A/31/PV.56 General Assembly

The debate on this item was con- cluded at the afternoon meeting on Wednesday, 3 Novem- ber. 2. As members are aware, the General Assembly decided at its S2nd meeting that certain organizations should be heard by the Special Political Committee. That Commit- tee's report on that subject is contained in document A/31/320. 3. I shall now call on the representatives who wish to introduce the following draft resolutions: A/31/L.7 and Add.1 and 2, A/31/L.8 and Add.l and 2, A/31/L.9 and Add.l and 2, A/31/L.10/Rev.1 and Add.1, A/31/L.11 and Add.1 and 2, A/31/L.12 and Add.l and 2, A/31/L.13 and Add.1 and 2, A/31/L.14 and Add.1, and A/31/L.lS. 4. The first speaker is the representative of Norway, who will introduce draft resolution A/31/L.7 and Add.l and 2. S. Mr. ALGARD (Norway): Fourteen years ago, at its eighteenth session, the General Assembly adopted resolu- tion 1881 (XVIII) on the policies of apartheid of the Government of the Republic of South Africa, calling for the first time on the South African Government to release unconditionally all persons imprisoned, interned or sub- jected to other restrictions for their opposition to apart- J heid. 6. In subsequent years Governments of Members of the United Nations, including my own Government, have been deeply concerned at the South African Government's lack ... Resumed from the S~th meeting. Friday, } November 1976, at 3.35 p.m. NEW YORK ~ of response to the numerous appeals made by the United Nations for the release of prisoners and detainees in South Africa, whose sole guilt has been their determined opposi- tion to apartheid. , 7. All attempts to found a society on the principle of racial segregation and discrimination are doomed to failure. The apartheid system, inhuman and morally repulsive as it is in its basic concept, is by its very nature a system of violence. Recent events have also confirmed that the white minority is prepared to resort to unrestrained, violent measures to maintain its privileged position at the expense of the African population. This escalation of violence demonstrates that it is more important than ever to focus attention on the fate of the people opposed to the racist policy of the South African Government and to express our solidarity with all Africans struggling against apartheid and discrimination 8. We have followed with keen interest the important work carried out by the Special Committee against Apart- heid and would like to express our deep appreciation to the Chairman of that Committee, Ambassador Harriman of Nigeria, and to the other members of the Committee for their dedicated work for the purpose of, inter alia, obtaining the release of South African political prisoners. 9. We noticed with satisfaction the attention that was this year given to the commemoration of 11 October as a Day of Solidarity with South African political prisoners. On that Day of Solidarity with South African Political Prisoners the Nordic countries in a joint statement had the opportunity once more in clear terms to condemn the South Africa apartheid policy as a flagrant violation of the fundamental principles of the United Nations and to call for the immediate release of all political prisoners in accordance with those principles. 10. It was with deep concern and great sadness that we ' witnessed the tragic events in Soweto and what happened in their aftermath. The use of violence and weapons against schoolchildren and young people, among others, clearly demonstrates the intolerable situation in South Africa. It is against this background that my delegation would like to introduce to the Assembly for its consideration a draft resolution on solidarity with the South African political prisoners, which is submitted on behalf of the countries listed in the document and its addenda IA/31/L. 7 and Aaa.t and 2/. 11. Operative paragraph 1 condemns the ruthless repres- sion of the South African regime against the leaders of the oppressed people of South Africa and other opponents of apartheid. 14. Operative paragraph 4 proclaims 11 October the Day of Solidarity with South African Political Prisoners. .' 15. Finally, operative paragraph 5 contains a request to the Centre against Apartheid, in consultation with the Special Committee against Apartheid, to intensify publicity for the cause of all those persecuted for their opposition to apartheid in South Africa. 16. We believe the Assembly could best demonstrate. its solidarity with the victims of the system of apartheid and pledge its support for more vigorousinternational action by adopting the draft resolution now before us by consensus.

I now call on the representative of Mauritius to introduce draft resolutions"A/31IL.8, L.ll and L.l3 and their respective addenda.

I wish briefly to intro- duce three of the draft resolutions before this Assembly. I do so as representative of the current chairman of the Organization of African Unity [OA U] and, of course, on behalf of the sponsors. The drafts I should like to introduce are those on an arms embargo against South Africa [A/31/L.8 and Add.I and 2j, the programme of work of the Special Committee against Apartheid [A/31/L.11 and Add.l and 2j and the situation in South Africa[A/31/L.13 and Add. 1 and 2j. 19. The debate we concluded on Wednesday [54th meet- ing] served to underscore some very important components of the situation in South Africa. Most speakers have rightly pointed out that apartheid today constitutes a major challenge to the United' Nations, not only because the apartheid policies should be regarded as the most system- atic violations of the Charter, but also because those policies clearly pose a serious threat to international peace and security, 20. Referring to the general discontent and frustration which now prevail in South 'Africa and give rise to violent demonstrations, most speakers have recognized that the situation in South Africa is explosive and that the time available to us to try to work out peaceful solutions is rapidly running out. It is against this background that a detailed programme of action has been submitted to this Assembly in the form of the various proposals before it. 21. One of the most important of the proposals is the draft resolution on an arms embargo. In my statement on 26 October [41st meeting] I pointed out that in South Africa we have to face the serious problem of a growing armed Power. The facts are very well known to all of us. The military budget of South Africa has increased tenfold, 22. This has been made possible by the continued arms supply from South Africa's traditional allies. This is a fact which the sponsors of the draft felt they should mention specifically. Arms and military equipment continue to pour into South Africa in spite of an arms embargo against that country recommended by the Security Council. It is mindful of this situation that we vre proposing to the Assembly that it make the arms embargo mandatory. 23. In the course of the debate the representative of Sweden pointed out [48th meetingj that it is difficult to see how anyone could be negatively affected by trans- forming the arms embargo recommended by the Security Council into a mandatory embargo, since all Members of the United Nations claim to have discontinued arms salesto South Africa. A mandatory embargo, he said, would represent a considerable political and diplomatic set-back for South Africa and would increase the pressure on the white minority regime to change its racist policy. This is a valid argument, and we believe that, since it comes from the representative of an enlightened Western Power, it will commend itself to the Western alliesof South Africa. 24. In operative paragraph 1 of the draft resolution, we invoke Chapter VII of the Charter, which provides for the mandatory action we are seeking. We do so in the sincere belief that the threat to international peace and security is real in South Africa. This has been amply proved during the debate. I would merely recall that twice this year, in its resolutions 387 (1976) and 393 (1976), the Security Coun- cil has condemned South Africa for naked aggression against Angolaand Zambia. 25. I should also like to repeat what I said in my main statement on 26 October: namely, that the danger is that racist South Africa will attempt to use its armed might against other nations in Africa and that it will initiate armed confrontation in the hope of obtaining support from the major Western Powers. Island Member States like Mauritius are seriously worried by the growingmilitary and naval activities of the South African regime in the Indian Ocean. I should like in this regard to remind this Assembly that OAU at its last summit meeting, held in Mauritius.! expressed concern over those activities. 26. The sponsors of the draft resolution on an arms embargo against South Africa believe that the measures recommended in operative paragraph 2 should be made mandatory by the Security Council if that organ, which is entrusted with the primary task of maintaining peace in the world, finally realizes and admits that it will have to face the threat to international peace and security which we see in the continuation of the apartheid regime and the continued military build-up in South Africa, 1 Thirteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held at Port Louis, Mauritius, from 2 to 6 July 1976. 28. Turning to the other two draft resolutions which I have the honour to introduce, the draft resolution on the programme of work of the Special Committee against Apartheid {A/31/L.ll and Add.I and 2/ and the draft resolution on the situationin South Africa {A/31/L.13 and Add.l and 2/, I shall be very brief because the proposals which they contain are quite straightforward and, I trust, will be readily acceptable to allMembers. 29. We all agree that the Special Committee against Apartheid, under the competent leadership of the repre- sentative of Nigeria, my beloved colleague and African brother, Ambassador Harriman, should be commended for its valuable activities. All members of that Committee have agreed that their work should be more action-oriented at the present stage of the struggle for the eradication of apartheid and the liberation of South Africa. The pro- gramme of work proposed in draft resolution A/31/L,11 corresponds to the activities which the Special Committee should undertake in order to reach its goals. We trust that this Assembly will enable the Committee to continue to perform its valuable services by adopting this draft unan- imously. 30. Draft resolution A/31/L,13 011 the situation in South Africa actually sums up the views that have beenexpressed during this debate and the action advocated by most speakers. The appeals and requests which it contains correspond to the proposals which were put forward by the majority of those who spoke in the debate. I trust, therefore, that this draft resolution, too, will commend itselfto this Assembly for unanimous support. 31. The sponsors of these and other draft resolutions before the Assembly believe that it is essential that the United Nations should fmally resort to concrete action to eradicate the evil of apartheid. By submitting these pro- posals they are giving the membership of this Organization an opportunity to show that it has the political will fmally to take such action.

I now call on the representative of the Libyan Arab Republic to introduce draft resolution A/31/L.9and Add.l and 2.

It is a privilege as well as a duty incumbent upon me to introduce on behalfof the sponsors draft resolution A/31/L.9and Add.l and 2. 34. The draft resolution is self-explanatory. Its first preambular paragraph serves to recall the frequently re- peated condemnations of the strengthening of relations between the racist regime of South Africa and Israel. 3S. The second preambular parrgraph expresses grave concern over the fact that paramilkary personnel have been 36. The third preambular paragra.ph refers to the Assem- bly's consideration of the important and relevant report of the Special Committee against Apartheid {A/31/22/ Add.2J, which was adopted unanimously by the Special Committee Against Apartheid. I trust that all Members have been afforded the opportunity for a careful study of this very important report. 37. Operative paragraph 1 of the draft resolution strongly condemns the continuing and increasing collaboration between Israel and the South African racist regime. 38. Operative paragraph 2 requests that the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid be disseminated widely, in various languages, in order to mobilize and awaken public opinion to the collaboration between the two parties, Israel and the racist regime of South Africa, 39. In recent years the General Assembly has expressed increasing corcern over the intensification of political, economic, military and other relations between the two racist regimes. The unholy alliance between South African racism and Israeli imperialism was condemned in General Assembly resolution 31S1 G (XXVIII) of 14 December 1973. The strengthening of political, economic, military and other relations between Israel and South Africa was condemned in General Assembly resolution 3324 E (XXIX) of 16 December 1974. Again, on 10 December 1975, the General Assembly, in resolution 3411 G (XXX), con- demned "the strengthening of relations and collaboration between the racist regime of South Africa and Israel in the political, military, economic and other fields". 40. The Special Committee against Apartheid reported to the General Assembly its increasing concern at the devel- opment of relations between the two racist regimes. Following the decision of Israel to upgrade its diplomatic mission to South Africa to embassy level, the Special Committee, on 17 March 1974, requested its Sub-Com- mittee on the Implementation of United Nations Resolu- tions and Collaboration with South Africa to prepare a report on recent developments in the relations between Israel and South Africa. The Sub-Committee's report was issued as document A/AC.l15/L,383. 41. On 2 April 1974, the Chairman of the Special Committee sent a letter to the Permanent Representative of Israel to the United Nations stating that it was a flagrant violation of the resolution of the United Nations General Assembly to raise the level of Israel's diplomatic mission to South Africa. The Permanent Representative was requested to convey to the authorities of Israel the great concern of the Special Committee and its hope that Israel would reconsider its decision and terminate its diplomatic, con- sular and other official relations with the South African racist regime in accordance with all the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly. Although the Permanent Repre- sentative of Israel acknowledged receipt of the Chairman's letter, to date no reply has been received from the Israeli' authorities. 43. The attention of the Special Committee was drawn in June 1975 to a press report that the South African Minister of the Interior and Information was in Israel on a private visit on 17June 1975 and that the South African Consulate 'General in Israel would be elevated to an embassy, The Committee; deeply disturbed by this evidence of a further increase in relations between the two regimes requested its Rapporteur to prepare a report of recent developments' regarding military, diplomatic, economic and other collab- oration between those two racist regimes. 44. As a consequence of the further visit by the South African Minister of the Interior and Information to Israel in March 1976 and in light of reportsof an impending visit to Israel by the Prime Minister of South Africa, Mr. Vorster, the Chairman of the Special Committee issued a press statement on 7 April 1976in which the hope was expressed that allGovernments and organizations wouldcondemn the action of the Israeli authorities in developing closer collaboration with the Pretoriaregime in defiance of United Nations resolutions, and exercise their influence to per- suade the authorities of Israel to desist from their present course. 45. The increased collaboration between Israel and South Africa as a consequence of Mr. Vorster'svisitto Israel from 9 to 12 April 1976 and the conclusion of a wide range of agreements on co-operation between the two regimes was discussed by the Special Committee, which requested the Sub-Committee on the Implementation of United Nations Resolutions and Collaboration with South Africa to pre- pare, as a' matter of priority, a report on the increase in collaboration between the two regimes so that it could be transmitted to the General Assembly and the Security Council as well as to OAU, the Conference of Non-Aligned Countries and the League of Arab States. 46. At the meeting of ministers of non-aligned countriesin Sri Lanka, the Chairman of the Special Committee issued a statement on 11 August 1976 condemning the sale of two missile boats by Israel to South Africa. 47. The report in document A/31/22/Add.2elucidates the development of collaboration between the two racist regimes of Israel and South Africa from 1948 up to the present. It reveals most explicitly that the relations between the two regimes have deep ideological and historical roots, and have acquired new dimensions and were greatly intensified after the June 1967 and October 1973 wars in the Middle East.Differences betweenthe two racistregimes caused by diverting foreign policyobjectives and ambitions vis-a-vis the Arab and the African countries were set aside when the African States broke off all diplomatic relations with Israel. Weakened by the advances of the liberation struggle and forced into increasing isolation by Arab- African solidarity and world condemnation of their racist policies, the two regimes have resorted to closer collabora- tion in all areas. This collaboration has aimed primarily at 48. This collaboration reached a new stage in April 1976 and, as a result of Prime Minister Vorster's visit to Israel, agreements on economic, scientific and industrial co- operation were concluded. The intensification of military collaboration between the two regimes has been substan- tiated by press reportsand subsequent developments. 49. Relations between the racist regime in South Africa and Israel have deep historical and ideological roots. The Minister of Defence in the Union Government and a member of the Imperial War Council in 1917 were among the chief architects of the Balfour Declaration on the establishment of a "Jewishhomeland" in Palestine. 50. The Minister of Defence, General Smuts, was one of the strongest supporters of the Zionists and a close, intimate friend of the Zionist leaders. One of the first acts of the National Party in South Africa after coming to power in 1948 was to extend de jure recognition to the Zionist entity, and Mr. D. F. Malan was the first Prime Minister in the British Commonwealth to pay a courtesy visit to Israel. 51. The South African Zionist Federation has continued to sendsubstantial funds to Israel every year, making South African Jewry the greatest per capita contributors to Israel in the world. Hence the community of interests between the two racist regimes was established from the very beginning, with the South African Jewish community serving as the link between the two regimes. 52. The Jewish Chronicle of London in December 1962 commented on the South African Jewish organizations' having turned themselves into instruments of South African propaganda by deciding that "the Jewish community should take stepsto explain South Africa's positionto Jews overseas and at home". 53. During the 1967 war the underlying community of interests between the two regimes, despite divergencies over foreign policy, was shown by South Africa's support for Israel. The free transfer of fundsto Israel was reinstated by special regulations, and other means of material aid were made available. The increasing recognition of the basic similarities between the two regimes in international pol- "Israel and South Africa have a common lot. Both are engaged in a struggle for existence, and both are in constant clash with the, decisive majorities in the United Nations. Both are reliable foci of strength within the region, which would, without them, fall into anti-Western anarchy. It is in South Africa's interest that Israel is successful in containing her enemies, who are among our own most vicious enemies; and Israel would have all the world against it if the navigation route around the Cape of Good Hope should be out of operation because South Africa's control is undermined. The anti-Western powers have driven Israel and South Africa into a community of interests which had better be utilized than denied." 54. The same position and the same arguments were reiterated by Jewish Affairs, the official instrument of the South African Jewish Board of Deputies, in November 1970: "The argument that Israel and South Africahave a basic community of interest in the Middle East and further south has more than a grain of truth in it. There is nothing secret or sinister about it. The strong ties between the two countries, closer than ever since the 1967 war, are inseparable from their geographical and strategic position, from their anti-communist outlook and from all the realities of their national existence.... In short, the destinies of the two countries, so different in many ways, but so alike in the fundamental conditions of their survival, are interwoven in a much more meaningful sense than any enemy propagandist could conceive, or, for that matter, would be happy to see." 55. Economic, political and military links between the two countries grew rapidly in the subsequent years, and the October 1973 war was a major milestone in the process of growing identification between the two regimes. Most African countries broke relations with Israel during or after the war, thereby ending Israel's need for a facade of opposition to apartheid. This was immediateley evident in Israel's voting on anti-apartheid resolutions in the United Nations: since 1973 Israel has either abstained or voted against those resolutions, or has been absent. 56. Since 1973, the two regimes have rapidly moved towards the establishment or cementing of alliances in defence of common interests and the formalization of these ties. The raising of the levels of their diplomatic relations from that of legations to that of embassies has occurred. Several joint projects have been undertaken by para-statal corporations, and commercial and scientific ties have been strengthened by the creation of appropriate organs and the exchange of high-level visits. Among the high-ranking Israeli officials who have visited South Africa since ]974 are General Moshe Dayan, the former Minister of Defence, General Meir Amit, former head of Israel's intelligence services and present Chairman of Koor Industries, and General Herzog, then miJitary commentator on the radio and now Permanent Representative of Israel in the United Nations. Among high-ranking South African officials who 57. Mr. Vorster's visit culminated in a far-reaching agree- ment on economic, scientific and industrial collaboration. The agreement was announced at a press conference held on 12 April in Jerusalem: The agreement aroused world- wide condemnation but was welcomed jubilantly by most sectors of the South African white community and in particular the Zionist organizations. The Johannesburg Star in its 17 April 1976 issue commented: , "Clearly the pact goes well beyond the usual trade and co-operation agreements which normally round off a State visit between friendly countries ... at the root of the pact is & mutual exchange of material and military know-how which both countries desperately need." 58. An editorial in the Rand Daily Mail of 14 April 1976 stated: "There is no gainsaying the signal nature of Mr.Vorster's triumph this week. By achieving a publicly announced economic, scientific and industrial pact with Israel he has done far more than merely formalize bonds that have, in any case, been growing stronger. He has, in fact, acquired for South Africa a public friend, an avowed ally, at a time when this country confronts an in- creasingly hostile world and an increasingly aggressive Black Africa." 59. Mr. Unna, the Israeli Ambassador to South Africa, in an interview with a group of Jewish newspaper editors from the United States published in the Jewish Press of 18 June 1976, said that the agreement was expected to influence the attitude of the international Jewish com- munity towards South Africa favourably. 60. Thus the collaboration and collusion between the racist regimes of Israel and South Africa have been adequately substantiated and elucidated. For this reason we hope that the General Assembly will adopt the draft resolution presented by us and circulated in document A/31/L.9 and Add.l and 2.

I call on the representative of Cuba to introduce draft resolution document A/31/L.14 and Add.!.

I have the honour to submit to the Assembly draft resolution A/31/L.14 and Add.l sponsored by the 58 delegations listed in those documents. The draft resolution which we are submitting to the General Assembly derives from the desire, shared by an overwhelming majority of States Members of the Organization and very clearly expressed throughout the debate we have had this year in connexion with agenda item 52, to express in concrete action by the international community the repudiation and condemnation of apartheid, a desire whicn is today part of the common heritage of mankind. 6S. The Programme of Action adopted by the Havana Seminar against Apartheid held in May of this year,2 later endorsed by the OAU Council of Ministers and the Fifth . Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, recently held in Colombo, represents a coherent set of measures effectively to channel interna- tional action for theeradication of aparthldd. 66. That document was prepared by representatives of Statesmembers of the Special Committee against Apartheid and of a broad range of organizations and non-govern- mental instituti.ons, as well as eminent personalities who attended the seminar. Its later endorsement by all African States and all non-aligned countries gives the Programme of Action a Sf ",d foundation of support. 67. The result of that process of preparation is what is submitted to the Assembly by a group of delegations in draft resolution A/31/L.l4 and Add.l. In it we have taken into account all the discussions held and decisions taken during recent months within the framework of OAU, within the context of the non-aligned movement and at numerous governmental meetings, so that what has been presented can be considered a consensus of international public opinion regarding practical measures to be taken now to eradicate apartheid. The result of that effort is the draft resolution wehave submitted, annexed to which is the Programme of Action against apartheid which is proposed to the Assembly. In that Programme of Action, asrepresen- tatives will no doubt have noticed on examining the annex to the draft resolution, we consider the measures that should be adopted by Governments as regards diplomatic and consular and other official relations with the racist South African regime; military and nuclear co-operation; economic co-operation; airline and shipping companies; emigration; cultural, educational, and sports co-operation and co-operation in other fields with South Africa. 68. The Programme of Action likewise contemplates the measures that we consider should be implemented to assist the oppressed people of South Africa. The Programme of 2 International Seminar on the Eradication of Apartheid and in Support of the Struggle for Liberation in South Africa, held at Havana from 24 to 28 May 1976.See document A/31/104-S/12092, annexes Iand 11. 69. The Programme of Action provides an adequate framework within which to promote a broad international campaign against apartheid with the participation of States, social, religious and cultural organizations, trade unions and institutions and individuals opposed to apartheid every- where in the world. It will serve to raise the level of effectiveness, scope and systematic work of the interna- tional effort for solidarity with the oppressed people of South Africa and the eradication of the heinous system of oppression established by the Pretoria regime. 70. The full implementation of this Programme of Action will lead to a decisive advance in our common endeavour and will bring closer the hour when the total eradication of apartheid and the liberation of South Africa will become facts. In recommending its application by all Governments, organizations and private persons, the General Assembly will contribute to intensifying international action against apartheid, since the Secretary-General of the United Nations and all bodies and specialized agencies of the United Nations, OAU and the Special Committee against Apartheid will play an important role. 71. For these reasons, approval of draft resolution A/31/ L.l4 will be an expression of the will of this Assembly to reflect in concrete and effective action its decision to eradicate apartheid. Accordingly, on behalf of the delega- tions sponsoring the draft, we urge the Assembly to give it its strong support in the conviction that in approving the draft resolution the Assembly will be reflecting in the most positive manner not only the will of the vast majority of States Members of the lnternational community but also the feelings of world public opinion, the opinion of millions of men and women throughout the world who have transformed the struggle against apartheid into [' priority objective. 72. The adoption of this draft resolution and the effective implementation by all States Members and all the organs and agencies of the United Nations system of the proposed Programme of Action will enable the Organization to be at the very centre of international action against apartheid, at the centre of universal mobilization which the progress of the struggle of the African peoples has made more urgent than ever. Thus, our Organization will be in the forefront of the struggle for the rights of the peoples of southern Africa, the struggle to translate into reality for the oppressed people of South Africa the ideals of equality and freedom which are the foundations of the very existence of our Organization.

I now call on the representative of Sweden to introduce draft resolution A/31/L.15, which will be distributed during the course of this afternoon's meet- ing.

The Swedish delegation has the honour to introduce draft resolution A/31/L.15 con- cerning investments in South Africa. 76. The system of apartheid continues unabated. The majority of the South African population has clearly demonstrated that it no longer accepts that system of political repression and economic exploitation of the vast majority of South Africa. 77. The violent demonstrations by the people of Soweto that sterted a couple of months ago and to which the South African regime responded with the most extreme and ruthless force are unambiguous signs that the majority will no longer tolerate the system of apartheid. The protests are spreading all over South Africa. 78. The bantustan policy is an example of serious eco- nomic exploitation of the people. The systematic imple- mentation of that policy has become a means of supplying the South African economy with a reserve of cheap labour. In the light of the crucial importance of the apartheid system for the functioning of the South African economy. it is a moral imperative for the international community not to assist in this exploitation of the people of South Africa. 79. An immediate step which can lead to a limitation or a complete cessation of new investments in South Africa should now be possible. The draft resolution which the Swedish delegation is now submitting on behalf of the sponsors urges the Security Council to consider decisions or recommendations which will lead to a discontinuation of further foreign investments in racist South Africa. 80. The draft resolution makes reference to the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid /A/31/22 and Add.l-S], Further, it notes the increase of foreign invest- ment in South Africa which abets and encourages the apartheid policies of that country, it welcomes as a positive step the decision of some Governments to achieve the cessation of further investments in South Africa; and it points to a cessation of new foreign investments in South Africa as one important step in the struggle against aparmeid. Hl. In its operative part the General Ass -nbly urges the Security Council, when studying the problem of the continued struggle against the apartheid policies of South Africa, to consider steps to achieve the cessation of further foreign investments in South Africa. H2. '1110 sponsors wish to underscore that this' draft resolution must be regarded as one step in a series of efforts to apply pressure 011 Soutll Africa to abolish the apartheid

I call on the representative of Mexico to introduce draft resolution A/31/L.I0/Rev.l and Add.l.

Last year the General Assembly by acclama- tion approved resolution 3411 E (XXX), entitled "Apart- heid in sports", in which in a general form fundamental principles were laid down designed to prevent the applica- tion of a racist policy in the noble institution of sports. 85. This year, in order to preserve the Olympic principle that in sports there should be no discrimination for reasons of race, religion or political affiliation, a principle that should be observed not only during the Olympic Games themselves but in all sporting competitions, for the first time a series of concrete measures are being submitted to the General Assembly designed to help some Governments to discourage sporting contacts between their natlonals and racist sportsmen or teams, something which in the past, in spite of their goodwill, they have not been able to do. H6. Draft resolution A/31/L.I0/Rev.l entitled, again, "Apartheid in sports". is the result of the continued efforts which the Special Committee against Apartheid has outlined in its report to this thl.ty-flrst session. H7. Permit me, in the first place, to mention the praise- worthy proposal of the Minister from Jamaica contained in his message to the International Seminal' on the Eradication of Apartheid and in Support of the Struggle for Liberation in South Africa. in Havana in May 1976 and subsequently supported by the Conference of non-aligned countries held in Colombo in August 1976, to prepare an international convention on apartheid in sports. 88. That proposal. as is reflected in operative paragraph I of the draft resolution,should be welcomed by the General Assembly. In order to achieve its objective, the sponsors of the draft resolution have proposed the creation of an ad hoc committee composed of members of the Special Committee agalnst Apartheid and seven other Member States which would be appointed by the-President of the General Assembly on the basis of the principle of equitable geographical distrlbutio.. That committee, having studied the question as a matter {if priority, should present at the thirty-second session, as is stated in operative paragraph 3, a draft declaration on apartheid in sports as a measure preparatory to the ultimate adoption of a convention on this subject. 89. We hope that the future convention will be a first step towards the preparation of a code of conduct applicable to sports which would not be limited to measures to be adopted against apartheid. 90. The experience of Mexico in the Davis Cup competi- tion. which wc reported to this session of the General 91. finally, we are convinced of the rightness of the appeal made to Member States and international sporting organizations in operative paragraph 6 actively to support measures undertaken in co-operation with national libera- tion movements in order to encourage the formation of genuinely representative and non-racist teams from South Africa. 92. It is also the task of the United Nations to preserve and promote sports in the world. That is why we believe that the draft resolution is a good step towards this end. We therefore hope that this draft resolution on apartheid in sports, which the delegation of Mexico takes great pleasure in introducing on behalf of all the sponsors, will be approved by acclamation as was the one submitted last year on the same subject.

I call on the representative of Nigeria to introduce draft resolution A/31/L.l2 and Add.l and 2. He will be speaking also on behalf of the Special Committee againstApartheid. 94. Mr. HARRIMAN (Nigeria) Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid: Only yesterday, in accord- ance with the decision taken by the General Assembly at its 52nd meeting, on 2 November, the Special Political Com- mittee heard statements from a number of non-govern- mental organizations and, in particular, from young people -black and white students from South Africa-in order to go deeply into the basic and growing problems of apartheid in South Afrtca.s 95. We listened -iost with tears in our eyes when Miss Mji, a student uom South Africa, spoke as a petitioner in the Special Political Committee yesterday and made an impression which some of us will not forget in our struggle to destroy the crime of apartheid. Her father, a leader of the African National Congress.of South Africa, has been in detention for many years; her brother, a leader of the black students, was detained in August; and she herself fled her country. Thousands like her have to stint themselves for years; they have to live at the whim, at the mercy and goodwill of the good people around the world; and we are here in this Assembly to plead for them. Our plea is for humanism, for human concern and for a resolution to bring the crime ofapartheid to an end. 96. It is, in that context, disheartening to note that as the international community continues its attempts further to 97. To put this simply, it seems as though when the Vorster regime begins to feel the pinch of international pressure, friends of the racists in South Africa fall over each other in their rush to bail out the racist regime. It is obvious that economic collaboration goes a long way in sustaining the racist Government of South Africa and that it consti- tutes support for that Government's policies of apartheid. 98. Economic collaboration with South Africa bestows on that regime international business credibility which adds to the life-span of the racist regime. Economic co-operation enables the Vorster regime to increase even further its spending on military goods. It encourages the Vorster regime to enact further repressive measures against the oppressed people of South Africa. 99. I should therefore like now to introduce formally draft resolution A/31/L.l2 and AddJ and·2, entitled "Economic collaboration with South Africa". This is complementary to the draft resolution which has just been submitted by a number of countries-including Nordic countries-representing a wide spectrum of the interna- tional community. 100. Draft resolution A/31/L.12 and Add.l and 2 is jointly sponsored by members of the African group and the non-aligned movement. It 110te~ the reports of the Special Committee againstApartheid and recalls past resolutions on the policies of apartheid of the racist regime of South Africa. It condemns the continued foreign collaboration with the Vorster regime and states that this collaboration is a hostile act against the oppressed people of South Africa and contemptuous defiance of United Nations resolutions on the subject. 101. The draft resolution calls on Member States to cease forthwith all economic collaboration and trade with the Vorster regime and to implement the General Assembly resolutions. It calls on Governments to take effective action to prohibit all loans to or investments in South Africa by institutions within their national jurisdiction. It condemns the intensified activities of transnational corporations in the exploitation of the oppressed people of South Africa end the reservoir of labour and the resources of South Africa, which are the property of the majority of the people. 102. The draft resolution commends the Governments which have ceased economic co-operation with the racist regime of South Africa in compliance with United Nations resolutions. It cornmends also all anti-apartheid movements and non-governmental organizations which are engaged in actions or activities to discourage all collaboration between transnational corporations and the racist regime in South Africa. 104. As Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid I should like to take the opportunity, at this stage when the debate on the question of apartheid has been concluded and all the draft resolutions have been presented, to make a few remarks on behalf of the Special Committee againstApartheid. 105. First, I should be failing in my duty and my Committee would be failing in its duty if we did not acknowledge the kind and flattering remarks made by many delegations about the work of the Special Committee against Apartheid. I believe that there are two different sentiments here about the Special Committee and the Centre against Apartheid. Those delegations that have the human conscience to appreciate the problems caused by apartheid and the suffering of people who have been brought under this system will be pleased that we have accomplished so much. But there are those on the other side of the fence for whom the Special Committee against Apartheid has become a body to be feared. Let us assure everyone that the role of the Special Committee against Apartheid is strictly to identify and circulate all possible information that will get the international community more and more involved in the struggle to bring down this heinous system ofapartheid. 106. The Special Committee tried its best in the past year to discharge its responsibilities by redoubling its activities when the South African regime embarked on massive repression in the country and launched criminal aggression against the infant Republic of Angola; when thousands ~f African schoolchildren demonstrating against apartheid were mowed down by lethal weapons; and when the revolt against apartheid swept everycorner of South Africa. t07. In all its activities the Special Committee has worked in close co-operation with the South African liberation movements, DAU and the non-aligned movement, as well as with non-governmental organizations, the Nordic countries and all people of goodwill throughout the world. 108. In acknowledging with gratitude the appreciation expressed to the Special Committee, I must PllY a tribute to all the friends and partners of the Special Committee, and also to the Secretary-General and the Centre against Apartheid. The Centre against Apartheid is a centre for ~he accumulation of relevantinformation and documents which have given the countries involved the opportunity to clear the air from time to time. 109. I wish to assure the Assembly that the confidence expressed in the Special Committee will be a source of great encouragementin the crucial year ahead. 110. We in the Special Committee have been gratified by the debate on apartheid this year in the Assembly. There has been a general recognition of the seriousness of the situation in South Africa and of the imperative need to step up international action in this decisive phase of the struggle against apartheid. 111. The heroic youth of South Africa, by their courage, their determination, their martyrdom have stirred the 112. Many countries have made suggestions for further action against apartheid, and several have pledged to increase their assistance 'to the oppressed people of South Africa and their liberation movements. In this connexion, all members of the non-aligned movement are due to meet later this month to pledge money and other kinds, of assistance to demonstrate their solidarity with and support for the liberation movements of South Africa. That is another example of the widening international consensus that action must be taken to destroy the crime of apartheid. We hope that the representatives who have participated in the debate in this Assembly will continue, when they return to their respective countries, to press for the achievement of the common purpose of developing more concerted international action against apartheid. 113. For this purpose it is necessary to avoid any misunderstandings. As Chairman of the Special Committee, I must respond to the statement made by the Permanent Representative of the Netherlands on behalf of the nine members of the European Community on 28 October 1976. Hesaid: "I should, however, like to state emphatically that our countries cannot support language suggesting that the white population in South Africa merely be regarded as colonial settlers who have no right to stay there." [46th meeting, para. 135.} 114. I think this Assembly will understand me when I say I do not know what the nine countries mean, since no past resolution cf the General Assembly and no draft resolution at the present session implies that whites have no right to stay in South Africa. In fact, all those resolutions are permeated with unequivocal opposition to racism ~d racial discrimination. We also recall the Lusaka Marufesto on Southern Africa", which dealt with this in toto. . 115. Twenty-one years ago, in the Freedom Charter, the African National Congress of South Africa declared for all the worldto know: "... South Africa belongs to all who livein it, blackand white, and ... QO Government can justly claimauthority unless it is based on the will of the people".5 That is the subject we have been discussing in the past fortnight. 11 In 1959 Mr. Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe, leader of the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania, declared that everybody who owes his own loyalty to Africa should be regarded as an African and that there is only one race, the human race. 4 Ibid., Twenty-fourth Session, Annexes, agenda item 106, docu- ment A/7754. 5 See Objective: Justice, vol. 2, No. 1 (January 1970), p. 44. 118. I could cite many more examples; I could make a longer statement on this and other declarations. 119. The liberation movements of the oppressed people of South Africa have constantly demonstrated their nobility and their attachment to the principle of human equality, despite all the provocations and crimes of the racist regime. In OAU and in the United Nations we have endorsed the righteous position of the liberation movement, and I see no justiflcstion at all for the apprehensions of the members of the European Community. A free South Africa will have a place for all Africans, irrespective of colour, except those racists who claim a right to dominate and oppress their fellow human beings who are black. But let me make it very clear that there will be no place in Africa for a racist white State, which Vorster and his cohorts seek to establish by violence and terror. 120. In my initial statement [41st meetingj I did not make any reference to the special report of the Special Committee on relations between Israel and South Africa [A/31/22/Add.2j, since I felt that the record was clear. But in view of the statements made by the representative of Israel I am obliged to make , brief reply in order to set the record straight. 121. Contrary to his assertions, the Special Committee has not singled out Israel artificially. The Special Committee, as all members of this Assembly are aware, has publicized the relations of many countries with South Africa and has tried to persuade them to implement United Nations resolutions. There is no reason why Israel should be exempted from implementation of United Nations resolutions and should claim a special right to collaborate with the criminal racist regime of South Africa. 122. I may recall that in 1963, following resolutions of the General Assembly and appeals by the Special Com- mittee, the then Government of Israel withdrew the head of its legation in South Africa and took ether steps to dissociate itself from apartheid. In recent years, however, the present Government has been deliberately establishing closer diplomatic, political, economic, military and other relations with the South African regime. 123. In 1974 the Special Committee wrote to Israel, when it decided to upgrade its diplomatic mission in South Africa to embassy level, drawing attention to the General Assem- bly resolutions condemning any increase in collaboration with South Africa and requesting Israel to refrain from such a flagrant violation of United Nations resolutions. The Special Committee had occasion to address similar letters to some other Governments, and received replies. I do not need to mention them, but they ran into dozens. Israel did not even reply. The Special Committee was therefore obliged to report to the General Assembly for action. That year, in the Special Political Committee of the General Assembly, the Chairman of that Committee made a public appeal to Israel,« but that appeal was brushed aside by the 124. While people were being slaughtered in Soweto, Israel sold two missile-carrying corvettes to South Africa in utter and cynical defiance of the African community and the international community. Yet we must not talk about Israel, because Israel is sacrosanct. 125. Speaking as representative of Nigeria, I must say that the arrogant statements made yesterday in the Security Council, at its 1967th meeting, by the representative of Israel, in which he reduced human suffering, human dignity, independence, freedom and the usurpation of other peoples' territories to a simple question of how many more schools there were and how much more money was being spent in those areas for the benefit of Israeli settlers in other peoples' territories, provides another flagrant example of Israel's defiance of the views of the international community. 126. The visit of Prime Minister Vorster to Israel in April 1976 represented a calculated move by the two countries to establish a virtual alliance. Those who read the newspapers and listened to the statements made at that time will recall that the representative of Israel claimed that his Govern- ment could not prevent Mr. Vorster from making a pilgrim- age to the Holy Land. But during that visit Mr. Vorster and his party visited military installations and factories, held lengthy discussions with the Israeli Prime Minister and other cabinet members and signed several agreements. 127. At the beginning of August, while the apartheid regime was continuing its brutal massacres of black people, it was, as I said earlier, very cynically announced that Israel had decided to sell missile-equipped corvettes to that criminal regime. On that occasion I was obliged to issue a statement denouncing that flagrant and cynical violation of the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly. 128. Unlike what happened with all the Western countries about which we made statements, we received no reply from the Israeli representative here or the Israeli Govern- ment, but a campaign of lies was launched in which even my country, Nigeria, was said to be trading with South Africa, That was the only response to the very clear accusations we had made and concerning which we ex- pected a denial or an affirmation. 131. We do recall that a few months ago the African community decided to boycott the Olympic Games because of New Zealand's collaboration with South Africa in sports. I assure you that, since then, I have heard delegations, I have met Foreign Ministers, I have met leaders of the Opposition, I have received Government statements, I have received opinion polls from New Zealand, in order to try to assure Africa that the new Government of New Zealand is doing its best to improve the situation. This is what the Special Committee against Apartheid, which the Assembly established, is out to achieve-to inform international opinion. And we do publicize the replies of Governments. W~ should not be labeled as a Committee that is to be feared-a Committee that is out to do damage'to certain members of the international community. We thank the New Zealanders for their courage; we thank all people in that situation, be they from the Federal Republic of Germany or from the United Kingdom. 132. We have sent memoranda to them, and we have published their replies, and we do hope that Israel will not indulge in subterfuge but will try to respond to our statements in clear terms, rather than running around spreading propaganda and lies against countries like mine. 133. I again apologize if I appear to be harping, but the representative of Israel has spoken of the faith of the Jewish people in human equality and of their concern about discrimination against the black people. If the Government of Israel is sincere, let it stop its collusion with the enemies of the black people. The present course of the Israeli Government is directed against the black people of South Africa and in the long run is bound to harm the Jewish people it seeks to represent. 134. During the long and bitter conflicts in the Middle East many Governments and people have entertained the hope that ultimately there would be peace between Arabs and Jews. We also have entertained the hope that there would be co-operation between the Jewish people and people of African origin, both of which groups have suffered grievously from racism and racial discrimination. But if Israel gives aid and comfort to the murderers of African people in this crucial period, it will have shattered any such hopes. 135. I would appeal to all those who claim to be friends of Israel to persuade it to desist from its disastrous policy. I 136. The Special Committee, for its part; will not be deflected from its responsibility to the oppressed people of South Africa and their liberation movements. The Special Committee against Apartheid has tried patiently to pro- mote the widest support for international action against apartheid. In fact, the voting records of the resolutions on apartheid in successive sessions of the General Assembly reflect the results of the Special Committee's efforts. But we cannot accept the suggestion of some Western States of a consensus on all action against apartheid. There is, regrettably, no basis for a meaningful consensus so long as they oppose all concrete action against the apartheid regime and refuse to go beyond verbal condemnations of apart- heid. 137, I recall that, as early as 1952, the Assembly began discussing apartheid as a question of race conflict having international implications. There could be no doubt after the Sharpeville massacre of 1960 and the growing pace of stark murder of unarmed youth in South Africa that the situation in South Africa constituted a grave threat to international peace and security. 138. Since 1952 the South African military budget has increased from 14 million rand to 1.3 billion rand-an increase which has no parallel anywhere in the world, least of all in the southern part of Africa, where there is no threat of so-called communism, where there is no threat of any invasion. The threat that is brandished before the Western world from day to day is mere fantasy. Yet three big Powers have constantly prevented a declaration that the situation is a threat to peace, and have thereby prevented any meaningful action. Their attitude has cost untold African lives in southern Africa. But while they continue to block action every day, they recognize-outside thls building-that there is a great danger to the peace in South Africa. Arms are still being shipped there, and investments are flowing into South Africa to bolster the apartheid regime, in defiance of all our appeals. In this context, a consensus with those Powers would not only be mean- ingless but would be an incitement to the Vorster regime. 139. The struggling people of South Africa call on all those Governments and organizations which are truly committed to freedom to assume their responsibilities. Let us hope that the few who are still giving aid and comfort to the racist regime will not long remain insensitive to international opinion and to their commitments under the Charter of this Organization.