A/31/PV.51 General Assembly

In connexion with this item eight draft resolutions have been received and are being pro- cessed. They will be distributed as soon as possible. 2. I believe all members have received my letter regarding punctuality and attendance. It is all the more important now that we should strive to be absolutely punctual. There is a great deal to be done and time should not be wasted.

The unanimous decision adopted by the General Assembly to discuss the question of apartheid in plenary meetings and the invitation addressed to the liberation movements of South Africa to participate in this discussion as observers are evidence of the great interest that our Organization attaches to the problem of apartheid and its concern to find a solution which will put an end to the sufferings of our brothers in South Africa and to the defiance by the racist regime of Pretoria of the inter- national community and the most fundamental human rights. 4. The Moroccan delegation, in saluting the presence among us of the representatives of the liberation move- ments of Azanla, considers that this initiative is a historic turning-point in the efforts of the international community to bring about the total eradication of the last bastions of racism in Africa. 5. In inviting the representatives of the liberation move- ments of the indigenous peoples of South Africa to participate in our discussions, our Organization is thereby paying a tribute not only to the desperate struggle these movements are waging against oppression and repression, but also to the memory of the innumerable martyrs who have been sacrificed for freedom and dignity. Tuesday, 2 November 1976, . at 10.55 a.m. NEW YORK 6. We would like to express our gratitude to the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid, Mr. Harriman of Nigeria, for the excellent report which he has submitted to USo{A/3I/22 and Add. 1-3.] 7. Since the first years of its creation, our Organization has continued to condemn the policy of apartheid in numerous resolutions and recommendations. Several com- mittees have been established in order to throw light on this unworthy practice of the regime of Pretoria and to fight against all its manifestationsand effects. 8. However, we must note that all these efforts have remained in vain because the racist regime in Pretoria continues to ignore all United Nations resolutions and recommendations and to defy the universal condemnation of the shameful policy of racial discrimination. The racist Government of South Africa continues stubbornly to practise this inhuman policy and responds to our reiterated appeals by stepping up its repression of the people of Azania. 9. Thus, during the past 30 years, more than 500 iniquitous laws have been promulgatedin order to promote this anachronistic policy which is designed to deprive the coloured man in Azania of his fundamental rights and his dignity as a human being by uprooting him and separating his family with the sole aim of satisfying the interests of the white minority. 10. The Government of his Majesty Hassan 11 vehemently and consistently condemns this inhuman and racist policy, rightly denounced by the international community, which sees in apartheid an affront to the most basic principles of human dignity, a flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter, a serious violation of and challenge to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, an iniquitous.crime against mankind and, above all, an anachronism in the twentieth century. 11. Sixteen years ago, the massacre of Sharpeville gave rise to great indignation throughout the world. But all the protests and all the condemnations have not prevented the Vorster racist regime from repeating the offence, this time equally barbarous acts in Soweto. Hundreds of victims have fallen under the bullets of the criminal police of Pretoria. 12. Such bloody acts of repression took place in Alexan- dra, Kimberley, and elsewhere, very often directed against black workers simply because 'hey protested against the inhuman working conditions to which they were subjected. And the South African Government, under the cover of such laws as the Riotous Assemblies Act of 1956 which are designed to put down with bloodshed any strike or protest perpetratel the crimesof Soweto and Alexandra. 14. It is alarming to note that, in order to defend its policy of apartheid, the racist Government of South Africa has undertaken a policy of increasing militarization in order to intimidate its neighbours. Not so long ago, South Africa perpetrated acts of aggression against the nationalists of Angola. it also undertook wide-scale military operations in ? Namibia which are considered not only as an attempt to extend its policy of apartheid beyond its borders but also a great threat to international peace and security. 15. South Africa did not hesitate to commit acts of aggression against its n.r'ghbour Zambia, and has continued its military and economic support of the rebel, racist regime of lan Smith in Zimbabwe hI order to help it to continue its policy of oppression against our brothers in Zimbabwe. 16. We have followed with the closest interest the most recent events in southern Africa and, more particularly, the efforts being made to find a solution to the problems of Namibia and Rhodesia. But never will we accept a compromise achieved at the. expense of the fundamental and inalienable rights of our brothers in Azania because we firmly believe that human dignity should never be the subject of compromise. 17. Several representatives have brilliantly pointed out from this rostrum the striking confluence of interest between the policies of South Africa and Israel. We believe that the organic links existing between apartheid and zionism are to be seen in their remarkably similar ideologies and methods. The strengthening of their military 1 economic and cultural links demonstrate-if there is any need for proof-to the striking similarity between those castes which are so convinced of their racial superiority. We could not condemn apartheid as an instrument of oppression without condemning 'Israel for the same reasons. 18. The Pretoria Government's defiance of our Organiza- tion and the world is due to the indifference, if not the complicity, of a certain number of multinational corpora- tions which are greedy for profits at the expenr "\\f the indigenous, people and is also the result of the unfortunate passivity of certain major Powers that can only be explained by their economic and strategic interests in that area. 19. Some of these Powers seem to support our resolutions and condemn the racist regime of Pretoria but, unfortu- nately, they continue to evade any quest of a solution and pursue their military and economic collaboration with that regime. 20. The Moroccan delegation believes that the time has come for the United Nations and the international com- munity to assume full responsibility towards the oppressed people of South Africa. Energetic and more specific measures must be taken in order to put an end to the existing situation in that country. Concerted international action has become crucial today, more than ever before, 21. In becoming a sponsor of draft resolution A/31!L.5 on the so-called independent Transkei and other bantustans, which was unanimously adopted as resolution 31/6 A, we wished to demonstrate our indignation at this policy and to rej~ct any geographical partition that would lead to more fictitious independences, such as that of Transkei, which was proclaimed on 26 October 1976. 22. In associating ourselves with the resolutions adopted by the Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Colombo last August, which condemn the policy of bantustanization practised by the Government of South Africa ,1 Morocco considered that bantustans are the very corner-stone of the policy of apartheid and that they are the result of a diabolical plan devised and thought up over the past 80 years in order to uphold the policy of subjugation and superiority of the white minorities of South Africa. This is especially so when we realize that the 10 bantustans would cover 12.4 per cent of the total area of South Africa, although the African inhabitants form more than 75 per cent of the total population of that country. Obviously this is an absolute mockery of independence because it is clear that the bantustans, headed by the Transkei, cannot. survive as independent entities. They might perhaps be independent but in circumstances that would depend on the continua- tion of apartheid and thus would uphold the interests of the Pretoria regime. To prove this I need only say that the lands made available under this process are poor and overpopulated so that most of the people are completely destitute and their only way out is to emigrate in order to find work. 23. The economic non-viability of bantustans is unques- tionably the main reason for the creation of these false, supposedly independent entities because they assure the white minority of South Africa on absolutely inexhaustible source of cheap labour. 24. By way of example, I should like to mention the case of Transkei, where more than 82 per cent of the inhabitants up to the beginning of 1975 have worked outside Transkei. 25. Therefore. the system of bantustans is based on the concept of racial discrimination and apartheid. Its success would only strengthen this system most effectively because it is going to be decreed that blacks in the "white areas" will exist only as "units of production". This is why we today oppose this method: we condemn it energetically because it is designed to take care of the needs of the white minority and flout the aspirations of the African popula- tion. What is even more serious is that it is conceived in order to lead to tribal fragmentation and to ensure the Balkanization of South Africa. 26. In opposing firmly the creation of the sham state of Transkei and its recognition, Morocco is acting in full confornity with its principle of opposition to the creation of puppet States either in Africa or elsewhere. To fragment Africa into little non-viable entities and to fan the flames of ----- 27. Aware of the dangers of this trend particularly in our continent, the Kingdom of Morocco has always opposed the dismemberment of countries as well as any infringe- ment of their territorial integrity. In so doing,we place our confidence in the inexorable march of history, and thus today we are completely'sure of the inevitable failure of the bantustanizatic« policy in South Africa, as has been the case for other similar attempts in Africa.

Almost since its inception, the United Nations has been concerned with the policy of apartheid in South Africa. The system of racial segregation and discrimination known asapartheid has been condemned throughout the world and denounced by the United Nations as a crime against humanity. Moreover, the General Assembly and the Secu- rity Council have repeatedly stressed that the constant intensification and expansion of apartheid are a grave threat to international peace and security. 29. It is almost discouraging to note that we are once again confronted with a situation in which the Special Committee against Apartheid is obliged to inform us of its profound concern regarding developments in South Africa. No one can doubt that it is precisely the policy of the Pretoria regime that bears the main responsibility for the aggravation of the situation in southern Africa as a whole. Whether we combat colonialism in Zimbabwe or the illegal 'occupation of Namibia, or again, racist domination in South Africa, the enemy of Africa and of all progressive and peace-loving mankind is one and the same,namely, the South African racist regime and the power it wields in the region. Consequently the problem of southern Africa is first and foremost South Africa as a bastion of imperialism, colonialism and reaction, and then South Africa as a racist society. Undeniably it was these considerations that prompted the decision of the African countries to bring the item directly before the General Assembly, and to open a substantive debate on one of the important questions bearing on the safeguarding and maintenance of inter- national peace and security. It is obvious that the latest developments in South Africa are not unrelated to this initiative. The delegation of the People's Republic of Bulgaria is gratified at the unanimous decision of the General Assembly to discuss this issue in plenary meetings. We are also gratified at the invitation addressed to the national liberation movements to participate in our delibe- rations, and we believe that the General Assembly's decision on this matter is a significant and historic turning-point. It is at the same time a tribute paid to the oppressed people-of South Africafor their longstruggle for freedom and human dignity. Moreover, andwe should like to stress this, on the very day ef the opening of this important debate, the General Assembly unanimously adopted a resolution denouncing the new and monstrous comedy of the Pretoria regime, namely, the proclamation of the so-called "independence" of the Transkei. This resolute reaction of the United Nations is in our view of prime political importance. It should be a serious warning to those who refuse to face reality and who are inclined to organize an eleventh-hour rescue action to save the South African racist regime. 31. Such are the salient characteristics of the development of the situation in southern Africa. Where, consequently, does the responsibility of the United Nationsvis-a-vis these developments reside? I believe that the reply to this question is given us in substance in the excellent report submitted to us this year by the Special Committee against Apartheid{A/31/22 and Add.I-31. 32. As the report points out, the Special Committee "devoted particular attention to the growing militarization of South Africa and acts of aggression committed by the South African racist regime against neighbouring States, to the continuing brutal oppression of opponents of apartheid within South Africa, and to the economic collaboration by Governments and economic interests with the South African racist regime"{A/31/22, para. 291. 33. In the view of my delegation the Special Committee fully carried out its task under its terms of reference in according particular attention to these three aspects of the situation in South Africa and by stressing the close link between them. I should like to dwell particularly on the findings of the Special Committee and to set forth the views of the Bulgarian delegation on the conclusions deriving therefrom for the United Nations and for the international community. 34. We have always stressed that the situation in southern Africa is a grave threat to international peace and security. This has moreover been repeatedly confirmed by the United Nations. We are in duty bound to note and recognize that not only has this threat not decreased, but rather that it has increased, and disturbingly so. It is now clear that the Pretoria regime is not willing to renounce its inhuman apartheid policy. The loathsome acts committed by that regime, ranging from the Sharpeville massacre of March 1960 to the Soweto massacre of June 1976, are conclusive proof that all United Nations resolutions con- demning apartheid as a system of government have re- mained and still remain a dead letter for the Vorster regime. But that is not all. It is no less clear that the racist regime has no intention of respecting the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the independent neighbouring countries. We very recently witnessed the Fascist regime of South Africa and its imperialist allies seeking to destroy the revolu- 3S. This imperialist conspiracy against the independence of the People's Republic of Angola failed. Africa and all the peoples threatened and oppressed by the forces of Impe- rialism have once more been able to tell their friends from their enemies. With this flagrant aggression, the South African regime and its abettors have gone beyond the stage of backroom diplomacy, political blackmail and Intimida- .tion and shown that they will ~top at nothingto uphold the strategic, political and economic interests of imperialism in southern Africa. 36. In the view of my delegation, these facts should be recalled during this debate in the lightof the newattempts to give a semblance of respectability to Vorster and his regime. This regime has been condemned by the Security Council for its aggression against the People's Republic of Angola and for its aggressive acts against Zimbabwe and other countries in the region, but the grave threat to peace persists. This threat today more than ever, requires that the United Nations take firm and effective measures. Mere condemnation no longer suffices. We entirely agree with the ftndings and recommendations of the Special Committee and with the views expressed during this debate by numerous delegations. We are convinced that the time has come for all States to take steps to fulfil their obligations under the Charter and the numerous resolutions and decisions of our Organization. States and Governments-all Governments-can no longer shirk this clear responsibility. 37. Our priority objective should now be the total isolation of the apartheid regime and effective assistance to the liberation struggle. Resolute action by the United Nations and all progressive and democratic forces to this end is the only way of taking a decisive step towards the elimination of apartheid and the complete liberation of Africa. 38. To do so, it is obvious that it is more than everurgent and essential for certain countries to progress from verbal condemnations to a policy which would truly conform to the requirements of Africa, of the United Nations and of international opinion. The duplicity of these countries which are now joining us in denouncing the system of apartheid while supporting the racist regimes politically, economically and militarily, is only too evident. By strengthening the repressive and aggressive capabilities of the South African racist regime", the major NATO countries, Israel and some other countries are assuming a growing responsibility v,;;:-a-vis international peace and security. At present, when liberation movements in southern Africa are redoubling their efforts in their struggle for freedom, the United Nations and all of us have an urgent duty to put an end to the economic and military collaboration and all kinds of relations which still exist between South Africa and certain States Members of the United Nations, particu- larly certain Western Powers, because it is now only too obvious that the South African racist regime continues to 2 Movimento Popular de Libertaeao de Angola. 3 Frente Nacional paraa Liberta~ao de Angola. 4 lTniao Nacional paraa Independt!ncia Total de Angola. 39. The diversionary tactics being employed at Pretoria and Salisbury as well ascertainsoft-sell campaigns aimed at giving credibility to the absurd idea of anapartheid regime that has had a change of heart and all the policies aimed at dividing Africa will not cause us to forget the lessons of the massacres of Sharpeville and Soweto and the aggression of South Africa against Angola and other countries in the region. We cannot forget the sacrifices and heroic struggle of the South African people. The development of the situation in southern Africa illustrates the sole form of dialogue envisaged by a regime based on racial superiority and on social exploitation. 40. My delegation trusts that this important debate will mark the beginning of more effective international action aimed at isolating completely the racist regime of South Africa and backing the liberation movements in their struggle for the total elimination of apartheid and colo- nialism in Africa. 41. Any form of racial discrimination is quite simply inconceivable to the Bulgarian people. The theory and practice of racism have always been rejected and resolutely condemned by the Government of the People's Republic of Bulgaria. The Bulgarian Government and people accordand will continue to accord the most energetic assistance and support to the peoples who struggle for the elimination of racial discrimination. We have stressed this on other occasions and weshouldlike to stress this once more during this debate. Apartheid is not only a Fascist-type State policy and ideology; it is also a system of social oppression and exploitation based on racial discrimination. It is the' reason why we are profoundly convinced that there could be no coexistence with racism or detente with apartheid,

The delegation of Panama would like to put on record expressly once again its energetic repudiation of the criminal policy of apartheid, upheld by the white regime which oppresses the majority people of southern Africa. In this context, we should also like, at the outset of this brief statement, to express our gratitude to the Special Com- mittee against Apartheid, created under General Assembly resolution 1761 (XVII) of 6 November 1962. Its report [A131122 and Add.1-3J embraces practically all the aspects and ramifications of this pressing problem. The Special Committee has spared no effort to reveal to the world community the seriousness of the situation and the need to intensify activities which would eliminate this 'hotbed of tension which threatens world peace and is a gross violation of human rights. 44. Since June 1976, a new and more dramatic phase has begun in the struggle of the South African people to free themselves from the shackles which keep them in the most abject physical and spiritual misery. In Soweto, Johan- nesourg and Port Elizabeth, the indigenous population, the true owners of the land of southern Africa, have raised themselves up determined to change their lives and attain freedom. Thousands have challenged this despotism, with the tragic result that many have died, hundreds have been wounded and many hundreds have been imprisoned. But the struggle has not been halted and as long as repression is being intensified the peoples' resentment will increase. It is time for the authorities which base their strength on apartheid to think seriously about these dramatic events and, for their own salvation, to produce formulas which will guarantee equality of rights for whites and blacks alike. If the white people wish to live in Africa. they should learn to respect and recognize the rights, aspirations and cultural values of those who are the legitimate owners of this land. It is most cruelly ironical that the house-breaker who has brought his chains from distant lands should want to oppress the owners of the house. 45. If this could occur with impunity in the past when the unarmed and defenceless people known as yellow, brown and black were easy prey, this is no longer the case today, for the time has come to say "Enough!" The historic evolution and the development of new resources and defensive and offensive weapons within the reach of those who are oppressed have brought about a change in the situation, much to the dislike of Vorster, lan Smith and others who, in other continents, persist in extending their spheres of influence and strengthening their occupation troops. 46. The Pretoria regime is desperate and with the flood- waters rising, is clutching at any strr..w in order to preserve its unlawful privileges and to continue its loathesome 47. On the other hand, bantustanization of certain African lands logically has led to antagonistic leadership-the Machiavellian theory of "divide and rule" finds very willing disciples in the racists of Pretoria. The General Assembly, realizing this obvious truth, adopted a few days ago resolution 31/6 A on the"so-called "independence of the Transkei". By means of this resolution, adopted by 134 votes to none, with only 1 abstention, the United Nations gave a categorical "No" to the deceitful racists of the South African Government. 48. The Organization, which arose from the ashes of the so-called racial superiority, that the Nazis carried to the point of madness, continues and gives no quarter to those who, as new devotees of ,Mein Kampf, base their dreams of grandeur and domination on the strange thesis of racial superiority. The Nazis in their racist insolence tried to create an empire to last 1,000 years, but it did not stay in power more than 12. South Africa promoted its policy of apartheid in 1948; 28 years after that sombre date in the annals of human dignity, it falls to the United Nations to take measures and set up effective mechanisms to bring an end to apartheid, this affront to human rights. 49. This Organization, which, as I have said, was born of hope, out of the ashes of Nazi barbarism, can no longer allow the indigenous population of southern Africa to be the victim of genocide recalling the night of the long knives, or the crystal night, of 10 November 1938. We are not enemies of any human group per se. OUi' anguished voice rises from this rostrum to call the attention of the white minority of South Africa so that it may heed reason before it is too late. 50. The peoples of Africa have shown their vocation for freedom. The whole world has seen them break the fetters which came from afar. The successive peoples who reso- lutely have come to the United Nations leave no room for uncertainty. Few redoubts of colonialism remain today because the world community is isolating them and progressively, closing all doors to their escape. The alter- native cannot be more categoric: either the whites live with the blacks in a regime of equality or there will be total war. 51. While we are on this subject, speaking of the devotion of the African peoples for freedom, it is a good thing to note, even in passing, that it would be worth while for those who are fishing in muddy waters to take note of this phenomenon, and to heed this warning so as to avoid mistakes. The Africans will end by rejecting all subjugation from whichever quarter it comes, or in whatever guise it comes. 52. We have given special attention to the development of events that have taken place in Rhodesia. The Salisbury regime, which is cornered and isolated, has now come to 53.' To conclude, I would like to emphasize here that for' us, the Panamanians, racial discrimination is something that turns a knife in an open wound. In the Canal Zone of Panama, Panamian territory subjected to foreign domina- tion, an alien Government implanted a system of racial segregation with overtones of apartheid. One example will suffice. There was the case of a Panamanian accused hy a white woman of sexual abuse. Without the plaintiff being made to give evidence, it is said, the Panamanian subject was condemned to no less than 50 years of imprisonment. TIlUS we Panamanians, like the Africans, have launched a frontal attack against the colonialist, racist enclave. 54. We share the indignation of our brothers from Africa. We understand their pain and we offer out unconditional support. We trust that the day is not far off when, under the auspices of the United Nations, when races are mentioned, we will only speak of a single race, and that is the human race.

The representative of OAU has requested that he be allowed to participate in the discussion of this item. I now call on him. 56. Mr: ONU (Organization of African Unity): May I first of all express the appreciation of my organization for the opportunity to address this Assembly. This is the manifesta- tion of the excellent co-operation which exists between our two organizations-the Organization of African Unity [OAUI and the United Nations. Furthermore, perm.t me on behalf of my organization to congratulate you, Mr. Pre- sident, upon your well deserved election as President of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly. You are no stranger to our organization. Weknow your abilities and we are confident that you will direct the affairs of this session in your usual able manner. 57. In discussing the explosive situation which the practice of apartheid has generated in s?uthern Africa, it is important to emphasize what is common knowledge; the fact that the main cause of instability which threatens peace and security in that region is South Africa itself. The South African regime plays the role of godfather to the illegal regime of Rhodesia; South Africa, in defiance of the United Nations, continues to occupy the international territory of Namibia illegally; South Africa, in collaboration with international imperialism, continues to form the rear base for subversive activities against neighbouring inde- pendent African States. Furthermore, South Africa, rather than abolish the anachronistic and abominable system of apartheid, is brutalizing with guns and bullets those who oppose the system. Equally criminal, it is proceeding with 58. A few days ago, South Africa, in characteristic disregard of United Nations and OAU resolutions, went one step further in giving effect to its bantustan policy by granting Transkei what it calls independence. 59. OAU at its summit conference in Mauritius, in July of this year,S called upon the international community not to recognize this creature of South Africa because of the grave political implications such recognition would have for the people of South Africa. We are grateful to the General Assembly for heeding this call by adopting resolution 31/6 A rejecting the declaration of the so-called indepen- dence of Transkei. We are grateful to Members of the United Nations which have individually or collectively declared that they will not recognize t"i.:J pseudo-inde- pendence. 60. The denial of recognition to the phoney independence of Transkei has more than anything else brought the problem of apartheid into sharper focus. Some embittered and disappointed friends ef the Vorster regime argue that the so-called independence of Transkei is not different from that of some African States. This kind of reasoning is not only mischievous but it is also calculated to mislead the world. 61. I do not intend to dwell on the proof of the total dependence of the so-called independent Transkei on South Africa. A lot has already been said and written on this. Suffice it to say, however, that the constitution of Transkei was forced upon its people by the self-appointed custodians of black rights, just as the bantustan or homeland policy was forced on the 18 million Africans of South Africa, who have been forced at gun point to accept the robbery of 87 per cent of their land by 4 million whites while they, the 18 million blacks, have to eke' out their existence in 13 per cent of fragmented patches of unproductive land known as bantustans, where they will remain a reservoir of cheap labour for industries in "white South Africa" and where they will become "foreigners" in their own land if the international community gives its seal to this barefaced robbery and to the 'bogus independence of Transkei. 62. This is what Mr. Vorster calls justice. This is what he is asking the international community to accept-separate but equal development, to use the jargon of the Boers, where a minority decides who gets what. 63. OAU rejects this mockery of independence forced upon the people of Transkei by Vorster and his black puppets. Our rejection of the bantustan policy, whether in South Africa or Namibia, is unequivocal. We cannot and we will not allow South Africa to deceive the world by saying that, after the fulfilment of its bantustan policy, it is no longer a racist State. For as President Nyerere rightly remarked in his statement on Transkei: 5 Thirteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held at Port Louis, Mauritius, from 2 to 6 July 1976. 64. The acceptance of the bantustan policy, which is aimed at giving birth to many more Transkeis, will evoke the same claim by South Africa. 65. The national liberation movements of South Africa, the African National Congress of South Africa fANCI and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania fPACI, which are the authentic representatives of the South African people, have rejected this. 66. The schoolchildren of Soweto have rejected the bantustan scheme and, through the supreme sacrifice of their lives, have made this clear by triggering off the revolution which began on 16 June 1976. The revolution continues and will continue. Nothing can stop it; not even the repressive measures and the draconian laws of the minority regime in South Africa will stop it. 67. The cost in terms of lives may be high, but what is this cost if freedom and the restoration of human dignity is the prize? The time may also be long but victory is certain, as history will not fail to confirm the verdict that the majority must always rule. 68. OAU not only supports the revolution now taking place in South Africa; it will give increased material and moral assistance to ensure its success. We caIl upon the progressive members of this Assembly to do the same and to increase their material and moral support to PAC, ANC and the militants of South Africa, be they blacks, Col- oureds or Indians, until this canker in South Africa is destroyed. There may be some people, especially those who think of their investments, who will say that this will bring disaster and ruin to South Africa. Let them think what they like, but we are convinced that out of the ashes of this ferment in South Africa will emerge a new South Africa where man will no longer be a wolf to man but where there will be respect for human rights and equality for everyone, no matter what the pigmentation of his skin. 69. OAU calls on all the peace-loving peoples of the world to join in this crusade against the new nazism that has raised its ugly head in Africa. If 40 years ago mankind was able to unite to destroy nazism, if this Organization, the United Nations, was born 30 years ago to spare mankind the repetition of the scourges of nazism, what stops humanity now from rising like one man to destroy apartheid, which has been nurtured by the doctrine of nazism? Is it because life, liberty and justice, or liberte, egalite et fraternite, is good only for a particular race of people? Or is it because the economic investments of Western Powers in South Africa are more important than the defence of human rights? 70. The South African situation should not allow of double standards. Those who are more concerned about their investments in South Africa do not have much time to make a choice. They will soon be forced to choose between 71. Finally, as we approach the end of this-debate, OAU appeals to this Assembly for more action. We endorse whole-heartedly the Declaration and Programme of Action adopted by the International Seminar on the Eradication of Apartheid and in Support of the Struggle for Liberation in South Africa [A/31/104, annexes I andIII organized by the Special Committee against Apartheid in May 1974. OAU calls for the continued isolation of the usurpers of power in South Africa from the world Assembly and for their total isolation from all types of human endeavour, whether sports or other activities. OAU calls upon the world body to give material assistance to the front-line States of Africa, which are making the supreme sacrifice on behalf of mankind to put an end to man's inhumanity to man in South Africa. Resolutions and diplomacy, however desirable, are not enough. The world body should give the national liberation movements and the black nationalists in South Africa the necessary means to respond to a regime that rules with the gun. This is an appeal to all men of conscience in the international community. It is the only moral choice that can be made. 72. We have waited too long for change. Some people have asked for more time to make contacts with a regime that remains intransigent. We cannot give Mr. Vorster any more time. We know the character of this chameleon. More time will only enable the 4 million whites of South Africa to consolidate their looting of the land which has been usurped from the indigenous African people. 73. In view of the deteriorating situation, the least tangible political action which the world body could take is to make the current voluntary embargo on South Africa mandatory. OAU calls for a recommendation from the Assembly to the Security Council to this effect without delay. 74. Lastly, in this struggle against apartheid, we want to know who are the real friends and who merely pretend to be the friends of Africa. They must be prepared to stand up and be counted.

In the past few months, the situation in southern Africa has undergone some develop- ment. This is particularly true in Southern Rhodesia and, to a lesser extent, in Namibia. Although we are not over- confident of the outcome of the developments, they are encouraging. Let us recall the previous situation where there had been virtually no positive reaction on the part of southern Africa in spite of continued pressure by the international community for many years. 76. As regards the policy of apartheid in South Africa, however, there has been no hint yet that the Government of South Africa may be considering putting an end to its policy. We cannot but express our deep disappointment and strong disapproval. The total lack of progress towards changing the apartheid policies of South Africa may be a reflection of the far greater difficulty of this problem as 77. It is only natural that the continued failure of the South African Government to change its policies of apartheid has further increased the feelings of frustration, resentment and indignation among all the peoples of Africa as well as the international community. But, however strong and well justified these sentiments may be, we believe that they should not be translated into violence, leading to further loss of human life. In the recent tragic incidents in South Africa a number of lives have beenlost. Any recurrence must be avoided. It is necessary to prevent further bloodshed and loss of life by all means. 78. We should like to emphasize that we should pursue constructive efforts; we should not be tempted by destruc- tive means. Above all, the South African Government should scrap the unjust policy of apartheid and demon- strate to the whole world that it is sincerely trying, and is able, to build a society in which all peoples-black, Coloured or white-can live together in equality, in har- mony, and in peace. The primary aimof our efforts should continue to be to make the South African Government give up its policies of apartheid, using all possible means available both within and outside the United Nations. This leads my delegation to hope that those Governments which are now making important efforts to resolve the problems of Southern Rhodesia and Namibia will also take the initiative in moving towards the termination of apartheid by South Africa. 79. My Government, being fully conscious of its obliga- 84. We have listened attentively to the representatives of tion as a member of the international community to ANC, PAC and OAU, who told us about the many untold participate in these concerted efforts, has taken a number sufferings and incidents that are being inflicted on the of measures, notably the following: first, we have already, people of South Africa. There is no need on my part to for many years, enforced the arms embargo against South describe again these atrocious incidents and the deterio- Africa and we will continue to do so;secondly, we have no rating situation. From all indications, my delegation is diplomatic relations with South Africa. Our relations are convinced that the South African Government has resorted limited to the consular level; thirdly, being opposed to the to massive violence and the killing of African men, women policy of bantustanization as an expression of the apartheid and children. All these actions have been taken not only in policy, we will not, as we stated here a few days ago, defiance of Security Council resolution 392 (1976) and the recognize the independence of the so-called Transkei; General Assembly resolutions, but also in defiance of fourthly, we do~ ...t issue visas to South Africans for the humanity itself. By adopting resolution 3411 C (XXX) we purpose of cultural exchanges or sporting activities; fifthly, have accepted that the international community should though normal trade is permitted, we do not permit direct have a special responsibility towards the oppressed people investment in South Africa by Japanese nationals or bodies of South Africa and their liberation movements and corporate under Japan's jurisdiction; sixthly,wehave made towards those imprisoned, restricted or exiled for their voluntary contributions to various United Nations funds struggle against apartheid. The resolution also reaffirmed related to South Africa, namely, the United Nations the determination of the United Nations to devote in- Educational and Training Programme for Southern Africa creasing attention and all necessary resources to concerted 80. Here, my delegation is bound to state that it was unfortunate that during the debate on this subjectwe heard some delegations refer to my country as having provided what they termed collaboration with, or support of, the South African Government. Japan has no intention of supporting or collaborating with the Government of South Africa while it continues its policy ofapartheid.

First, may I sayhow heartening it is for us,who have continually condemned the policies of apartheid, to find for the first time the debate on apartheid taking place in the plenary meetings of the General Assembly. 82. In 1975, the General Assembly adopted resolution 3411 D(XXX) by 99 votes to none, with 8 abstentions, that resolution condemned the establishment of bantustans, the purpose of which is to consolidate the inhuman policy of apartheid and to perpetuate white minority domination so as to dispossess the African people of South Africa of their inalienable rights. 83. The resolution also called on all Governments and organizations not to deal with any institutions or authority of the bantustans or to accord any form of recognition to them. The delegation of the Kingdom of Bhutan had supported this resolution. On 8 October; my Foreign Minister stated in the General Assembly that "the attempts of South Africa to grantso-called independence to Transkei and to create similar 'bantustans' need to be roundly condemned by the international community" f24th meet- ing, para. 146}. In view of this, my delegation was happy to have been able to sponsor the draft resolution, adopted by the General Assembly last Tuesday by 102 votes to none, with 1 abstention, which rejected the so-called indepen- dence of Transkei and the creationof other bantustans. The international community, indeed, must condemn such unreasonable manoeuvres of the Government of South Africa. 85. The Kingdom of Bhutan firmly supports the aspira- tions of the people of South Africa. His Majesty the King, Jigme Singye Wangchuck, while addressing the Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Coun- tries,held in Sri Lanka,stated: "The inhuman practice of apartheid, which has been condemned by the international community times with- out number and which no civilized person can support, continues to be practised. The people of Zimbabwe and Namibia continue to be deprived of their just and legitimate rights to self-determination and independence. We are firmly of the view that concerted and joint action should be taken by the non-aligned movement to bring about a speedy implementation of relevant resolutions and decisions of the Security Council, the General Assembly and the Organization of African Unity." 86. We believe the time has now come for the Government of South Africa to accept the emerging facts and the international community to discharge its responsibilities. In this regard, we regret the failure of the SecurityCouncil to take any effective action under the Charter because of the attitudes of some permanent members of the Security Council. So long as the racist regime is assured that it will be shielded from any effective action, it will continue to defy the decisions of the Security Council and the international community as a whole. Apartheid is a crime against the conscience and dignity of mankind. All States Members of the United Nations must discharge their responsibilities by making concerted efforts. The Special Committee against Apartheid, in its recent report to the General Assembly, has recommended that "... the General Assembly and the Security Council, in particular, and the international community generally, must urgently take further action to put an end to this increasingly grave situation, which is likely to lead to even more brutal repression and violence against innocent people and a consequent threat to the peace in a wider international context." [A/31/22/Add.1, para. 6./ It is self-evident that the South African regime IS m contravention of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination [resolu- tion 2106 A (XX)J. There will be no peacein South Africa unless the entire systemof apartheid is abolished. 88. I wish to conclude this statement by quoting once again what my Foreign Minister said recently at a plenary meeting of the General Assembly: "If conditions of peace and stability are to be created ~n southern Africa, it is essential that the abominable practice of apartheid in South Africa be abolished forthwith, and a new society created with freedom, equality and justice for all persons, irrespective of race, colour or creed." [24th meeting, para. 146./

The representative of the Palestine Liberation Organization has asked for the floor to partici- pate in the debate on the item under consideration. I give him the floor.

Mr. President, as this is the first time in this session that we have taken the floor, I should like to congratulate you, a national of a non-aligned country, on your unanimous election to this important post. I am certain that, with your vast experience and diligence, you will continue to direct this session on a safe and fruitful course. 91. Two years ago, or rather on 13 November 1974, the General Assembly invited our Chairman, Yasser Arafat, to present the cause and struggle of the Palestinian people to this august Assembly. On that occasion, Chairman Arafat said: "It cannot be, and is not, lost on me today, as I stand here before the General Assembly, that if I have been given the opportunity to address the General Assembly, so too must the opportunity be given to all liberation movements fighting against racism and imperialism. In their names, in the name of every human being struggling for freedom and self-determination, I call upon the General Assembly urgently to give their just causes the same full attention the General Assembly has so rightly given to our cause. Such recognitlons once made, there will be a secure foundation thereafter for the preservation of universal peace."? Chairman Arafat further stated: "Great numbers of peoples, including those of Zim- babwe,Namibia, South Africa and Palestine, amongmany others, are still victims of oppression and violence. Their areas of the world are gripped by armed struggles provoked by imperialism and racial discrimination, both merelyforms of aggression and terror. Those are instances 92. When Chairman Arafat spoke he had in mind, as well as, in his words, the people of South Africa suffering under the alien domination of colonialists implementing a racist policy. We also aspired to see our brothers and comrades- in-arms addressing the world from this rostrum. This has now been realized, and the voice of our brothers in South : Africa has been made clear to the world community, when our comrade-in-arms Oliver Tambo, the acting President of ANC, was given the opportunity to address this Assembly. [41st meeting/ in representation of the militant people of South Africa. . 93. To us, the attitude of the representative of the Government of the United States was no surprise. It is only one facet of the attitude of the Government of the United States towards liberation movements and peoples struggling for freedom and self-determination. 94. The Palestine Liberation Organization has noted with great satisfaction the growing awareness on the part of the world community of the dangers of the racist policy being practised against the people of South Africa. We also wish to affirm here that the Palestine people identifies its struggle with the struggle of our militant brothers in South Africa. The liberation of Angola, Mozambique, Guinea- Bissau, Cape Verde, and Sao Tome and Principe has givena new impetus not only to our brothers in South Africa but also to our Palestinian people. During the last few months, the Security Council has considered the situation in the Arab territories under Zionist occupation, ~ situation arising from the repression of the forces of occupation and the inevitable and legitimate resistance and confrontation by our people. The victories in the African continent have steeled the determination and resistance of our people in occupied Palestine. 95. The links between Pretoria and Tel Aviv were recog- nized unequivocally and condemned in the Political Decla- ration adopted by the Colombo Conference: "The racist regimesin Israel, South Africa and Rhodesia established by alien colonial settlers combine the ugly features o[ colonialism and racism as they all practise racism and subject the indigenous populations to every form of discrimination, oppression, occupation and alien domination. These regimes form a racist axis aimed at the elimination of the liberation movements in southern Africa and Palestine and the domination of Africa and the Arab world." [A/31/197, annex I, para. 30./ 96. In occupied Palestine, as in South Africa, racial discrimination is applied against the indigenous population In South Africa it is calledapartheid. In occupied Palestine, it is Zionist ideology and practices. Racial discrimination has been defined as "any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, colour, descent or national or ethnic origin" [resolution 2106(XX), annex, para. 1/. The links between Pretoria and Tel Aviv are being strengthened. 97. When this Assembly recommended the partition of Palestine in resolution 181 (11) of 29 November 1947, the Afrikaners in South Africa celebrated and considered the event as a victory of the whites over the Arabs. In occupied Palestine, the Zionists support the current policy of rapprochement between Pretoria and Tel Aviv, because practical military, political and economic concerns out- weigh all other considerations. 98. In Sharpeville and Deir Yasin, in Soweto and Jeru- salem, the indigenous population is up in arms against the racist regimes. In South Africa, as in occupied Palestine, the indigenous population is castigated for committing a "crime", the crime known as the struggle for national' liberation from racist foreign domination, for the attain- ment of inalienable rights and fer human dignity. In occupied Palestine, as in South ftJrica, police thugs use the Uzi machine-gun to terrorize and murder the oppressed population. In South Africa, as in occupied Palestine, the evil, barbaric forces of oppression are backed and financed by the imperialists, in particular the Government of the United States. But the solidarity of our peoples is much stronger and will crush the unholy alliance of the racist regimes and will break the Pretoria-Tel Aviv Fascist axis. 99. The Security Council resolved on 19 June 1976, in paragraph 3 of its resolution 392 (1976), that "the policy of apartheid is a crime against the conscience and dignity of mankind and seriously disturbs international peace and security". We sincerely hope that this Assembly and the world at large will deal with the perpetrators of this crime and inflict upon the criminals the punishment and sanctions applicable to common cruninals. 100. On this second day of November, I cannot but recall the unholy Balfour Declaration of 2 November 1917. That Declaration? referred to two communities in Palestine: the Jewish and the non-Jewish communities. And the non- Jewish community then represented more than 90 per cent of the population. Then, the seeds of racial discrimination were sown and the Palestinians are still suffering from the consequences of that policy, for which the British Govern- ment is still to blame.

It gives my delegation no Satisfaction to speak yet once again in the annual debate on this item, first placed on our agenda 24 years ago. Since the Charter first laid down as.a principal purpose of the United Nations the promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion, it is true that much has been done to further that objective. The Assemblyhas adopted a Universal Declaration of Human Rights, then Covenants, then a Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. In consequence of the standards it 103. Yet, on this record of general progress, there remain serious blemishes and, above all, the blot of the apartheid policy of the Government of South Africa. There, we have not progress, but retrogression. There, we have not only the denial of basic political, social and economic rights- although that is seriousenough-but the physical separation from the rest of South Africa of whole segments of the South African people, with the apparent intention of denying to them even the right to remain citizens of their own country. 104. This monumental assault on a basic principle of the Charter is not something to which the United Nations can ever become indifferent. To do so would be not only to diminish the human dignity of black South Africans, but would diminish OUi own human dign.ty. 105. The attitude of the people and Government of New Zealand to apartheid is unequivocal. Racial discrimination is alien to the New Zealand way of life. We are opposed to this most virulent form of racial discrimination. We believe that it is morally wrong. We believe that it is unjust. We believe that it is unworkable. We want to see it ended. 106. South Africais not by any means the only country in the world where human nghts are consistently violated or where racial discrimination is practised. But in no other country is racial discrimination the theme of a whole body of repressive legislation. No other country has a vast disenfranchised majority among its citizens. No other Government has sought to solve its racial problems by establishing enclaves and conferring on the inhabitants of these scattered and inadequate areas a spurious indepen- dence that denies them citizenship of the country of their birth. No other Government believes that the way to racial harmony lies in retaining millions of people within its boundaries, without any political rights, because their labour is needed to fuel a white economy. No other Government has ever set its face so doggedly against the principleof human equality and majority rule. 107. It is not, therefore, in South Africa, as it is very often elsewhere, an issue merely of social and economic discrim- ination, deplorable though these practices are.Apartheidis nothing less than the permanent denial, to millions of people, of their fundamental political rights on no other grounds than the colour of their skin. 108. The intemational community's condemnation of apartheid is total. All of us are committed to its eradi- cation. New Zealand fully supports that goal. Where there are differences among us, these are differences as to means, 1'10. New Zealand, for its part, has a consistent policy of support for United Nations efforts to bring about peaceful change in southern Africa. For some years, we have demonstrated our concern for those who suffer under apartheid by contributing to the several' United Nations trust funds for southern Africa. We shall be maintaining these contributions in the current year. 111. On Wednesday last we joined with the membership of this Assembly in rejectingthe "independence", so-called, of the Transkei. There were aspects of that resolution [resolution 31/6 AI, in paragraph4, about which we had doubts. No New Zealand Government has ever been prepared to restrict the right of its citizensto travel freely, and we have doubts as to the wisdom of attempting to isolate the South African people who are obliged to live in the Transkei from all outside contacts if they are to be ready, when the time comes, to play their proper part in the government of a united South Africa. But we never- theless had no hesitation in voting for the resolution as a whole, because our opposition to the creation of bantustans is a well-established policy, and our refusal to recognize the Transkei is firm. 112. We are convinced that the establishment of what are called "homelands" for the African peoplesof South Africa will not mend that country's racial divisions, but exacerbate them. Their creation is a transparent device to maintain white domination in South Africa. In 1961 the then Prime Minister of South Africa, Mr. Verwoerd, made this clear when he said that the Government intended to create bantustans, "thereby buying the white man his freedom and the right to maintain domination in what is his country". The policy laid down by Mr. Verwoerd may have undergone some modifications since 1961, but the aim is unchanged. The Minister of Bantu Administration and Development said in 1970: "As far as I am concerned, the ideal condition would be if we should succeed in due course in having all Bantu in the white areas on a basis of migratory labour only," 113. This is the aim. It will not work. All South Africans, regardless of race, must have their place in the economic, social and political life of the country. Black South Africans cannot be deprived of their citizenship, made foreigners in their own land, and excluded from their enjoyment of a fair share in South Africa's resources while their labour is the mainstay of the economy. 115. The New Zealand Government has no official repre- sentation in the Republic, at the diplomatic level or at any other. Earlier this year we declined a South African suggestion that we saould open an embassy in Pretoria. Our trade is not significant and we have for some years now maintaineda voluntary arms embargo. 116. My Government has also made clear its view that South Africa's occupation of Namibia is illegal and unac- ceptable. 117. Our position on this issue was restated by the New' Zealand Minister of State in his speech in the general debate last month [21st meeting}, Unless South Africa ceases and reverses its imposition of apartheid on Namibia, and soon; unless it relinquishes its control of Namibia and allows the people to determine its own destiny, a conflagration is inevitable. We are at the brink now. South Africa's tardy acceptance of the goal of independence for Namibia is welcome. But independence must be genuinely based on self-determination. The South West African People's Organ- ization [SWAPOI must therefore be involved. Political repression and imprisonment for political reasons must stop. 118. 'n this connexion, my Government recently ex- pressed its deep concern to South Africa at the death sentences passed on two SWAPO leaders. 119. As Namibia was once a League of Nations Mandate, this Organization has a special responsibility towards it. The United Nations must ensure that Namibia's independence is based on the free expression of the political will of all its people. It is imperative therefore that the United Nations should be able to supervise free elections in Namibia and to approve any newconstitution for that country. 120. It is not my intention to conclude my statement on this item with an expression of facile optimism. Indeedit is understandable that after 24 years of apparently futile discussion-3D years if one takes into account the early item concerning Indians in South Africa-many Govern- ments have lost patience with the efforts of the United Nations so far to effect a change in the policies of the South African Government. It is inevitable that, as that Government continuesto suppress the growing resistance of black South Africans to its discriminatory policies, impa- tience and anger will grow. They should not blind us, however, to the fact that change in southern Africa is taking place now. Its pace is rapid and South Africa ea-met insulate itself from the effects of that change. Only three years ago large areas of Africa remained under colonial rule. Now only vestiges remain of the once pervasive presence of the former administering Powers. In the last few months new possibilities have opened up for the early achievement of independence in Namibia and majority rule in Rhodesia, 121. South Africa's problems are deep-seated and intract- able. They are peculiar to South Africa. They can be solved only by the peoples of South Africa themselves and only when they are able to express themselves freely through recognized democratic processes. We, as outsiders, cannot say what the solution should be. But one thing is clearfor all to see: the solution doest;lot liein apartheid.

~he representative of Saudi Arabia, who was listed to speak tomorrow, has expressed the desire to speak now. Asthere is time available, I call on him now and thank him for his co-operation.

You are right, Mr. President, when you say that my statement will be made tomorrow, but I could not accept something I could not cope with. I am an .old-tlmer here in this United Nations and I presume others will be confronted with the same difficulties. I asked this morning to see the draft resolutions already submitted to the Assembly and found that they are falling on the Assembly like autumn leaves. There are seven or eight, of them already and I tried mentally to integrate the preambles and some of the operative paragraphs and I got bogged down. Now this is not a joke. We are all against apartheid but there should be an intelligent and intelligible approachto the question. I do not want to be misunderstood. If we use words against a State thinking that by multiplying those words we get better results, I think that we have missed the point. No one, not a single delegation except of course South Africa and some who have abstained-we know them-can go against the substance of those draft resolutions. But there should be order in our work. I am not talking on the substance. There are still two draft resolutions in the making. How do those who submitted them expect us to address ourselves seriously, thoroughly, to the question of apartheid when it has proliferatedinto so many documents that should be voted upon? May I appeal to them to get "together because I fmd that the sponsors of the various resolutions are practically the same? They almost always begin with Algeria, my good friends from Algeria, and they end with Zambia. From A to Z, we are with them heart and soul. But how do you want us to cope with these resolutions? Each one on its own merits? Can you not draft one resolution, not aswhen you once did on Namibia in the Security Council, w~th eight Roman-numbered chapters, as I pointed out to you, when I had a resolution of one page. Baroody-one pa'~e, and you-eight chapters, with Roman numbers, some of you that have now sponsored seven to nine '''P.~olutions. This is a proliferation with which we cannot cope. I do not know whether my appeal will be heeded or whether we shall be mechanically votingin this house, mechanically, and I shall be mechani- cally voting. I do not have to look any more into this. But it is a dangerous precedent if we resort to the mechanical vote on substance. We should be able to scrutinize every