A/31/PV.45 General Assembly

52.  Policies of Apartheid of the Government of South Africa : . (a) Report of the Special Committee against Apartheid; (b) Report of the Secretary-General I. Mr. KORHONEN (Finland): For many years the problems of southern Africa have been a central preoccupa- tion of the United Nations. But never before has the situation in the area been as critical as it is at the present. Never before has the threat created by this situation to international peace and security been more serious. Never before has the need for a peaceful solution of the outstanding problems in southern Africa been as urgent as it is now. Indeed, the imperative of today can be put very simply: that imperative is majority rule in southern Africa. 2. Time is running out. Every moment that is not used for the effective search for a peaceful solution increases the likelihood of further bloodshed and even more violence. Aware of this potential disaster, the Foreign Ministers of the five Nordic countries at their meeting last August agreed on a set of guidelines for their policy on Southern Rhodesia, Namibia and the apartheid policy of the South African Government. This was equally emphasized by my predecessor during the general debate of this session [8th meeting]. 3. It is tragic indeed that the developments in southern Africa have not caused the Government of South Africa to draw the right conclusions and abolish the system of apartheid, which is based on institutionalized racial discri- mination. In fact South Africa has moved in the opposite direction, the system of apartheid is being maintained and extended. The recent developments demonstrate dramat- ically that apartheid is a policy which inevitably leads to human suffering and violence. The continuing disturbances in Soweto and other locations in South Africa in which hundreds of people resisting the policy of apartheid are being killed and wounded, tend to be permanent evidence of the violent consequences which flow from this repressive policy. NEW YO~K 4. The people and Government of Finland reject all forms of racial discrimination and segregation, for they affront our sense of justice and are totally incompatible with our concept of freedom under law and our faith in the equality and dignity of the individual. The racial policies pursued by the South African Government not only are totally in contradiction with the principles of the Charter, but they also endanger international peace and security. It is clear that, if no progress is soon achieved through international efforts, the danger of a full-scale violent conflict in southern Africa may well become inevitable. Therefore the United Nations must not fail in doing away with apartheid. 5. In order to achieve this aim the international com- munity must resort to a policy of strong and unrelenting pressure on the Government of South Africa. For this purpose I must emphasize the crucial importance of using all opportunities for an effective international policy of sanctions against South Africa within the framework of the United Nations. As an immediate measure my Government would have expected the Security Council to take a decision on a compulsory arms embargo against South Africa as envisaged by the Nordic Foreign Ministers. Therefore we deeply regret that the Security Council was recently unable to reach such a decision. The only body within the United Nations system empowered to make decisions binding on all Member States failed again to take the measures which in our view would have been necessary. 6. For its part the Finnish Government has fully complied with the recommendations on arms embargo adopted by the Security Council in 1963, 1964 and 1970.1 Regret- tably ~ these recommendations have not been universally implemented. The arms embargo is a test of our resolve to carry out the pledge which we have undertaken under Article 56 of the Charter. The Finnish Government therefore considers that the time has now come to transform the voluntary arms embargo into a mandatory arms embargo. 7. We are all aware of the grave measures South Africa has taken to suppress resistance to apartheid and create a fait accompli through its policy of bantustanization. The bantustans are but an emanation of the doctrine of apartheid, designed to divide the African population and consolidate white dominance in South Africa. They confine the overwhelming majority of the population to areas covering only one seventh of the country, areas which are deprived of resources to support such populations. South Africa has proceeded with the creation of the bantustan of Transkei, claiming that this creation ofapartheid should be considered an independent. State. Transkei forms a flagrant 1 Security Council resolutions 181 (1963), 182 (1963), 191 (1964) and 282 (1970). 8. The Finnish Government has consistently and actively supported humanitarian assistance to the victims of apart- heid. We have contributed annually to all United Nations funds for these victims. We shall continue to do so in the "future. In addition, Finland has annually contributed humanitarian assistance to these movements through the Assistance Fund for the Struggle against Colonialism and Apartheid of the Organization of African Unity {OA U]. As a sign of our continuous support and solidarity with the African people my Government has this year tripled its contribution to this Fund. 9. The Special Committee against Apartheidhas for many years been a major instrument in the international struggle against apartheid. My delegation would like to commend again the Special Committee for its persistent efforts for the elimination of apartheid. The Committee rightly has attached great importance to the dissemination of informa- tion on apartheid in order to make world public opinion aware of its evils and dangers. We are convinced of the significant influence that public opinion has in the combat against apartheid and racial discrimination. We believe that the United Nations has achieved a great deal in this respect. This work must be vigorously continued. 10. The problem of apartheid is closely connected with the remaining colonial problems in southern Africa, the questions of Zimbabwe and Namibia. 11. For Zimbabwe, the responsibility of the United Nations Member States is clear. We must enforce strictly the sanctions imposed by the Security Council. We must intensify political pressure in order to make the illegal Salisbury regime realize that there is no peaceful alternative to negotiations leading to majority rule in Zimbabwe. Indeed, as the Secretary-General has stated, this option may not remain available much longer {see A131/1[Add.I, sect. Ill]. 12. Our attention and expectations at this stage are focused on the Geneva conference, where the leaders of the Zimbabwe liberation movements and the Smith regime are now meeting. We hope that the talks will pave the way for the rapid and peaceful implementation of majority rule and the establishment of an independent Zimbabwe. Until majority rule has been guaranteed, the sanctions must be strictly observed. 13. My Government welcomes the initiatives which have led to the present renewal of talks. In this connexion, we should like also to express our appreciation of the constructive role played by the Presidents of the African front-line countries. 14. Furthermore, we want to commend the peoples and Governments of Zambia and Mozambique for their un- selfish contributions to the implementation of the sanctions against Southern Rhodesia. It is our common duty to assist 1S. Namibia has been and remains a special test case for the United Nations. The South African Government must be made to realize that it has to comply with the United Nations resolutions and to cease its illegal administration in Namibia. The mandatory arms embargo, which all the Nordic Governments support, is a necessary and proper step in the direction of a peaceful solution. 16. 'Namibia remains, however, the direct responsibility of the United Nations, as the representative of the South West Africa People's Organization {SWAPO] said in his state- ment to the Security Council.> He also stated that SWAPO is ready to utilize all options available within the United Nations system. I should like to emphasize in this context that the so-called constitutional conference in Windhoek cannot be regarded as a serious response by the South African Government to the repeated requests for the granting of independence to Namibia. 17. My Government is convinced that we all have to intensify our efforts to fulfil our special responsibility towards the Namibian people. Accordingly, my Govern- ment proposes that a comprehensive programme in support of the nationhood of Namibia should be launched within the United Nations family. 18. The General Assembly, if it wishes to live up to its responsibility to the people of Namibia, would have to carry out a programme which can be visualized in three stages: the first would be a call by this Assembly to Member States and all appropriate organizations and programmes within the United Nations system to stand by to participate in the programme; the second would be the consolidation of all measures envisaged for the nationhood programme into a comprehensive and sustained plan of action; the third would then be the stage of implementation of the programme for the transitional period and the initial years of independence. Thus what we would create now is a nationhood programme of preparedness, planning and implementation. 19. This nationhood programme should be co-ordinated by the United Nations Council for Namibia, which by General Assembly resolution 2248 (8-V) has been given a mandate to administer Namibia until independence. The programme should, in our view, include action by all the specialized agencies and by the United Nations Develop- ment Programme, which already has decided on an indica- tive planning figure for Namibia. We are fully aware of the fact that promising elements for this programme already exist in the activities of many specialized agencies. Let me mention here only the World Health Organization, which has made Namibia an associate member. 21. I would like to emphasize here that, in planning and implementing the nationhood programme, the closest co- operation between representatives of the Namibian people-that is, SWAPO-and the United Nations Council for Namibia is vitally important. 22. Despite the geographical distance between us, there have long existed special ties between the Namibian and Finnish peoples. Accordingly, we have contributed actively to United Nations efforts to secure self-determination and independence for Namibia. Finland, while a member of the Security Council, introduced in 1970 various measures to make South Africa withdraw its illegal administration from Namibia. Our proposals then included the seeking of an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice. This opinion was requested by the Security Council in its resolution 284 (1970). The Court then held in its signif- icant ruling- that South Africa is under an obligation to withdraw its administration immediately and to put an end to the occupation of the territory of Namibia. 23. Another Finnish proposal in the Security Council was for the creation of a United Nations Fund for Namibia, which was established by the General Assembly. The initial idea was that the Fund should be used to finance a detailed socio-economic survey of the human and natural resources of Namibia and thus help the Namibian people to prepare for independence. To our satisfaction, we see that this idea is now being implemented, as the Institute for Namibia, financed by the Fund for Namibia, is undertaking this task. 24. At the present stage my delegation, as a member of the United Nations Council for Namibia, is ready to participate fully in the launching of a comprehensive nationhood programme for Namibia. 25. As an expression of the urgency we attach to the implementation of the nationhood programme, I am happy to announce that for next year my Government will increase fourfold its contribution to the Institute for Namibia. In this connexion, I should like to mention that, last January, Finland received 22 young Namibians to continue their studies in our country. Due to the positive results achieved the Finnish Government is now considering doubling the number of those students. 26. Furthermore, in anticipation of the independence of Namibia, my Government will be taking the decision to 3 Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), Advisory Opinion, I.Cl. Reports 1971, p. 16. 28. Apartheid is not just another of the grave matters with which the United Nations has to deal. Left without a lasting solution, apartheid affects the capacity of the Organization to act at all in crises of the kind we are facing. The principle of collective responsibility is essential to the United Nations. This collective responsibility is the basis for the joint action of the Members, as an international com- munity, to promote their common ends. The division of labour between the various organs of the United Nations, as provided for in the Charter, continues to give adequate guidance for the actions of the Organization. 29. In situations which are likely to endanger international peace and security, the General Assembly, according to the Charter, has to make recommendations, while it is the Security Council that has to take action. This is precisely the case in relation to South Africa's policies ofapartheid. 30. The principle of collective responsibility in the United Nations also implies that no Member is called upon to make such sacrifices as would be an unreasonable strain on that Member while contributing but little to the solution of the problem or remaining an isolated act of demonstration. But when we talk of the policies of apartheid of the Govern- ment of South Africa, we are dealing with the protection of the Organization quo Organization. It has been proved so many times and so convincingly that apartheid is contrary to the rules of international behaviour and to the Charter that neglecting to draw the necessary conclusions would be likely to have grave consequences for the whole standing of the United Nations. If the Security Council continuously fails to apply the sanctions in its power and thereby to influence the policies of South Africa, the credibility of the United Nations and its capacity to live up to the Charter will be seriously. undermined. 31. All social institutions function by established rules of conduct. This applies also the the United Nations as an Organization. The behaviour of Members may not always fall within the framework of rules as interpreted by others. Indeed, it is not seldom that Members are compelled to explain their conduct and justify it. But if a Member not only fails to abide by the rules but even publicly claims not to be bound by the set of rules it accepted by joining the institution, then such a Member is challenging the entire international community. For the other Members this is not any more a mere question of connivance; they are required to face the challenge and to accept or to reject the claim to a right to break the rules of conduct. 32. If the present opportunity is not seized, then sooner or later we shall be forced into a situation where the United Nations collectively, as well as its Member States individ- 33. Let us make it clear to the present rulers in southern Africa: there is only one way open-a total change. 35. As we debate the policies of apartheid of the racist regime of South Africa in the General Assembly this year, we look back with anger and sorrow on the many years this question has been on our agenda. This Organization has repeatedly warned that the policies ofapartheid hold grave dangers to the peoples of South Africa and to the maintenance of international peace and security in the area. These warnings have sadly gone unheeded by the racist Government of South Africa and the dangers have been given open demonstration this year in South Africa itself, in Angola and in Zimbabwe, where bloodshed has reached levels unequalled before. 36. My delegation takes this opportunity to repeat these warnings once again. I take the opportunity also to declare once again that my Government rejects totally the policies of apartheid and all racist facets of them through which these policies are expressed now and in the future. My Government will also continue to join hands with the international community to work for the eradication of the crime of apartheid and to give both moral and material support to those who suffer from and fight against this crime against humanity. 37. It is with great appreciation that we have listened to the lucid statements which were made on this agenda item by the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apart- heid and by the representatives of the African National Congress of South Africa and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania. These statements f 41st meeting], which were very eloquently presented, have provided us with ample information regarding the state of affairs in South Africa today. May I take this opportunity to congratulate the Special Committee against Apartheid and the United Nations Council for Namibia, among others, for the ~ valuable work they are doing by exposing the many crimes the racist minority regime is committing against the oppressed people of South Africa and by assisting the liberation movements ~n South Africa in their determined struggle to achieve just majority rule. 38. In discussing the policies of apartheid one cannot fail to be struck by the resolute determination of the South African regime in pursuing these criminal policies which the regime knows very well to be evil. The regime knows these are evil policies, otherwise it is impossible for anybody to explain the phenomenon of a world united as it is against these policies. The few parallels of this disunited world securing almost complete unity against one thing or another 39. I would like to quote from a speech given by the representative of South Africa on 24 October 1974, when he explained that this Organization was biased against his country. He stated interalia: "If one's only source of information is the reports of the Special Committee on Apartheid, and those other United Nations bodies which are continually discussing South African affairs, one must inevitably be left with the impression of an absolute tyranny by whites over blacks in South Africa; of white South Africans dedicatedly pursuing policies of genocide, slavery, torture, terror, persecution, hatred, forced labour, unmitigated racism, starvation and inhumanity against black South Africans; the impression that everything the South African Govern- ment does is inherently evil; that its policy is an international crime and a threat to peace; that it degrades the black man, consigning him to a destiny of poverty, want and illiteracy; that it holds out no prospect of improvement, no political rights; that it has no regard for human rights of any kind; that the whole system is cruelly enforced by a secret police force and a powerful army; and that it has as its object the perpetual entrenchment of white superiority.t'< I am bound to agree that this is the impression derived by every normal person except a follower of these policies in South Africa. If this is a result of a biased study by this Organization, surely South Africa will have new explana- tions of what is going on in Soweto and elsewhere in South Africa. ' 40. To show how the mind of the regime works, I wish to quote a further statement from the same speech made by the representative of South Africa in trying to explain away these evil policies: "We do have discriminatory practices and we do have discriminatory laws. And it is precisely because of this that the greatest misunderstandings occur and our mo- tives are most misrepresented. "But that discrimination must not be equated with racialism. If we have that discrimination, it is not because the whites in South Africa have any herrenvolk complex. We are not better than the black people, we are not cleverer than they are. What we can achieve, so can they. Those laws and practices are part of the historical evolution of our country-they were introduced to avoid friction, and to promote and protect the interests and the development of every group-not only those of the whites. "But I want to state here today very clearly and categorically: my Government does not condone discrim- 41. What has South Africa done after these false prom- ises? Nothing but the intensification of action to imple- ment these policies. We cannot see the massacres of innocent children in Soweto in isolation from the policies of apartheid. 42. This Organization expressed itself on Tuesday on the issue of the final outcome of the policies of apartheid. Is it possible for this Organization to take a different view on a policy which, if followed, can lead only to chaos, strife and limitless misery in the world? We think not. This Organi- zation has taken the correct approach in opposing this evil and must continue to do so with greater determination until those responsible for it are defeated. We have no option. In our viewthe time has come to take more positive measures than we have done so far. There is hardly any other problem as fully documented and understood in our Organization than the policies of apartheid. The annual votes on the subject speak for themselves. The vote on Tuesday on Transkei spoke for itself. What' therefore remains to be done is to persuade this General Assembly and the Security Council that time has come for stronger action. My delegation willjoin hands with others in support of any action in this direction. . 43. Mr. HARRY (Australia): On 16 June this year, black schoolchildren in the township of Soweto near Johan- nesburg demonstrated against the use of Afrikaans for instruction in their schools. The South African authorities responded swiftly. In the first incident, over 100 were killed and many others were injured or arrested. This tragic event stirred the conscience of the international community as it seared the emotions of black south Africans. It reminded us of the inhumane nature of the apartheid system and the corroding effects it has had on South African society. The demonstrations of 16 June in Soweto have touched off a wave of opposition to the apartheid system, a wave which still shows no signs of subsiding. Within South Africa itself, there is an unparalleled una- nimity among black Africans of all persuasions and genera- tions that the apartheid system must end, and end without further procrastination. 44. We must never lose sight of the depth of human suffering that apartheid has brought to South Africa. Apartheid means much more than the mere absence of political rights. It is not only the denial of equality and human dignity. It seeps into the very lift; of the people of South Africa like a slow poison. It means that 18 million people cannot live or work where they choose, cannot move freely about their own country, and are forced to use substandard facilities because of the colour of their skins. Apartheid forces men to leave their families in order to engage in the harsh underpaid work in the cities and in the ramshackle townships. Apartheid means broken families, rudderless, uneducated children.