A/31/PV.50 General Assembly

Before calling upon the first speaker for this afternoon, I shall give the floor to the represen- tative of Denmark? who wishes to introduce a draft resolution on the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa[A/31/L.6 andAdd.1].

Last year the General Assemblyexpressed in clear terms its grave concern over the numerous arrests and trials of victims of the apartheid policy of the South African Government [resolu- tion 3411 A (XXX)}. It therefore called once more on States and organizations and individuals to make more generous annual contributions to the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa. It also appealed for generous direct contributions to the voluntary agencies. It will be recalled that this Fund was set up little over 10 years ago for the purpose of"offering humanitarian assistance to those per- secuted under the apartheid system. 3. The need for such assistance has increased from year to year but the serious events which have taken place in South Africa in the last months have made this need more acute than ever before. Concern over this situation has been voiced by the Committee of Trustees of the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa in its report [A/31/277, annex}. There can, therefore, be no doubt of the urgent need to replenish the resources of the Fund, so that it can discharge its task in the present grave situation. 4. I have, therefore, the honour, on behalf of the sponsors, to introduce draft resolution A/31/L.6 and Add.I. The content of this draft resolution speaks for itself, and it is the earnest hope of the Danish delegation and the other sponsors that, like the corresponding draft resolution last year, it can be adopted unanimously. NEW YORK ~

The total condemnation by the Government of Iceland and the Icelandic people of the policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa has been strongly and repeatedly expressed in the United Nations. This institutionalized form of racial discri- mination runs counter to basic human decency as well as to the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In spite of numerous United Nations resolutions condemning racial discrimination and apartheid, the Government of South Africa defiantly persists in brutally practising this abhorrent policy. These words should, however, not be interpreted to mean that determined action by the United Nations in combating racial discrimination and oppression has been in vain. Pressure applied by this Organization has in no small way contributed to universal condemnation and ideological isolation of the apartheid regime in South Africa and has encouraged the black population in its legitimate resistance to racial domination. 6. It is in the spirit of compassion and solidarity with the black peoples of South Africa that my delegation joins in this debate, appealing once more to the Government of South Africa to abandon its repulsive apartheid system. Regrettablv, a recent press interview with the Prime Minister of South Africa does not augur well for a change of heart in Pretoria. He is reported to have said that he could not foresee the day when white rule would yield to black rule in South Africa. This reflects the highest affront to reason and the regrettable refusal to face realities and to take notice of the decisive changes which have occurred in Africa during the past few years and, in particular, during the past few months. 7. Countries under Portuguese colonial domination in southern Africa have been superseded by independent sovereign States after a long and violent struggle by the African peoples, This development has re-enforced and concentrated African resistance to the remaining strong- holds of racist domination in Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa. 8. Recent events have clearly demon, 'rated the growing determination of the black population in the area to resist flagrant injustice and oppression. The legitimate aspirations of the people for fundamental human rights have been met with brutal repression, resulting in numerous deaths, injuries and arrests. The most concrete example of this violent reaction by the South African authorities occurred in Soweto in the summer when innocent schoolchildren and young people were massacred. This has been followed by repeated acts of oppression resulting in hundreds of casualties. These events demonstrate the dangerously explo- sive situation which, if allowed to continue, will inevitably 10. There are other developments in southern Africa contributing further towards the total isolation of the Pretoria regime 'and encouraging the black population to intensify its struggle for freedom. It is to be hoped that efforts now under way in Geneva will succeed in arranging for peaceful transition to majority rule in Zimbabwe. Such an accomplishment would be a tremendous triumph of reason that would spare immeasurable suffering and save the Jives of thousands. 11. It is apparent that the apartheid system,which can be maintained only by the use of armed force, has no chance of survival. The black population has lost its patience, and international public opinion demands that this vestige of another era be immediately eradicated. It is a sign of the urgency of the situation that the thirty-first session of the General Assembly of the United Nations is most appro- priately discussing in plenary meetings the question of the apartheid policies of the Government of South Afric». A record number of delegations is participating in this debate, thereby hoping to bring home to the South African minority regime the seriousness of the determination not to tolerate any longer the outrageous oppression and injustice practised against the black majority in South Africa. If the Government of South Africa does not heed this warning and does not start negotiating for a representative Govern- ment, this Organization is duty bound to take the most drastic actions available to it under the Charter. As a step in this direction the Security Council should work for an effective policy of sanctions, in particular a compulsory armsembargo against South Africa.

The question of racial discrimination and apart- heid in South Africa, whichis now being considered by this Assembly, is an item as old as our Organization. It is sad to note today that we must come back to this because of the arrogance of the white minority of South Africa and, quite simply, its scorn for international publicopinion. It is more than high time for our Organization to cease to be considered ultimately as a simple field of diplomatic illusions and conventions with no.effect, 13. The South African reality needs no explanation, because it is not concealed behind a facade: it is brutally evident. What do we see? Our brothel'S of Azaniu have not even the freedom to exist and to be proudly conscious of what they are, namely, blacks. Infamous and barbarous laws, the product of the most iniquitous system ever invented, are there to remind them at all times that they must not consider themselves as fun-fledged men. These laws even deny them the right to settle wherever they wiLh in their own country. 15. The ethics of this system, which has been set up as a dogma, is injustice and political tyranny. This is proved by arbitrary house arrests with no right to self-defence; detentions in unknown and inaccessible cells, where men are tortured day and nigh; to obtain confessions. 16. While the blackpeople and other non-whites of Azania are plunged into tragedy and desolation, the racist minor- ity, satisfied and complacent, sings of the prosperity of South Africa, which is built on an ocean of unhappiness and the cruelty endured by our brothers of Azania for decades. 17. In the face of 831 this, the white minority, whose conscience is definitely pararyzed, has not even the humil- ity to heed international public opinion, and even has the audacity to raise its voice to proclaim cynically before the world that its system constitutes the last bastion of Christian values and of Western humanism. 18. I do not know whether these words are meaningless today, and I would ask the racists if it is perhaps in the name of these values that policemen and soldiers, the mercenaries of the system, today gun down defenceless children who seek only to have their claims to dignity heard. 19. What you racists have forgotten is that, despite your apparatus for blind and unjust oppression, whichhas reaped countless victims for years, despite the demoralizing and dehumanizing of people that has become one of your traditlons-sthe only one genuinely yours-the people of Azania still exist. The day of truth has just dawned. Something must and will happen. What can you expect, since you have definitely proved that you are devoid of any sense of justice or of right? What you today callhatred and violence on the part of the black people of Azania only serves to prove that the resistance forces have not been annihilated and that the people are sti1l able to organize themselves on the basis of their rights and duties so as to reconquer their dignity. It is ironic that, given these iniquitous laws, the people, instead of becoming frightened, show that they will not submit untiljustice isdone. 20. In the countryside as in the towns, the people have a sense of their dignity and responsibilities and ensure that their rights are respected. The racists can kill adults and children, but can never extinguish their noble determina- tion to n,jlt for their dignity. 21. May I here pay a resounding tribute to the courageous, struggling people of Azania as well as to their liberation movements, the African National Congress of South Africa and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azanla. I respectfully salute our brothers who died for this noble cause and all those, known and unknown, who are languishing in Vorster's gaols because they demand justice and do not accept the servitude which an essentially odious system wants to impose on them. 23. The President of the Republic of Rwanda, His Excellency Major-General Habyarimana Juvenal and his Government, the National Revolutionary Movement for Development, which he has created and which encompasses the entire Rwandan people, categorically rejects this system of division as well as apartheid, which has been conceived by the South African racists to strengthen their rule. Our Minister for Foreign Affairs solemnly reaffirmed this from this rostrum in this Assembly on 6 October last {19th meeting]. 24. The acceptance on 26 October by the customary chiefs of Transkei of the so-called pseudo-independence is an insult to all the patriots of Azania and a desecration of the still-fresh tombs of the hundreds of children and adults who lost their lives in the cause of genuine independence for Azania. 25. It is, at the same time, a slap by the irresponsible customary leaders in the face of all the heads of indepen- dent African States and of the peace- and justice-loving world. The decision taken by this Assembly on the same day, when it adopted draft resolution A/31/L.5, is a solemn endorsement of the indivisibility of Azania, as well as of Namibia. 26. This should lead the incorrigible racists to ponder and bring them back to reason and justice. Quite on the contrary, however, the frenzied imagination of Vorster is always seeking some Machiavellian manoeuvre which in his opinion might deceive world public opinion. Thus, in order to exaggerate the size of the "white" population loyal to him, he wants to decree that allColoureds and Asians shall henceforward be treated as whites and be assimilated to the racists. This is absolutely grotesque, and the attempt to set Asians and Coloureds off against blacks is yet another treacherous act. I am certain that this attempt is doomed to failure because we know that the question of racial discrimination in South Africa was first brought before this General Assembly in relation to the treatment of Indians and because we see how the Coloureds are fighting side by side with their black brothers for the samenoble cause. 27. But how can it be that, despite the universal condem- nation of South Africa for its system, both officially and by private organizations, and despite the sanctions decided upon by this Assembly, the r;,wernment of South Africa can still take such an arrogant attitude? It is we who are responsible, because there is a gap between the words and deeds of certain countr..s which continue to sustain and support the South African Government in its diabolical system of apartheid. When it comes to concrete action, certain countries Virtuously wash their hands. 28. The economic liberty taken by certain States Members of our Organization in not applying the measures provided for by our Assembly is absolutely inseparable from the political, human and moral problems confronting the majority of the population of Azania. Some experts even 30. I myself would agree with Lucien Goldmann when, in Recherches dialectiques, he wrote of the market economy as the basis for the classic capitalist society: "For the tradesman as such and for the producer ~ as a purchaser of raw materials and labour and a seller of goods, there exist only beings which have the same abstract quality as men-namely, potential buyers and sellers-setting aside any other special social character- istic. That is the historical basis for the modern ideology of human rights, equality, legality and universal justice, etc."l 31. Of course, I am not questioning the altruism and humanism of the majority of the inhabitants of the countries concerned, but it is not enough merely to be moved by the accounts given by the information media. Public opinion should compel those responsible to refrain from further compounding their errors, which ultimately will denote a lack of principles under the coverof so-called pragmatism. 32. Despite the restrictions decided on here, at the international level, on arms deliveries to South Africa, so far these decisions have not in practice had any real significance. South Africa is arming itself to the teeth: guns, tanks, ships, helicopters and the most modern aircraft continue to reach it, sometimes by roundabout ways and under falsified licenses. South Africa has nothing left to aspire to but to obtain nuclear weapons, which it will certainly obtain with our complicity accompanied by our orctests of good intentions. 33. The unspeakable Vorster himself recognizes that since 1970 the Gove. nment of South Africa has been largely concentrating on building up its military might. The training of civiliana-whites, of course-has increased, and a large and growing part of the budget is set aside for military equipment and on-the-spot arms production. Vorster's intentions are clear. When he has finished with the "Bantu question" in Azania, he will turn his attention to the independent States of Africa, as he has already proved in Angola and in Zambia. 34. The tacit but active collusion of certain States Members of our Organization becomes clear when there is no denial of Vorster's crude propaganda proclaiming South Africa to b, a "pocket of resistance" and invoking its exceptional strategic position controlling the routes to the Indian Ocean and determining the survival of the West. 1 Sec Lucicn Goldmann, Recherches dialectiques (Paris, Gallimard, 1959), p. 69. 36. Our Charter, which is founded on peace, security, freedom, justice, law and progress, can no longer be trampled under foot either by a minority whose isolation has made it deadly afraid Of in the name of interests which, far from serving mankind, are tending to destroy it. 37. The Afrikaners, some of whom were forced to flee from their countries by persecution which they still remember in their backward minds, have come to the welcoming soil of Africa. They should behave asguests and not asmasters, 38. I retain some hope for the future-not because I have any faith in Vorster and his clique, but because I trust in vigorous international action and, above all, in the determi- nation and final victory of the true sons of Azania.

A long time ago I read Alan Paton's epic, cry the Beloved Country, and 1was shocked then, as I am now, that such an incredibly false philosophy as apartheid should be practised, much less endured. Yet year after agonized year has passed since then, year after year have we from this rostrum denounced this modern aberration in society, and still world opinion and con- science is defied. We recognize that this Organization has its own ways of achieving results, ways which cannot be assessed by the normal standards applied to a simple relationship of cause and effect, but rather by those of patiently educating and influencing world opinion to focus on inherently just causes so that the accumulated weight of years of untiring activity can bear fruit, hopefully before it is too late. In this sense, we can truly say of the United Nations that its wheels grind slowly; but advance there is, and when the right moment in history comes, the accumu- lated weight of each resolution over the years falls like a hammer blow to destroy injustices and to pave the way for a future of progressive change. It is the view of the delegation of Malta that the cumulative activity of the past 30 years has now reached the point where it should attain the maximum impact by the collective and undiluted strength of our recommendations. 42. We have listened carefully to all the officers of the United Nations bodies dealing with various aspects of the problems of southern Africa. We were particularly pleased to note the volume of activities of the Special Committee against Apartheid during the past year. We consider it a milestone that the International Convention on the Sup- pression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid came into force on 18 July 1976 after receiving 20 ratifications and accessions, and that that fact isencouraging even more States to follow suit. We welcome the results of the International Seminar on the Eradication of Apartheid and in Support of the Struggle for Liberation in South Africa and note with particular attention the invitation of the Seminar to all Governments, organizations and people to join in concerted international action in support of the southern African liberation movements in this crucial and final stage of the struggle for the total emancipation of Africa [see A/31/104, annex I, para. 12J. We also think that, since the Special Committee has found most useful the c -ntacts made by its missions with a number of 2 Paris, Les5ditions mondiales, 1974, p. 27. 40. The accumulated weight of world public opinion and the field activities of the liberation movements, like an avalanche, gather momentum as they go along, despite all obstacles. At one fell swoop we have seen, within the last three years, the liberation of no less than seven African countries from the yoke of the last vestiges of colonialism. 41. This is the first time that my delegation is speaking specifically on the item and we are glad that this discussion has been shifted from the Special Political Committee to the General Assembly itself, thus affording us this possibili- ty to intervene. Our omissions in the past were not due to lack of interest but rather to the physical constraints placed on small delegations, among which mine is one of the smallest. Indeed, year in and year out, from this very rostrum, during the General Assembly general debate, we never failed to make it abundantly clear that the policy of apartheid was for the Government of Malta an intolerable state of affairs that needed to be eradicated. We have established relations with a large number of countries since our independence. The Republic of South Africa does not feature on that list. As recently as 13 October [30th meeting], we stated that it was urgent after years of neglect to listen seriously to the anguished cry of people unjustly oppressed by racist minorities. We reiterated our consistent condemnation of apartheid and our unfailing support for the principle of majority rule. Nothing short of majority representation in all countries of Africa under the yoke of apartheid or other oppressive racial discrimination satisfies the natural and innermost feelings of human dignity as entrenched in the principle of equality among all human beings. We appeal now, however, as always, that the transition to majority rule be effected without bloodshed and that we be spared the recent atrocious experience of Soweto, so vividly brought to the attention of the conscience of the world community by the representative of Sri Lanka on behalf of the non-aligned countries [ 11th meeting], 43. All these activities are commendable and appropriate. Indeed, in a modest way, but to the best of our ablhty, the Government of Maltahas also participated in the scheme of granting scholarships to students from Non-Self-Governing Territories in Africa.We are prepared to help in any way we can. On the other hand, it would not be out of place to remark, however, that the flutter of activities in which the United Nations is involved should not obscure for us the true aim of those activities, that is, the eradication of apartheid. That is the goal. Should the Special Committee, in the light of experience, feel that certain activities did not bear the results expected, it should direct us to alter our plans so as to employ our scarce human and financial resources in a more profitable way. Our activities are a means to an end and not an end in themselves. If the end is not advanced by some of our activities, let us then redirect our efforts to better results. In those efforts many countries can make an effective contribution which is bound to produce results. 44. On 26 October 1976, the Government of South Africa started a protest in defiance of the judgement of the international community, by which a so-called indepen- dence was given to Transkei. This was an arrogant mistake. It flies in the face of the resolutions of the Assembly condemning bantustanization and complicates the already huge difficulties for the solution of the problems created by the policy of apartheid. On that same day, 26 October, in its resolution 31/6 A, this Assembly, by an almost unani- mous vote, rejected the so-called declaration of indepen- dence. By a stroke of luck, the name of Malta was drawn to lead in that roll-call vote, and we were happy to have cast the first affirmative vote in favour of that rejection. By this and other means, we join in the international effort to bring dignity, understanding and progress in a region where separatism has no place and where all people can enjoy the bounty of the land wherever they choose.

The debate taking place in this forum is, in the opinion of the French delegation, one of the most important which our thirty-first General Assembly could deal with. It concerns an essential value of our Organization, the dignity of man, which is one of the paramount objectives of our Charter. It was perfectly legitimate, indeed necessary, that, given the conditions which have appeared this year in southern Africa, the international community should decide to deal in the plenary meetings of our Assembly with the question ofapartheid. 46. Alarge number of speakers have already spoken at this rostrum. All have unanimously expressed their indignation and concern at the intolerable situation in which the vast majority of the South African population lives. France here wishes to bear the same witness, voice the same condem- nation and express the same disapproval. It is with all the gravity and firmness that the situation requires that I add the voice of my country to all those voices which have been raised against a system which goes against all our convic- tions. 48. Allow me to restate the basic concepts underlying the position of my country, France, and of the people to which I belong, the French people, regarding the ideology of apartheid. We condemn apartheid, which we consider a continuing insult to democracy, in which we believe and which we practise, because it ignores the basic principle of any human society, the fact that men are born equal. We consider the legal separation of races to be reprehensible because it is a violation of freedom and serves as an instrument for the tyranny of a minority. We are perturbed by anything which, by offending the most elementary sense l c human dignity, leads to a tragic sequence of popular protests and repressions. We hold the Government of South Africa and the apartheid system to be responsible for the Soweto uprisings and the deep feeling they have aroused throughout the world. As Mr. de Guiringaud said last June in the Security Council: "The very fact that a system metes out a series of fundamental freedoms according to the colour of one's skin makes it inadmissible and reprehensible. What is more, it is stupid and a monumental political error. Apartheid . . . is ... literally, a'counter-dernocracy."> 49. Since these questions have been mentioned here by some, J now come to the various relations which exist between my country and South Africa. In regard to trade I would point out first of all that in 1975 France supplied less than 5 per cent of South Africa's imports. Speakers have mentioned in this context the sale of a nuclear electric-power station and expressed concern that this might make it possible for Pretoria to obtain atomic weapons. My delegation is in a position to dispel all doubts on this point, and I repeat that any diversion for military purposes would, apart from the contractual prohibitions and international controls, be an absolute material impossi- bility. We have explained in detail the system of "super- control" which has been provided for, and we believe that it has convinced even the most critical experts. I would here refer the Assembly to the reply given before it on 5 October by our delegation [LBth meeting, paras. 271- 276}. It has also been stated-and once again I note this "The French Government's condemnation of racial discrimination and other aspects of the policy followed by Pretoria led it to adopt an increasingly restrictive policy with regard to the delivery of arms and ultimately to prohibit any new contracts or further sales. I informed ··the Security Council of this OD 19 June in my capacity as Permanent Representative. I am saying it again here as a member of the French Government." [9th meeting, para. 112.J 50. It has been said here, with an impatience the heat of which I understand, that further condemnations of apart- heid belong to a past era. I shall certainly not deny that the perpetuation of the political and social system practised in South Africa and the serious troubles it engenders justify stronger pressure. From the public rostrum from which we now address you I would add, nevertheless, and first of all, that in a world where news abounds, the expression of our community's unanimous censure of an indefensible regime remains indispensable. It encourages the more open minds to change and it progressively undermines the most intransigent positions. We are gathered here, we speak here one after another, to demonstrate the unity of the human species against that which offends the meaning of its destiny: the equal dignity and total solidarity of all individuals. I am not prepared to say or to permit someone to say that some of us merely move our lips on so grave a subject. 51. It is because of apartheid that my country no longer delivers weapons to South Africa, thus joining the States which recently considered such a measure to be useful and necessary. It is in order to mitigate the human conse- quences of segregation that France contributes to the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa. It is because the so-called bantustan system is a disguised form of the same evil and of the same affront that the Government of France decided not to recognize the Transkei. My delega- tion, which willingly voted in favour of the resolution adopted on the day of the foundation of that pseudo-State, is also concerned about the growing number of political prisoners who are herded into South African prisons. We share the indignation of those who have denounced the conduct of the Pretoria authorities, which not only violates human rights, but is also poor politics and spells disaster for the future. On the matter of political prisoners, which is both revealing and important, we shall not fail to seek means of demonstrating the solidarity of the Governments and peoples of the world with regard to the victims of the present repression. 52. To summarize in a word the purport of my statement, I would say that it is our duty to do everything that can usefully be done to ensure that the words of justice penetrate the absurdly dosed space of apartheid. In South Africa too, in South Africa above all, dialogue will one day be the only recourse, the only alternative to despair and to the disasters that accompany it. The condemnations we S3. Mr. PUNTSAGNOROV (Mongolia) (interpretation from Russian): For 30 years now the question of the policy of apartheid practised by the racist regime of South Africa has been on the United Nations agenda. During these years radical changes have taken place in the world in favour of progress. The world socialist system has arisen and become strengthened and the seeds of exploitation of man by man have been eradicated. The full equality of people has been established regardless of the colour of their skins. The colonial system of imperialism has collapsed. On the world arena new independent States have appeared that have taken the path of social and economic progress. The conquest of national independence by the former Portu- guese colonies has radically changed the political map of southern Africa. The outstanding victory of the patriots of . Angola over the racist aggressors and their accomplices, obtained with the assistance of their loyal friends, was an event of great international significance. 54. Now the liberation struggle in southern Africa has entered a new and decisive phase. In this qualitatively new situation the Pretoria regime has shown its inability to draw realistic conclusions from an inexorable reality. It is attempting by all available means to stem the tide of history, to perpetuate the shameful system of racial discrimination and to prevent the development of the processes of liberation. The white minority regime in South Africa is not only' continuing to carry out a policy of imposing segregation, discrimination and supremacy on the overwhelming majority of the indigenous population of the country, but it is also attempting to perpetuate that system by undertaking the most shameful steps. In order to suppress the most minor opposition to the policy of apartheid, the racist regime resorts to mass murder and repression, not stopping at the bestial shooting of children. Thousands of opponents of apartheid languish in South African gaols and are subjected to torture and humiliation. 55. These reprisals show the genuine face of racism, and arouse indignation throughout the world. Along with the use of brute force, the racist regime is multiplying its treacherous acts by dissociating the African people of South Africa through the creation of bantustans and by granting them a fictitious Independence. It is also trying to hoodwink world public opinion through various man- oeuvres designed to show its readiness for dialogue. 56. However, as experience shows, the Pretoria regime relies mainly on military might. The racist regime is frenziedly building up its military potential, constantly increasing its military budget and supplying its armed forces Afi~. . 57. All this creates a serious threat to security on the African continent and to international peace as a whole. The dangerous situation created by the racists in South Africa causes understandable concern among broad sectors of international public opinion. The decision of the General Assembly to debate this issue in plenary meetings is a recognition of the timeliness and importance of the problem, whose urgent solution is required by the promo- tion of social development in the interests of all peoples. 58. The policy and practice of apartheid are in flagrant contradiction with the spirit of the times, when profound progressive social and economic transformations are taking place in the world, when detente is developing and when international relations are being restructured on new and just bases. The peoples of the world expect of the United Nations that it adopt effective measures against the racists of South Africa, who ignore the repeated resolutions of the General Assembly and of the Security Council and who defy the international community. 59. As we know, the efforts of the United Nations aimed at the eradication of apartheid have been obstructed by certain Western countries which, in the interest of enriching their monopolies at the expense of the repression of the people of South Africa, are striking deals with the racists. The facts show that foreign capital investments in the South African economy exceed the astronomic figure of $US 11 billion. Western bank consortia and transnational corporations continue to support the racist regime through loans and expanded trade. The Pretoria regime, relying on outside help, is turning to nuclear weapons, in disregard of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons {resolution 2373 (XXII), annex]. The Governments and international monopolies that share with the racists the profits gained through the exploitation of the people of South Africa-profits that are used to strengthen the military machine for the suppression of the national liberation struggle of the indigenous people and for the pursuit of aggression against neighbouring African coun- tries-bear grave responsibility before the international community. 60. In this connexion, my delegation considers that the Special Committee against Apartheid was justified in recommending sanctions against the racist regime and a mandatory embargo on the supply of arms to thst regime in keeping with Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. It is essential to achieve the full cessation of political, military, financial, economic, trade and other types of co-operation with the racists, Any co-operation with the criminal racist regime must necessarily be regarded as a hostile act against the oppressed people of South Africa and against the cause of peace and national independence. 62. On 26 October last, the General Assembly condemned the proclamation of the so-called independence of the Transkei and declared it invalid. The resolution of the United Nations adopted in this connexion {resolution 31/6 A] was a further warning to the criminal racist regime of Pretoria to the effect that the international community cannot reconcile itself to any manifestation of apartheid, • I however It may be masked. 63. In connexion with the struggle against apartheid we should pay due tribute to the Special Committee against Apartheid, which does much to promote international action for the full elimination of apartheid. Our delegation would like to express its gratitude to the SpecialCommittee for presenting a thorough report {A/31/22 and Add.1-3] with conclusions and recommendations aimed at the adoption of concrete and effective steps to speed up the elimination of the apartheid system. We should also like to draw attention to the fruitful results of the International Seminar on the Eradication of Apartheid and in Support of the Struggle for Liberation in South Africa held in Havana in May last. As for the position of my country, it has been repeatedly set forth from this rostrum and remains un- changed. 64. The First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party, Comrade Tseden- bal, speaking on the report of the Central Committee to the Seventeenth Congressof the Communist Party, stated: "The Mongolian people and the Government of the Mongolian People's Republic have always supported the African peoples waging a just struggle against imperialism, neo-colonialism and racism.We express our warm support and solidarity to the people of Zimbabwe, Namibia and southern Africa struggling for the elimination of the colonial yoke and the racist regime." 65. The Mongolian People's Republic decisively and reso- lutely condemns the policy of apartheid as a shameful manifestation in our times and as a grave crime against mankind, and it considers it its duty to support the people of southern Africa in their struggle for the full eradication of apartheid. Our country has never had any diplomatic or other relations with South Africa, nor will it have them as long as apartheid is practised in that country. It was one of the first countries that ratified the International Conven- tion on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid adopted at the twenty-eighth session of the United Nations General Assembly {resolution 3068 (XXVIll)J. 66. In conclusion, I should like to stress that the Mongol- ian People's Republic will support all measures aimed at the eradication of the policy of apartheid and at the implemen- tation of United Nations decisions in this connexion.

My delegation fully associ- ates itself with the sentiments expressed in this Assembly 68. Nor is apartheid confined to South Africa, for the evil system has been extended also by the South African authorities to Namibia, which they continue to occupy in defiance of the United Nations. 69. What is particularly unacceptable is that so many legislative measures to give effect to these restrictions have been introduced only within the past 25 years, by a Parliament which took steps to confine its parliamentary membership to citizens of a certain racial background, effectively excluding the majority from any share in the legislative process. 70. We have warned that the combined effect of these repressive measures could only prove explosive. Our fears seemed justified when peaceful protest turned to violence in the south-western townships of Johannesburg earlier this year. The very name of these townships, a collection of dwellings reserved for people of one race, seems to reflect the artificiality of the racial segregation in the Johannes- burg area. For these areas are known to the world at large by the initial letters of the term "South Western Town- ships" So-We-To-a term now synonymous with some of the worst violence this century has seen in South Africa. 71. Immediately following the outbreaks of violence there, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ireland, Mr. Gar- ret FitzGerald, declared to the Irish Parliament on 1 July that he deeply deplored what had happened and said he was sure all the members of the Irish Parliament would join in 72. Speaking in the name of the Government and people of Ireland, Mr. FitzGerald added: "We in Ireland are particularly aware of the destructive potential inherent in policies of discrimination and the South African Government can be under no illusion as to the fundamental attitude of the Irish Government and people on this issue. The Government have consistently condemned the policy of apartheid, which we consider intrinsically evil in character and I have repeatedly emphasized, as did my predecessors in this office, that the repressive policies of the South African Government in implementing the apartheid system would, if unchanged, inevitably have disastrous consequences." 73. Despite the fact that Ireland has not now nor everhad diplomatic relations with South Africa, Ireland addressed an appeal to the South African Government in the strongest possible terms to initiate a programme of radical change, without which a disaster would be inevitable. We further urged the South African Government to ensure that the inquiry which the South African authorities had promised into the events at Soweto should be conducted in a manner which would satisfy both those inside and outside South Africa as to the impartiality of the results. We were conscious that this would not solve the underlying problem by itself but we felt that it might at least prevent a continued repetition of recent tragic events. The world knO'NS that these events, with their tragic consequences, have not in the meantime ceased. 74. I would emphasize that these sentiments are not simply echoes of Governmental or Parliamentary dissatis- faction with the current state of affairs in South Africa. They are shared by the Irish people at large whose friendship towards the people of Africa and corresponding distaste for apartheid is clear to the many students from Africa who have studied in Irish schools and universities in recent years. It is likewise evident to the many African technicians and trainees who in increasing numbers have been receiving training in our institutes of technology, professional schools, national airline (Aer Lingus) and State undertakings. Nor has Governmental action alone been necessary to discourage contacts with South Africa. Thanks to the untinng voluntary efforts of the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement, no opportunity has been missed at popular level in recent years to make the facts about apartheid known to a whole new generation of modern Ireland. The Special Committee against Apartheidhas good reason to be aware of the vigilance of the Irish Anti-Apartheid movement, for the two bodies are frequently in contact. 75. The Irish trade-union movement, too, has in recent years shown its abhorrence of apartheid in resolutions adopted by the representative body of the trade union movement, the Irish Congress of Trade Unions. In July 1976, their Congress resolution saluted 76. In the course of his address to the General Assembly earlier this year [10th meeting}, my Minister stated that a situation such as that in 'southern Africa can create a great dilemma for those who set a high value on peace and non-violence, and who hope and work for orderly change. In regard to the situation in South Africa itself, he added, the only question is whether those in charge there have the wisdom, the courage and the political skill to face reality or whether they are going to make the very mistake against which they have been warning Mr. Smith. The ultimate issue is not in doubt, here any more than in the territories to the north. The firmness of the international community in such matters as the non-recognition of Transkei can leave no doubt in the minds of the rulers of South Africa as to how they must move, and quickly, if they are to prevent a holocaust and to preserve an appropriate role for the; white minority in the South Africa of the future. 77. Speaking in this Assembly on 28 October 'the represen- tative of the Netherlands, on behalf of the nine member States of the European Communities, reaffirmed our common desire to help those in South Africa with a genuine wish to end apartheid by peaceful means. Those who are working for change within and without the South African Parliament, few though the former may be, deserve all the support we can give them. 78. As stated by the Irish Minister for Foreign Affairs, in his message to the International Seminar on the Eradication of Apartheid in Havana in May 1976, "it is appropriate to recall that, in our efforts to bring pressure to bear for changes in the system, we in Ireland have always attached particular importance to the mobilization of public opinion against apartheid and in support of its victims, in individual countries and throughout the world. The mobilization of public opinion requires the widespread dissemination of information about the apartheid system and the effective rebuttal of the arguments of its apologists" using for these purposes all available channels of communication. 79. I would particularly emphasize that countries like Ireland, advocating peaceful change from the policies of apartheid, feel a special responsibility to help those individuals in South Africa who have been imprisoned or detained because of their political views. My delegation has associated itself with the message of the nine member States of the European Communities on the occasion of the international Day of Solidarity with South African Political Prisoners on 11 October 1976. Ireland, too, continues to contribute annually to the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa and to the United Nations Educational and Training Programme for Southern Africa. Ireland has been happy to become a sponsor of the draft resolution on the Trust Fund in this year's Assembly[A/3l /L.6 andAdd.I}. 80. References have been made in this debate to the need to make it clear to the Government and the people of South Africa our continued deep and abiding resentment at apartheid. One of the most effective ways through which this may be achieved by ordinary people is through sporting 81. While holding, as we do, that it is for the sporting organization concerned to determine its attitude and believing that it would be improper to curtail the basic freedom of Irish citizens to travel abroad under article' 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Irish Government has publicly opposed participation by Irish sportsmen in events organized in violation of the Olympic principle. We have not hesitated to make our views known to any sports organization likely to be involved in any sporting fixtures with a South African team. We have conveyed the texts of the United Nations resolutions on apartheid and sports to all national sports bodies for appropriate action. We have noted with satisfaction the effects of action by sports bodies in bringing pressure to bear on South African opinion. 82. Ireland has consistently supported the voluntary arms embargo against South Africa, which it has strictly ob- served. The recent actions of the South African Govern- ment, in using force on an increasing scale to suppress the protest to which the apartheid system inevitably gives rise, clearly illustrate the need for this embargo. There is an increased danger of a conflict, which may extend beyond the boundaries of South Africa. Those who have in the past advocated maintaining contact, in order to press for change, must now recognize the need for concerted international pressure to impress on the South African Government that this change can no longer be delayed. Unless the South African Government changes those policies which may threaten international peace and security, in relation to Namibia and, of course, South Africa itself, the case for concerted and binding action by the international com- munity in relation to the supply of arms of any kind may well come to seem a compelling one. 83. The Prime Minister of South Africa declared in 1963, in an oft-quoted phrase, when speaking ofapartheid: "It means that we want to keep South Africa white. Keeping it white means white domination, not leadership. It means white supremacy and control and not guid- ance! " It is our duty here today to disassociate ourselves formally from such sentiments and to express our profound regret that an institution dignified by the name of parliament should ever have given effect to them. In so doing, we are working for the day when apartheid will have become one more evil experience in the past history of mankind.

The examination of this item directly in the plenary meetings of the General Assembly reflects the growing indignation of international public opinion concerning the apartheid policy of the Government of South Africa. 86. There is yet another factor which confers a special nature on this debate. We are considering the issue of apartheid at a time when the struggle of the African peoples and the new international balance of forces have placed the colonialists and racists on the defensive. The uprising of the African masses, criminally repressed by the Pretoria execu- tioners, has revealed the internal weakness of apartheid and confronts it with an even stronger and more unanimous international repudiation. No one can ignore today that today the struggle for the full liberation of Africa and the wish fully to eradicate colonialism and racism on that continent require that our Organization take immediate and. effective action, The situation demands the adoption of resolute decisions; in other words, it requires effective measures consonant with the level attained by the African liberationprocess. 87. Throughout three decades many statementshave been made from this rostrum and numerous resolutions have been adopted condemning apartheid. 88. 1'lte United Nations has been capable of mobilizing the powerful torrent of denunciation and protest of the world's peoples against that iniquitous system of racial discrimi- nation and oppression, Throughout that period, the Organi- zation has also witnessed the most shameless exercise in hypocrisy. Certain Western delegations have year after year repeated verbal expressions of disapproval of apartheid, while persistently refusing to take effective action aimed at its elimination. The Governments which these delegations represent have, at the same time, maintained close links with the Pretoria Government while expanding and inten- sifying their relations with it, ignoring the clamour of world publicopinion and of their own peoples. 89. The Western Powers, and especially the United States of America, bear the main responsibility for the iniquitous exploitation perpetrated by the Pretoria regime upon the South African masses. Its monopolies plunder the wealth of their territory and obtain a rate of income stepped up by the conditions of extreme exploitation represented by the apartheid regime for the African workers. They are the ones who extend to the Vorster clique the economic, financial and military assistance that enables it to perpetuate its domination. It is they who supply the arms and weaponry used in assassinating African workers, women and school- children. It is they who have thus far prevented effective international action, blocking in the United Nations any effective measures against the South African Government. 90. The complicity of the imperialists is fully unmasked today through Mr. Kissinger's African ploy. The American Secretary of State, in his arrogant defiance of the will of peoples, attempts to cloak Mr. Vorster with respectability as a factor for this solution of the problems of Zimbabwe or Namibia. In his reactionary and racist conception of the world, Mr. Klssinger thinks he can deceive the peoples of the third world through clumsy formulas aimed at preserv- 91. For the African peoples and for all the peoples of the world, he is nothing more than the representattve of the most aggressive imperialist Pewer-Unlted States imperial- ism, the principal bulwark of reaction, colonialism and racism, and the worstenemyof all those who seekfreedom and justice throughout the world. The lone United States abstention at the time of the vote of 26 October on the resolution condemning the establishment of the bantustan of Transkei is further proof of the isolation of the Washington Government and the failure of its African manoeuvres. 92. The documentation submitted to the Assembly con- tains a valuable store of information on the policy of apartheid and the responsibility of those Powers that support it. In the imperialist strategy, the South African ~§gime is called upon to play an aggressive role which constitutes a threat to all the independent States of Africa and to other regions of the world. The aggression of the racists and their mercenaries against the People's Republic of Angola, terminating in the total defeat of the aggressors, was the most recent expression of the criminal function assigned to the rulers in Pretoria. The perpetuation of the illegal occupation of Namibia and the constant provoca- tions and threats against the territory of the People's Republic of Angola and other African States are daily reminders of the aggressive nature of the South African regime. The imperialist plans to set up a military alliance linking South Africa with the reactionary regimes of the South Atlantic points to the global nature of the South African threat. 93. The strengthening of military, political and economic ties between South Africa and Israel, Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay and other reactionary regimes, and the establish- merit of similar links with North American colonialism in Puerto Rico and the growing Yankee-South African mili- tary activity in the Indian Ocean show the global frame- work of the imperialist policy and the major role assigned to Pretoria within it. Accordingly, the struggle against apartheid is a priority objective for all peoplesof the world. 94. In their struggle, the South African masses are in the vanguard of the universal struggle of all oppressed peoples. The liberation of the South African people subjugated by racist colonialism is a sine qua non for the advent of a world of peace and justice. 95. We must express our appreciation to the Special Committee against Apartheid and to its Chairman, the Ambassador of Nigeria, Mr. Leslie Harriman, for the devo- tion he has shown in discharging his responsibilities and for the valuable report submitted to the Assembly. We should also like to place on record our appreciation of the work carried out by Mr. Khalifa in the important study distrib- uted to delegations.s 96. My delegation supports the conclusions and recom- mendations of the Special Committee against Apartheid. 97. We also support and endorse the recommendation to hold a world conference for action against apartheid, which the Government of Nigeria has generously offered to host. 98. In the struggle against the policy of apartheid of the South African Government, we should assign a vital role to the mobilization of world public opinion and to the action of trade-union and student organizations, women's organi- zations, and cultural and social institutions. It isessential to channel the actions of the peoples of the world to unmask and isolate those who continue to support the criminal policy of Pretoria. In that connexion, we attach particular importance to the Programme of Action drawn up by the International Seminar on Apartheid held this year in Havana [seeA/31/104, annexIlJ. 99. Only concerted action by socialist countries, non- aligned countries and all anti-colonial and anti-racist forces in the world is capable of foiling the international con- spiracy of imperialism, which seeks to preserve the status quo in southern Africa and to perpetuate the ignoble oppression imposed upon ~ts peoples. In' that concerted action, the United Nations has a fundamental responsi- bility. It should forcefully condemn those who ignore its decisions and continue to co-operate with the Pretoria clique, and should also become the centre for organizing universal mobilization against apartheid. 100. Before concluding, I should like to pay a tribute to the spokesmen of the South African people who have honoured this debate with their participationand whohave substantially contributed to our deliberations. Their presence here is both an omen and a warning. They have brought the message of a people struggling for its rights-a people that, with its struggle and with international solidarity, will, sooner than its enemies imagine, attain its rightful place in the international community,representing a South Africa liberatedfrom colonialism and racism. Their presence here is a reminder that the time for manoeuvres is forever gone and that nothing and no one will be able to prevent the full liberation of their oppressed homeland. From their graves, now turned into unassailable bastions, the martyrs of Soweto, the victims of Sharpeville, the fighters who have fallen during the harsh struggle against apartheid, clamour far justice and freedom and denounce the executioners and their accomplices. 101. The manoeuvres and intrigues of imperialism will not be able to silence their battle call. It wiIJ be that voice-the voice of the martyred, the tortured, the fighters-that will ultimately pronounce its irrevocable verdict against apart- heid and its allies. In its struggle for freedom and independence, the South African people will always be able to count upon the fraternal solidarity of the people and Revolutionary Government of Cuba.

First of all may I extend our warmest congratulations to the representatives of the 103. It is no secret to anyone today that the non-white citizens in South Africa enjoy no human rights whatsoever. Millions of Africans live in the heavy concentrations for the coloureds of bantustans and are not allowed even to move about in their own homeland. The persecutions and the imprisonments for physical extermination are common phenomena in the daily life of the coloured population in southern Africa. One could speak about this at length and cite many more examples which illustrate the abominable policies of apartheid perpetrated by the racist regime of South Africa. 104. Especially fresh in the minds of progressive world public opinion are the events that occurred in the Soweto township of Johannesburg and Alexandra, which became arenas of bloody clashes between the racist police and the thousands of students and other colouredpeople who stood up bravely in defiance of the policies of apartheid. This time the suppression and massacres of the Vorster racist regime against the demonstrators did surpass in their intensity and ruthlessness the Sharpeville massacre of 1960. 105. These criminal acts of the Vorsterregime against the people of South Africa, which were condemned by the people of Africa and the world at large, have aroused also the deep indignation of the entire Albanian people. They prove before Africa and the world how isolated the racists are from the people of Azania. They once more reveal the reactionary nature and the inner weakness of the Pretoria regime which resorts to massacres and mass terror any time it fmds itself entrapped by the ways of the popular hatred and resistance. But the more ruthless the Fascist oppression of the racist regime, the stronger the people's resistance, the stronger their will and determination to continue the armed struggle, regardless of the sacrifices to put an end to oppression and exploitation and to live in freedom in their plunderedhomeland. 106. For more than two decades now, the UnitedNations has had on its agenda the problems of the policies of apartheid obstinately pursued by the racist Government of South Africa. Many are the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council condemning the despicable policies of apartheid, but in spite of it all the racist regimes in Pretoria and Salisbury now, as in the past, pay no heed to this and continue to challenge all progressive mankind and the United Nations. 107. It must be said, however, that if this grave and impermissible situation exists today and the white racist regimes still hang on and continue to practise apartheid in 108. These facts and others show clearly how the United States imperialists and the other imperialist Powers, by investing billions of dollars in South Africa, actually achieve a twofold goal. They not only reap colossal profits by exploiting the cheap labour power and the vast natural resources of Africa, but also effectively help to keep alive the racist regimes who are for them a reliable vacuum for their expansionist policiesin Africa. 109. Very intimate ties and a close collaboration exist also between South Africa, Southern Rhodesia and Israel. At the foundation of this reactionary collaboration lies this common feature-theirs are racist and aggressive policies aimed at subjugating other peoples. 110. The chieftains of the Pretoria regime, finding them- selves under the heavy blows of the liberation struggle of the people of Azania, and discredited by and isolated from the freedom-loving peoples and countries of Africa and the rest of the world, are now demagogically and cynically claiming that they are in favour of a dialogue with the indigenous population and that, if and when the conditions are created, they would accept black majority rule. Ill. In this demagogic campaign, a special role has been assumed and is being played by the United States imperial- ists while they are engaged in an expensive and friendly diplomatic. activity, so as to create the impression that the racist regimes are now changing not simply their minds but even their nature. They swear by God and beat their chests to make others believe that they on their parts are sparing no effort to avoid a racial war in southern Africa, hut the simple truth is that this activity of United States imperial- ism not only has nothing in common with the stated aim and is not in the least concerned with the fate of the coloured population in southern Africa, but that on the contrary its aim is to prolong the life of the racist regimes by inventing such cunning tactics in order to sabotage the just liberation struggle of the: African people. This once again clearly proves that in the new conditions of the development both in breadth and' depth of the liberation struggle of the peoples of Azania, Namibia and Zimbabwe, the imperialists and racists are compelled to work out new deceptive and sly tactics. 112. All this activity of the United States imperialists should not bp, viewed in isolation and detachment from the over-all context of their rivalry with the Soviet social imperialists. As recent events have shown they are striving hard to elbow one another from that strategic part of Africa. Many are the intrigues and plots they design to harm and undermine the unity of the independent African countries. They are trying by hook or by crook tu have the national liberation struggle of the peoples in southern Africa under their own control, to create such tricky 113. The Albanian people, who are sincere friends and resolute supporters of the just cause of the peoples of Africa, have strongly condemned and will continue to condemn the abominable policies of apartheid pursued by the racist regime of South Africa, together with the machinations of the imperialist, the social imperialist and all the colonialists, old and new. It is our conviction that the freedom-loving peoples of southern Africa; in militant unity with one another, with their African brothers and with the other peoples of the world who fight for freedom and independence, holding their guns firmly in their hands, will surely accomplish their lofty national aspirations for freedom, independence and social progress.

I shall now call in turn on those representatives who have asked to be allowed to speak in exercise of the right of reply.

This morning {49th meet- ing} the representative of the Zionist entity of Israel referred to my country, Kuwait, as a country that has economic relations with Rhodesia. My d- on will have the opportunity on Wednesday to rebut, r and, indeed, debunk the sinister accusation of the Zionist representative of Israel. Meanwhile, allow me to register the fact that my delegation and I myself marvel at the audacity, indeed the temerity and the impolitely unorthodox approach, of the Israeli representative. We say, and I borrow a Kuwaiti proverb, however obscene it is: "When a belly dancer preaches her virginity or her virtues, no one believes her, whatever the force of the logic she employs." Today, the Assembly was subject to the venom of a belly dancer, in accordance with a Kuwaitilocal proverb. 116. The representative of Israel, whose country has so defiantly co-operated with South Africa,has the courage to come to the podium here and pontificate on the immorality of having relations with the racist regimes. He, who hails from a country that maintains bosom friendship with Mr. Vorster-who was received with red-carpet ceremonies quite recently in Israel-has no right indeed to speak out against apartheid. The relations between Israel and South Africa generated a big report from the Special Committee against Apartheid, {AI31/22/'Add.z] that denounced those relations in the most forceful terms. The military trans- 117. Having the same built-in condescending approach to the Africans as South Africa, Israel, by its behaviour, intention, design and temperament, does not belong to this Organization, about whose soundness and health the racist representatives came here to pontificate this morning. And we know that Israel is protected here-not by its compli- ance with the Charter, not by its acceptance of the exigencies of the General Assembly, not by its respect for the will of the international community but by the fact that it is coddled and pampered by a super-Power and by other major Powers whose respect for the Charter is a matter of expediency. 118. Israel speaks of concern for the United Nations, as I was reading a few moments ago in the record of the Israeli representative's speech. What concern is this? Is it concern that emanates from Israel's defiance of the principle of non-acquisition of territory by force, is it concern that stems from its contemptuous ignorance of the resolution pertaining to the right of the people of Palestine in their own country and homeland, usurped in 1948 by brutal force and by macabre cheating and deceit? Those who come here and ask and plead firmness must come with clean hands. Israel is a country not only whose hands are marked with the stigma of the collaboration with South Africa but whose limbs and soul are stained with the obliteration of a whole nation from the principle of surviving as an independent people in its own homeland. The Israeli representative spoke this morning of discrimi- nation in Arab countries. What macabre logic is this? There is no more discrimination in any other country apart from South Africa and Rhodesia than in Israel-if it is a country. 119. Palestinians who are the rightful owners of Palestine are treated as fourth-class citizens. Of course, first come the European Jews who hailed from East Europe; then the Oriental Jews; then third-class are the black Jews; and, at the bottom, come the Palestinians who are the rightful owners of the territory. This is the country whose representative came this morning to give an unwelcome Sunday sermon on equality. Quotations from speeches do not submerge the facts. Leaders of both Pretoria and Te' Aviv relish their co-operation in suppressing the spirit of the struggle of the African freedom fighters. Both are hand-in- glove in making arrangements that threaten the indepen- dence of African Member States and stultifying also the aspirations of the real African peoples. The veil that Israel took shelter behind has been long ago removed. The glaring facts speak more soundly and more pertinently than the fractured attempts to conceal the truth behind a thin disguise. Apartheid in its most heinous form is practised not only in South Africa but in Israel, primarily against the Palestinians who are the legitimate owners of the land. Apartheid in its most repugnant shape is practised in Israel against the poor Middle Eastern Jews and other black Jews.

The representative of Israel spoke for the first time on this item after keeping silent for many years and, "although his participation is surprising and unconvincing to the extent that it actually did not need a reply, Egypt has deemed it its duty as an African country that takes pride in belonging to this continent for thousands of years-before Israel itself was created-to clarify certain facts. 122. All the arguments raised by the represemative of Israel can be replied to very easily. The idea of trying to sow seeds of dissension between Arab and African countries is an attitude which is completely rejected, and we would not even want to enter into discussion in this connexion because, in point of fact, Israel is occupying the land of an African country and is usurping its wealth and resources and denying the inalienable rights of the whole people. 123. So how can the representative of Israel claim that the occupation of the lands of an Arab and African country by Israeli occupation authorities is not a matter which con- cerns Africa? How can the representative of Israel presume to claim that the denial to a whole people of the practice of their legitimate and inalienable rights is a matter which is not of concern to African States, while we see that part of the African continent is suffering under the yoke of racists who have tried and are still trying to prevent the people of Zimbabwe, Azania and Namibia from practising these legitimate and inalienable rights. 124. I should like to say that the illegitimate occupation of lands and the deprivation of the right of people to self-determination are matters which are of interest not only to Africa but to the whole world community. To allow this condition to continue would be a serious threat to our Organization and to the basic principles on which the Charter was based. 125. The representative of Israel asks why the United Nations has prepared a report about the relationship between Israel and South Africa only. Egypt has explained, in its statement on 28 October on this item [46th meet- ing}, the objective reasons which lead us repeatedly to draw attention to the danger of the growing relationship between Israel and South Africa, and we have left details aside because the documents of the United Nations are the best proof and evidence of the close link between the develop- ment of these relations and the increase of the aggressive policies pursued by the two regimes in the north and south of the continent. Therefore it is important that the implications of that co-operation should be distinct from any kinds of relationships entered into by other countries, whose justifications for so doing we totally reject. 126. A false news report, the origin of which we all know, cannot hide the facts about the visit which took place last April and which ..as described by the Israeli representative as the visit of a national leader. How can Vorster be a national leader in South Africa? Who can accept such logic? The official communique issued at the end of this visit is the best evidence of the outcome of this visit and the 128. You all have listened to the representative of Israel when he said that his country rejects strongly the policies of apartheid in any form. We are not going to make any further comments, but just mention some of the resolutions against which Israel voted in the United Nations, namely General Assembly resolutions 3382 (XXX) on the impor- tance of the universal realization of the right of pe~ples to self-determination and of the speedy granting of iraJepen- dence to colonial countries and peoples for the effective guarantee and observance of human rights, 3481 (XXX) on the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, and 3482 (XXX) on the dissemination of information on decolonization.

It is a matter of common knowledge that the Zionist racist entity is now standing in the dock to answer before the whole world community fOf the crime of strengthening its military and economic and political co-operation with the racist regime in South Africa. This co-operation was fully revealed and backed up by figures ill the report issued by the Special Committee against Apart- heid. The report containsmanyfactsand the representative of the Zionist entity has tried this morning, as usual, to divert the attention of the General Assembly and of public opinion from the main subject which is occupying the world today, mainly the question of apartheid and the escalating co-operation between the two racist regimes-in Palestine and South Africa-·and once more the Zionist representative has resorted to his well-known technique, 130. The Zionist representative referred to certain quota- tions from a Western magazine and said that part of the consumption of oil by South Africa was provided by Basra. If we go back to the source itself we shall find that what was mentioned by the Zionist representative is completely . different from what is said in that report. The report said that the percentage of the so-called oilexported from Basra greatly decreased after the announcement of the Arab oil boycott of South Africa in November 1973. What is more important than all this is that the Zionist representative has d~Hber:lte~y omitted an important fact, namely that the production and marketing of oil from the oil fields of the Basra Oil Company was carried out by the monopolistic oil companies which were participating in the Basra Oil Company until the beginning of the year 1973. Since the completion of the nationalization of oil early this year, in which the Basra Oil Company was completely nationalized, Iraq's control has become complete as regards the produc- tion and marketing of oil and I would like to reaffirm from this rostrum that, since the completion of the process of oil nationalization in Iraq, not one drop of oil has been exported from Iraq to the racist regime in South Africa, and not one drop of oil isgoing to be exported. 131. The vain attempts by the Zionist representative to divert attention from the growing co-operation between the two racist regimes in Palestine and South Africa have given us the opportunity to record our pleasure at the political attitude taken by the Iraqi Revolutionary Government, namely, the support of the liberation movements in the world and particularly in South Africa. Our participation in this debate, which was the source of the Zionist representa- tive's anger, is reflection of this policy which is well known to the General Assembly. The meeting rose at 5.45 p. m.