

Pressure of work forced Mr. Ismail Fahm)',headof the Egyptian delegation and Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs, to stay in Cairo, and he has asked meto deliver thisstatementon hisbehalf. 2. I have the pleasure to address this Assembly at its thirty-f11'St session under the presidency of Mr. Amera- sbcghe. His unanimous election as President of this session signifies ilitemational regard for the great Asian continent and for Sri Lanka, a country with which we have close friendship. It is also an expression of the recognition and esteem in which he is held. Theclose tiesof friendship and co-operation between our twocountries and the pioneering role played by Mrs. Bandaranaike in leading her country and in contributing to efforts to render the non-aligned movement successful make it an added pleasure to congrs, tulate him. 3. I should like also to express our esteem to Mr. Gaston Thorn, the Prime Minister of Luxembourg, who presided over the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. 4. I should like, too,-to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General of the United' Nations, for his continuous and cOmmendable efforts in carrying out the many and important responsi- bilities placed on his shoulders. Mr. Waldheim's record of activity and achievement, as well as the statements delivered ~y him in numerous forums, the latest of which were the African summit conference! andthe non-aligned I Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Orpniza- tion of African Unity, held at Port Louis, Mauritius, from 2 to 2 F"af'th Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- S July 1976. Alianed Countries, held at Colombo from 16 to 19 August 1976. Thursday, 14 October 1976, at 11.30a.m. NEW YOlK Conference,2 reflect clearly the dynamism of the secretary- General andhisfullcommitment to ourOrganization's aims and its endeavours to builda new world-a world ofjustice, prosperity and peace. In commending his efforts, Egypt supports hisre-election to a second termofoffice. 6. Before proceeding with the rest of my statement, I should like. on behalf of the People and Government of Egypt. to pay a tribute to the memory of Chairman Mao Tsetung, a great leader. The people and Govemment of Egypt have shared whole-heartedly. the grief of the great Chinese people overthe regrettable loss of Chairman Mao, who left his mark on the history of hiscountry as he ledit to progress. His constructive action for a better future for humanity andthe establishment of ajust peace in the world will always be remembered. 7. The world today is one of constant movement and change. The phenomenon of international detente symbol- izes the change which has taken place in relations between the super-Powen. but the third-world countries and all peace-loving peoples ~re still strivin~ resolutely to bund a new world-a world which rejects all forms of domination, coercion, exploitation and discrimination. 8. The kind of world they hope to buildis onein which a new international economic ordercan be realized, bringing abouteconomic well-being for all,social jUst~ce for all and a just peace for aD-a world, as the Secretary-General explained in the introduction to his report to this session on the work of the Organization {A/31/1/Add.1/, which respects the resolutions of the United Nations andinterna- tional law-in short, a world that is governed by the principles and objectiVes of the Charter of the United Nations. 9. The countries of the third world have defmed their attitude towards the phenomenon of detenteon more than one occasion, most recendy at the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Govemment of Non-Align~d Countries. The Non-Aligned States welcomed the progress SO far 10. When President Moharrled Anwar El·Sadat addressed the thirtieth session of tile General Assembly on 29 October 1975,he had this to, say: "We in Egypt arefor detente andwelcome it, if it takes into account the interests of small States, their'national destinies and the aspirations of their peoples. Detente cannot be what it means unless it is an interaction, from th.,bottomto the top."s 11. The third-world countries have demonstrated their clear undentanding of the importance of international detente between the two super·Powers and the deve~oped countries Ilav~' to demonstrate an understanding of the upiritlons of the third world to see a new international community. The' two super-Powers and the developed countries have to put tllleir weight behind the causes of right and justice in the V/Qrld, politically, economically and lOCially. 12. We live on one plantt, sharing one and the same destiny-either peace for all or destruction for all. This is the -:eal meaning which the peoples of the United Nations had in mind wheri they establimed our internatienal Orpnization. 1'hiJ is the significance of our meeting here each year: to emphasize and reaffirm our commitment to the principlel and goals of. the Charter of the United Nations and to review the positive and negative aspects of our activiti~s for the purpose of adopting stands and resolutions that would ensure solutions to problems faced by our international community. 13. We have to bear in mind our great responsibility toward millions of people throughout the world, and maintain their confidence in our Organization's ability to tellize their aspirations to live in conditions of just and durable peace. The extent to which we discharge this n~nlibi1ity will determine the extent of change and mowment in our internation~ oommunity-a change that will take place eitherthrough peaceful andbalanced means, or through violence. 14. Many of the international problems which confrontus are pressing and complicated. While some of these problems can wait, there are others which are more explosive and UlBent. Procrastination in solving such problems would be tantamount to inviting a powder-keg to explode, thus threatening the peace and security of the world and the very existence of the United Nations, particularly as such problems affect the very principles and foundations on which the United Nations was established. IS.' We cannot ask peoples in the last quarter of the twentieth century to be patient while their sovereignty is violated. while their territolY is occupied, or while they are prevented from exercising their right to self-determination. We cannot ask peoples to accept the humiliation of 16. I have in mind the struggle of the Arab peoples and of the peoples of our Afriean continent as an exampl" of the struggle and sacrifices of ~l1any peoples in other. partsof the world. The events in EI-Khali1 and Jerusalem in our Arab soll and the events in Soweto, SouthAfrica, confirm anew the danger of thinking that our duty here ends with the adOptiolll of resolutions supporting right and justice, With- out usiligall the means at the disposal' of the United Nations. and the international community for this purpose. 17. We all have the responsibility for consolidating by action the resolutions adopted by the. United Na~i,ons and of taking steps to implement them,otherwise thelawof the jungle and the rule of force would supersede the rule of the Charter andthe rule of law. 18. It i2 our responsibility to continue the pressure on the forces that donot comply withthe \Yill of the international community untilthey do so. 19. The suppressed peoples of the world call on the United Nations to act for the peaceful solution of their problems before they are compelled to resort to other means approved by the Charter and resolutions of the United Nations. 20. At the twenty-ninth andthirtiethsessions,'the General Assembly adopted a number of historical resolutions emphasizing the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people and the necessity of enabling them to exercise these rights. Thus we fmdresolution 3236(XXIX) stipwating th~t these rights include the right to self·determination without external interference and the right to national indepen- dence andsovereignty. 21. In its resolution 3376 (XXX) the General Assembly established the Committee on the Exercise of the Inaliena- ble Rights of the Palestinian People to recommend a programme of implementation designed to enable the Palestinian people to exercise the rights recognized in paragraphs 1and 2 of Assembly resolution 3236(XXIX).I should like to commend the members of the C9nunittee and its Chairmari, Mr. FallofSenegal, whohavei:aliouldered their responsibility with integrity and courag~.within the mandate given by our august Assembly. 22. In fact the General Assembly by virtue of its various stands, the latest of which was the adoption ~f the two aforementioned resolutions, hasconfirmed the words which you heard here from President El-Sadat when he declared before the thirtiethsession of the General Assembly: . "We ... consider the cause of the Palestinian people to be the cause of every free people seeking Peace, c31ling foil' justice and accepting the rule of law as arbiter between good andevil, right andwrong.". 24. As Mr. Fahmy stated before your Assembly at its twenty-ninth session: "By virtue of their long history of dealing with situations and facing reality objectively without evasive- ness, the Palestinian people are qualified to assume this task."5 He also said in the same statement that the Palestinian people "realize that the glorious War of 6 October. has opened up new horizons for the Arabs and has for the first time afforded an opportunity to reach a just and permanent peace in the area that would make it possible for its people to devote their attention to development and to the task of economic and social transformation which is needed to make their future secure",s 25. Hence Egypt's rum position has been, and continues to be, one of support for and consolidation of the PLO as the only legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. Egypt calls upon the international community to take effective steps to support the Organization and enable the Palestinian people to recover its rights. 26. The report of the Committee [A/31/35/ is before you. It is a matter of regret that the Security Council has been unable to adopt the Committee's recommendations on account of the use of the veto by a permanent member. It is our duty to shoulder our responsibility in accordance with the Charter and to do so with the utmost courage. 27. The recommendations put forward in the Committee's report reflect not only a clear and precise adherence to the General Assembly's resolution which established the Committee, but also a.realistic and moderate attitude with' a view to enabling the Palestinian people to exercise its right .to self-determination within the framework of the United Nations resolutions. 28. My country's delegation supports the recommenda- tions contained in the report of the Committee, taking into account the statement of the representative of the PLO -beforethe said Committee on 9 March 1976.6 30. Egypt re-emphasizes its confidence in the ability of the Palestinian people to carry on their struggle under the leadership of the PLO. We again stress the necessity of the participation of the PLO on an equal footing with the other parties concerned in any efforts aimed at achieving a just and durable peace in the Middle East, including the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East. 31. Israel must be made to understand that there will be no peace in the Middle East unless the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people are recognized and unless the occupied Arab territories are returned. Israel is deluding itself if it believes that time is in its favour and that it can convince some people that. the Palestinians do not exist or that it is capable of containing or eliminating them. The events in El-Khalil and the West Bank, the innocent Palestinians' blood shed at the hands of the Israeli occupation forces, affirm to the people of the world the unflinching stand of the Palestinian people and their determination to return to their homeland, to enjoy independence and national sovereignty in Palestine. Recog- nition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people is one of the principal touchstones to test Israel's seriousness when it claims that it desires to exist in peace among its neighbours. 32. Egypt has been quite receptive to all serious attempts to seek a just and durable peace in the Middle East, for peace to us, as President El-Sadat declared before you at the thirtieth sessionof the General Assembly, is "a strategic objective" and "a genuine commitment." 33. From this rostrum President El-Sadat called for the reconvening of the Geneva Conference, with the partici- pation of the parties concerned, to deal with the Middle East problem in all its aspects and with the purpose of arrivingat a just and durable peace in the Middle East. 34. In his reply to the Secretary-General's initiative of 1 April 1976, Mr. Fahmy referred to Egypt's positive attitude towards this initiative. The reply was communi- cated by the Secretary-General to all the parties concerned, including the representatives of the PLO. Allow me, Mr. President, to read out to the General Assembly some paragraphs from this reply: "I take note of your intention to pursue the matter of resuming actively the negotiating process in the coming week. I concur with your view that this should be done at this stage through your contactswith the representatives ofthe parties at United Nations Headquarters. "In this connexion, I note with appreciation your sending of the aforementioned note to the representative of the PLO, the representative of the Palestinian people. This constitutes a constructive step towards the imple- mentation of General Assembly resolution 3375 (XXX), which provides for the participation of the PLO in all efforts and deliberations on the Middle East as well as for the undertaking of steps to secure the invitation of the 35. Mr. Fahmy also added in his reply to the Secretary- General the following: "Our position, in so far as the negotiating process is concerned, remains the same as reiterated by me to Mr. Guyerin the talks we had duringhisvisit to Cairo on 1 March !976, namely, that the reconvening of the United Nations Peace Conference on the Middle East is the only valid course of action which would guarantee the continuation and the preservation of the United Nations roleto which wearestrongly attached. "I 'therefore appreciate the early resumption of consul- tations on the specific questionof reconvening the United Nations Peace Conference on the Middle East with the participation of all parties concerned, namely, Egypt, Syria, Jordan, the PLO, Israel, aswell asthe Soviet Union and the United States. "The ultimate goal of such contacts as well as the ensuing process would be the achievement of a compre- hensive settlement in the Middle East which would lead to a just and durable peace based on the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence and self-determinatlon. This necessitates the fun imple- mentation of the relevant UnitedNations resolutions that provide for the total withdrawal of the'Israeli forces from ell the Arab territoriesoccupied since June 1967,and the restoration of fue national rights of the Palestinian people." This is Egypt's stand, as communicated by Mr. Fahmy to the Secretary-General in April 19'76. 36. Contrary to this stand, Israel has proved through its actions that it doesnot desire peace, that it isincap.;ahle of assuming the respmuiblliUes it entails,that it remains Israel the aggressor ;.r. ~uest of expansion at the expense of the neighboUring Arab States and the Palestinian people. How can we otherwise mterpret its pemstencl'J ID establishing settlements in occupied Arab territories, incJ.miing -Sin&!- more than 60 ofthem? How canwe interpretits insistence on the annexation and judaization of Jerusalem? Allthese actions are in violation of the re~olutiol1s unanimoudy adopted by the Security Council and the General Assembly, and even Israel's friends consider them obstacles to peace, as demonstrated during the recent Security Council delibe- rations. But Israel does not even heed r"', fr~~nds. It insists on creating a new fait accompli even without legitimate grounds to justify itself before the international commu- nity. Israel is determined to change the features of the occupied territories demographically and materially and to plunder theirheritage and wealth,blatantlyignoring United Nations resolutions, values and all international conven- tions, foremost among which is the fourth Geneva Con- vention relative to the Protection of Civilian Pemns in Time ofWar. 38. The continuation of the present situation in the area constitutes a danger to worldpeace, for the Arab peoples and States do not accept the continued Israeli occupation and the denial of the national rights of the Palestinian people.The worldis at a race with time: either ajust peace or total warof liberation to recover the rights provided for in the Charter and supportedby the majorityin the General Assembly. 39. Israel commits the biggest folly in thinking that. its manoeuvres and evasiveness will give it time to impose on the Arab world and on the international community an expansionist fait accompli. It would be better for it, in the interest of peace in the world, to face the realities in the aftermathof the glorious warof 6 October. 40. The international community realizes the seriousness of the explosive situation in the Middle Eastand its impact on world peace and security. It realizes that weare seeking peace, provided that it is just. We have given the interna- tional community opportunitiesto participate in the quest for peace and its realization. We welcomed andcontinueto welcome the role of the two super-Powers at the Geneva Conference; we welcomed the participation of Europe and the non-aligned States in the quest for a just peace.While 2bis has been our attitude, Israel remains intransigent, resisting all efforts designed to ensure the return of all the Arab territories occupied since 1967 and the restorationof the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. TIiiS intran- sigence has led all peace-loving peoples to condemn the Israeli stand; the resolutions of the United Nations are a testimony to this. And so are those of other international forums, the latest of which was the Fifth Conference of non-aligned Countries, which condemned the continued Israeli aggression against Arab territories and the violation ofthe Palestinian people'srights. 41. Prior to this, tire African summitconference convened in Mauritius had declared its full solidaritY with the Arab peoples andthe Palestinian people in their struggle to regain the occupied Altib territory and to enable the Palestinian people to exercise its righl to self-determination. In the light of this, you will perhaps agree with me that ~t has become imperative that the international community should get things m'lving immediately and that Member States of the worldOrganization havean obligation to press for a just solution and to fofi, with all firmness, any procrastinating manoeuvres. 42. I want to reiterate hereclearly Egypt's firmstand that there can be no peace ift the Middle East without Israel's run withdrawal from all the occupied Arab territories and without the Palestinian peopl~'! recovery of its leptimate riga'ltB, including its right to "stablish an independent Palestinian State. people, their cause and the PLO; fourthly, support for the specific steps taken by the League of Arab States to deal with the Lebanese crisis, including its dispatch of Arab security forces to Lebanon and its continuing endeavoursat conciliationenvisaging a speedy settlement to the crisis. 44. From this rostrum, Egypt conveysits admiration to all the struggling peoples of the world and reaffirms its solidarity with those peoples, foremost among whom are the peoples of South Africa, Zimbabwe, Namibia and Palestine and our Arab people everywhere. 45. Men, women and children in Soweto and throughout South Africa valorously faced the guns and brutality of the apartheid regime, rejecting vigorously the continuation of the criminal policy pursued by the racist minority Govern- ment, which denies them their rights as human beings, as owners of the land and as masters of their own destiny. Where it should have grasped the significance of the independence of Angola and Mozambique and the expul- sion of its own delegationfrom the twenty-ninth sessionof the United Nations General Assembly, the racist minority Government of South Africa persisted in its apartheid practices and in terrorizing unarmed civilians. However, the bloody events in Soweto last August herald the inevitable defeat of the arrogant white ruling minority in Pretoria which will not last. This same white minority Government of South Africa, refusingto recognize and to implement the numerous resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council on Namibia, has continued to occupy Namibia illegally since 1966. It has gone even further by using Namibia as a bridge-head for continued aggression against the neighbouring peaceful State of Zambiaand other front-line States ID southern Africa. 46. History has proved this: ultimate victory belongs to the people. Thus, the people of South Africa willtriumph, the people of Namibia represented by the national move- ment, the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], will triumph; and the people of Zimbabwe will triumph. . 47. Our role here is to bring this inevitable victory nearer for the sake of world peace. OUI role here is to assure the peoples of southern Africa that we stand by them in word and deed. Our role is to reinforce the front-line States in southern Africa: Zambia, Angola, Mozambique, Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland. Our role is to frustrate the theatricalmanoeuvresof the white minority Governmentof South Africa designed to perpetuate its occupation of Namibia through dealing with elements that do not 48. Peace and security in the Middle East and the Mediterranean region call for a just and speedy settlement of the Cyprus issue too, a settlement that would preserve for the non-aligned State of Cyprus its territorial integrity and independence, a settlement that would put an end to the suffering and the sacrifices of teas of thousands of Cypriots rendered homeless as a result of a war that Imposed limitless tragedies on the fraternal people of Cyprus. We believe in the ability of the two communities, the Greek and the Turkish, to arrive at a formula that would ensure for Cyprus its independence and sovereignty. We do hope that the United Nations and you personally, Mr.President, will continue to work for the realization of a speedys just and durable settlement of the situation in Cyprus without foreign intervention. 49. Our Arab nation, in the great awakening after the October war, continues its international action on the basis of the principles and objectives of .the United Nations Charter in unison and in co-operation with an peace-loving peoples, with the non-aligned peoples and States, with the peoples of Africa, with the peoples of Asia, with the peoples and States of the Islamic Conference, and with those friendly peoples and Governments of Europe who have demonstrated an increased understanding of Arab rights and a desire to co-operate with them within the framework of the principles of the United Nations Charter. 50. Egypt took pride in participating in the Fifth Con- ference of non-aligned countries held in Colombo. We are convinced that the continued activity of the non-aligned States, a broadened membership of States adopting this policy and the success of the non-aligned movement's missionwould consolidate the efforts of the United Nations to build a better international community. 51. Egypt wasone of the pioneer States in the non-aligned movement and it still refuses to be a sphere of influence for anyone. We in Egypt support the 'causesof right and justice and national liberation causes everywhere. To cite an example, I refer to our continuous endeavours in backing the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of States, our support of the great Vietnamese people and our support of the just demands of the Korean people for unification and self-determination withcct foreign interven- tion, together with the necessity of the withdrawal of foreignforces from its territory. 52. Egypt, which believes in the United Nations Charter, calls on all States to co-operate closely to ensure complete respect for our international Organization and strict compliance with its resolutions. It will continue to under- take with full commitment its pioneering and responsible role in the non-aligned movement, within the framework of the Organization of African Unity [OAU], the League of 54. In this same spirit we welcome all friendly European States which desire to co-operate with us on the basis of equality and mutual co-operation, hoping the Arab- European dialogue would realize its goals. SS. It does not stand to reason that the worldshouldstill be besetwithproblems of po'~erty, hunger and disease in an age when man has ventured into space, reached the moon and landed craft on Mars on voy8ges that have cost the advanced countries billions of dollars. While science and technology have forged ahead beyond imagination, it has become clear that the vicious circle of backwardness is related to the presentinequitable structure of the economic relations between the developed and developing countries and that the continued existence of the economic interna- tional status quo can only mean a further widening of the gap between the industrialized and the third-world coun- tries. These are facts brought to focus by the midterm revi~w and appraisal of the Second United Nations Devel- opment Decade. Hence the concern of the non.aligOed States and the developing States in calling for the estab- lishment of the new international economic order. They believe that their backwardness or theirprogress affects not only themselves, but also, in the same measure and in the same direction, the industrially advanced countries; thisis a retlection of the reality of international interdependence in our world today. The consequences and results of this are also related to the stability and prosperity of the world in its entirety. 56. The resolutions and the measures adopted by the Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries," the resolutions and the measures it hasadopted towards the implementation of the programme of economic co-operation among them perhaps reflects clearly the determination of the third world to affirm the principle of collective self-reliance and to translate it into reality. It is this .,rinciple that the Colombo Conference has defmed as supplementing, and not supplanting, internatio~ inter- dependence. Its objective is a more comprehensive and extensive co-operation to achieve the common goal of establishing the new international economic order that would ensure an appropriate standard of prosperity and human dignity for all mankind. 57. There is no doubt that the developing countries and peoples facing special situationswhich hamper their active engagement in the development prccess-eueh as being subjected to foreign aggression or to foreign occupation, racial oppression or discrimination; or colonial domination, whether in the Middle East or Africa or elsewhere-merit special assistance from the United Nations and the interna- tional community. This is besides their right to full 58. I shouldalso liketo underline the decisions ofthe two Conferences regarding the necessity of increasing assistance to the national liberation movements, to the newly inde- pendent countries andto thoseheroic African Stateswhose economies have been adversely affected as a result of the joint struggle waged against the racial.regimes in Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania. 59. Furthermore, it is necessary to implement the resolu- tions of the Colombo Conference [A/31/197. annex IY], the ministerial conference of the developing countries at Manila,S andtheirrecentconference at Mexico Cityregard- ing the adoption of effective measures by developed countries for the provision of debt relief to developing countries, including debt cancellation in specific cases as defmed by theseresolutions. 60. The resolutions of the sixth special session of the General Assembly concerning the establi~ent of the new international economic order[resolutions 3201 (S-YI) and 3202(S-YI)], and of the other specialized international conferences convened in this contextto deal with problems relating to population, food, industrial development and humansettlement have not resulted in anytangible progress in the implementation of thts order. We became optimistic as we witnessed the serious dialogue initiatedin the seventh special session and expected this dialogue to proceed to the phase of actual and constructive implementation when resumed at the Conference of International· Beonomic Co-operation in Paris andat the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development [UNCTAD], as well asat other international meetings. It is therefore with deep regret and bitterness that we find that those expectations have not materialized, despite the aggravation and urgency of the problems of the developing nationsand despite the lncreas- ingly universal acceptance of the principles and objectives of the newinternational economic order. 61. I should like to draw attention to the attempt at nuclear blackmail in the Middle East region andthe danger which this entails. I refer here to reports emanating from Israei and carried by some sections of the mass media in vario~s parts of the world, about Israel's possession of nuclear weapons. What is uppermost in our minds is to prevent the introduction of nuclear w~apons into the area and their proliferation in order to ward off the danger of nuclear war. It was with this end'in·view that Egyptjoined Iran in an initiative at the twenty-ninth session of the General Assembly' resulting in a resolution calling for the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle 8 Third Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77, held at Manila from 26 January to 7 February 1976. 9 See Of/iclill Recorda'of the General Assembly, Twenty-ninth Se'rion, Annexes, agenda items 24, 27-31, 34, 35, 100, 101, 103 and 107, documents A/9693 and Add.I-3. 62. It is pertinent here to ask, Why does Israel con- tinuously and persistently refuse to accede to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)annex] and to accept an international safeguard system? This refusal is one more proof of Israel's lack of seriousness when it speaks of peace. Undoubtedly the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East signifies support of efforts aiming at the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones, leading eventually to general and complete disarmament. It also implies a concern for world peace and security, considering the explosive situation in the area as a result of the Middle East question. 63. Egypt has signed the non-proliferation Treaty and maintains its declared stand of ratifying it once Israel accedes to it. 64. We in Egypt have contributed positively and effec- tively to' the efforts undertaken by our international Organization in the field of disarmament. We are aware, too, that co-operation of the nuclear Powers with the United Nations is essential for the success and fruition of United Nations efforts in this field. We call on the nuclear Powers to be responsive to the United Nations efforts and to co-operate fully with it, particularly in the following matters: the strengthening of the role of the United Nations in the field of disarmament; the promotion of the establish- ment of nuclear-weapon-free zones and the prohibition of the production and use of incendiary weapons and weapons of mass destruction; nuclear disarmament and the achieve- ment of general and complete disarmament. 65. In this connexion I would like to express Egypt's support of Sri Lanka's position concerning the importance and the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace[resolution 2832 (XXVI)}. 66. Egypt will continue to support every international effort intended to achieve tangible progress in the field of disarmament on the basis of universal participation. Hence Egypt,as a non-aligned State, attaches great importance to the convening of a special session on disarmament..It will exert every effort to render this a fruitful session-one that would ensure the continuation and intensification of universal efforts towards a world of general and complete disarmament. 67. Co-operation in solving international problems should cover the right of States to exercise their sovereignty over their natural resources. Egypt has played a constructive role in the negotiations on an international treaty regulating the exploration and exploitation of sea-bed resources and the setting up of a legal order that would ensure that all States would share on an equitable basis in this wealth that belongs to mankind as a whole, thus avoidinginternational competition. It is our earnest belief that this would be the right path to consolidating global peace and security. 68. Egypt has actively worked with the Arab and African groups, and in full solidarity with the developing States of the' Group of 77, to ensure the establishment of a legal 69. Egypt has undertaken initiatives within the .Arab group during the fifth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the .Law of the Sea towards arriving at a formula reconciling various viewsand realiZingall'goals. .... 70. Egypt emphasizes that it is essential that all repre- sentatives of national liberation movements recognized by the United Nations should participate as observers in the General Assembly of the international authority that would be entrusted with regulating the exploitation of water resources and that the peoples not as yet independent should share in the revenues from this exploitation. 71. The peoples of the world aspire to a life founded on human compassion, with ethical values and the rule oflaw as its mainstay. Consequently we have to Continue working persistently towards building the world of the Charter, for the United Nations was established to stay, and both Governments and peoples need it. 72. Allow me to recall the words with which President El-Sadat concluded his address before you at the thirtieth session: "The world expects a lot from you at this historic, important juncture. The peoples have rising expectations of peace and prosperity at a time when the most severe challenges are multiplying and when problems are growing in complexity in an unprecedented manner. I am confident that, with our sincere and unswerving beliefin a better future for humanity and our determination to work together for the attainment of our common goals, together we shall pass the test of peace and progress, thus paving the way towards a brighter era where future generations can enjoy comfort, security and hope."! 0 . . 73. The PRESIDENT: This morning the Assembly will hear a statement by thePrimeMinister of Mauritius. 1have great pleasure inwelcommg His Excellency Dr. the Right Honourable Sir Seewoosagur Ramgoolam and in .inVitillg him to address the General Assembly.

Mr. Pres- ident, may I first of all 'congratulate you on your unanimous election as President of this session' of .the General Assembly. Your long service at the United Nations will receive even greater support in its efforts to solve the many political and economic problems that seem to escape immediate attention. I wish to assure you of the fullest co-operation of the delegation of Mauritius in the discharge ofyour responsibilities. 76. May I also pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, whose dedication to the service of this Organization, to its objectives and its goals, continues to evoke our respect and admiration. 77. At this crucial hour in the history of the world in general and of Africa in particular, may I begin with an appeal to all men of goodwill who believe that peace can only be achieved by common understanding and mutual comprehension and by a sense ofjustice. Whereverinjustice exists, wherever democracy is being trampled upon, wherever disease, ignorance, and poverty prevail, wherever there is usurpation of the people's legitimate rights, wherever there is unlawful occupation of one's lands by force, let us awake to our responsibilities and strain our energies towards fmding solutions based on equality and natural justice in accordance with the ideals of the Charter of the United Nations. 78. After 31 years of continuous and serious difficulties, the United Nations justifies, by its achievements, its indispensability. The mere fact that all the independent nations of the world adhere to its principles clearly indicates the trust that we all have in this august body. Why, then, should any permanent member of the Security Council cast a negative note and use it to block the admission of independent and free nations like Angola and Viet Nam to our Organization? May I appeal in particular to the United States of America to show its wisdom and realism and renounce the use ofthis negative vote? Indeed, the abuse of the right to cast a negative note on the part of permanent members of the Security Council is one of the frustrating features of an otherwise ideal Charter. Neither Africa, with its 48 States, nor Latin America enjoys such a privilege; nor are they sure they want it. There is no reason why five States should in 1976 still enjoy the special privileges of another age and thus place the rest of the 'World at an unacceptable dis&:dvantage. So we honestly believe that the appropriate Articles of the Charter should be reappraised realistically, bearing in mind that the United Nations today comprises almost 150 Member States, whereas at the time of the Charter's adoption it comprised only 50. 79. Since our last session, there have been striking developments all over the world. Firstly, we had a summit conference of OAU in June this year in Mauritius;where it was decided to intensify the struggle against the remaining colonial regimes in Africa and against racialism. We also subsequently had the Conference of the non-aligned coun- tries in Colombo, where a larger number of peace·loving countries fully supported the OAU's demand for the early termination of colonialism in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa in fulftlment of the heritage of every nation and of its right to independence and national sovereignty. Apart from reaffuming that there can be no compromise with colonialism and racialism, I do not wish to dwell greatly on these issues just now, when momentous consul- tations and negotiations are taking place with a view to finding peaceful and early solutions to the problems in 80. As regards Namibia, much remains to be done, and done quickly. First, a date for its independence-I mean real independence, not a mockery of it-must be accepted. I suggestthat date should not be further delayed. 81. Second, the United Nations should convene within four weeks a constitutional conference comprising only three parties; namely, the United Nations itself, South Africa and SWAPO, the true and authentic representative of the Namibian people. 82. Third, all political detainees and prisoners should be released at least three weeks before the date of the constitutional conference. 83. Fourth, all South African forces should be withdrawn as soon as the conference, starts and they should be replaced by a United Nations peace-keeping force until such time as the Namibian army and p~lice take over. 84. It is not too late for the Vorster regime to lace the stark realities of life. As the outgoing President of this Assembly rightly pointed out, Mr. Vorster,and Mr. Vorster alone, would carry the sole responsibility.beforehistory if bloodshed and human carnage occurred in this part of the world, as all events tend to show. We of OAU are determined, and have resolved unanimously, that, should all efforts to find a peaceful solution to these problems f8ll, we would ensure that recourse to armed struggle is not only pursued but intensified with the help of our friends and the progressive nations of the world. 85. Let me also here make it clear that OAU cannot and will not accept the devious concept of separate homelands and will not give recognition to the bogus independence of the Transkei and "bantustans", which will only perpetuate the inhuman policy ofapartheid. 86. I sincerely hope that countries like France will ensure that the decolonization process in Africa will not suffer any impediment and that the just and legitimate aspirations of the people of the Comoros, of the French territory of the Afars and the Issas and of others will soon be fulfilled. 87. Since this Assembly met last, there has been a stalemate in regard to the problems of the Middle East and in regard to the fmding of a solution fulfilling the legitimate 88. There can be only one solution, involving the strict adherence of Israel to the Charter of the United Nations, withdrawal from all occupied Arab territories and the restoration to the Arab people of Palestine of their legitimate right to the creation of a separate Palestinian State, as provided for and endorsed by the United Nations in the partition agreement of 1947{resolution 181 (II)}. 89. Lebanon, which was until recently a peaceful and beautiful country, is today in a state of ruin, politically and economically. In spite of all the efforts deployed so far, peace does not seem to be in sight. I believe the United Nations, through the Secretary-General, could make a positive contribution to the solution of a conflict which we can only hope is temporary, but success can only be achieved as long as the sad current-situation in Lebanon is not exploited for narrow national purposes. 90. I also trust that the problem of Cyprus will lead not to a partition of the country but to a reunification of its people for the creation of a prosperous and economically viable State, in which the rights of each and every citizen are safeguarded. 91. There is one more problem, the problem of disarma- ment, regarding which there has been, unfortunately, little progress. As I said at the last session,r r I would emphasize that to make detente an irreversible process it should extend to all geographical areas and at the same time that it should include disarmament measures. I then suggested that the Secretary-General of the United Nations should be called upon to submit concrete proposals and recom- o mendations in regard to a more positive role for the United Nations in the field of disarmament, and I once again stress the necessity, as a matter of priority, for the revitalization of the United Nations in this field. Immediate stepsin this field seem to be imperative if not for expanding detente and the creation of larger areas of peace, leading towards the elimination of all sources of war and conflict, at least because of the compulsions of the alarming world-wide sales and gifts of arms, combined with competition in the acquisition and refinement of categories of weapons'. In my opinion, a 'United Nations subsidiary organization deeply committed to the early establishment of disarmament could also function as a monitor or watchdog to speed up the half-hearted efforts of the big Power blocs towards mutual reduction of arms. 92. One of the most pressing problems of the moment is, no doubt, the need for early solutions to the economic - problems faced by the world as a whole and by the 11/bid., 2366th meeting. 093. In the same context, I may note that, in December next, OAU is holding a conference at ministerial level in Kinshasa to study ways and means' of consolidating our economies and how we, in Africa; through our inter- dependence, can create prosperity for the continent as a whole. Commerce and trade, industry and technology will be among our main preoccupations, and I hope that the ministers who are striving so hard will reach the right conclusions and lay the foundation for the creation of a united and prosperous Africa. 94. It is also unfortunate and sad that, after 10 years of deliberation, no equitable and fair solution has yet been found as regards the share of every nation in the exploit- ation of the wealth of the sea. We can only hope that better counsel will prevail at the next session of the.Third United Nations Conference on the La., of the Sea, where a just, fair and equitable solution can at last be found. 95. We have already before us the resolutions of the United Nations as well as of the recent non-aligned Conference concerning the early realization of the pre- servation of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. This is a vital issue for my country, which has to depend for its trade and sustenance on the fact that the Indian Ocean is an ocean of peace and not a gradually militarized ocean which would lead to conflict. The other countries of the Indian Ocean as well as the littoral countries are equally con- cerned, and.I hope, Mr. President, that with your active role as President of this Assembly and the great interest you have already taken in regard to this problem from its very beginning, your efforts in this field will. be crowned with early,success. It is because of these mutual military rivalries between power blocs, extending far beyond their own legitimate spheres of military necessities, that I proposed at the lkst session a fundamental approach, namely, the conclusion, of an international treaty barring the use of forceein international relations. I do hope that, however impracticall it may appear to those with almost superhuman military power, this humble proposal will receive the attention of the vast majority of this Assembly, who are obviously similarly placed as ourselves and would not like to become. involved in any conflict to their own interests. 96. I,cannot refer at this forum, as I should like to do, to all the excellent work which is being done, despite great difficulties, by the specialized agencies of the United Nations. We of the third world wish to record our appreciation of the devotion and selflessness of all the men and women who servein them.