A/31/PV.6 General Assembly

I should like to recall that the General Assembly at its 4th plenary meeting, on 24 September, decided that "out of consideration for the other speakers and in order to preserve the dignity of the general debate, delegations should refrain from expressing their congratulations in the General Assembly Hall after a speech has beendelivered." I should like, therefore, to ask representatives to be kind enough to apply this decision and to express their con- gratulations in an appropriateplaceoutside the hall.

The election of Mr.lLanilton Shirley Amerasinghe to preside overthis session of the General Assembly has been a source of satisfaction to the delegation of Costa Rica. The outstanding work which he carried out as President of the ThirdUnited NationsConference on the Law of the Seahas already established him asone of the most skilful diplomats of our Organization. I am sure that Mr. Amerasinghe will guide the debates of tills thirty-first session of the General Assembly with the same skilland impartiality. 3. I should like .at the same time to express my con- gratulations to Mr. Gaston Thorn, the Prime Minister of Luxembourg, for the outstanding manner in which he presided over the thirtieth session of the General Assembly. 4. As in past years, the introduction to the report submitted to this session by our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, /A/31/1/Add.1] .will serve as a most important guide for our deliberations. I should like once again to pay a tribute to Secretary-General Waldheim and to express my admiration for the coura.ge, intelligence and honesty with which he has analysed the problems of the NEW YOlK world-courage, intelligence and honesty which are in keeping with the admirable manner in whichhe has carried out his lofty functions. For that reason, Costa Ricawishes hisre-election. 5. My delegation adheres sincerely and without political calculations to the principle of universality of the United Nations. We are convinced that it is fitting that any independent State which undertakes to comply with the Charter of the United Nations should be a Member of this OrganiZation. Our delegation does not believe that the admission of new Statesshoulddepend upon the sympathy or the antipathy that is felt for the ideology of its Government, or that an affmnative vote to admitit should depend upon the solution of bilateral.problems between a State seeking admission and one or several Member States. 6. For that reason, Costa Rica regretsthat the recommen- dation for admission to the United Nationsof the Socialist Republic of Viet Nani should have been vetoed in the Security Council. This new State, which has emerged from the fusion of the two States that were for a time those of North Viet-Nam and South Viet-Nam, which for so many years suffered the scourge of a cruel civil war, should not meet with any obstacles to enter an Organization such as ours whichhasasits flrst purpose the maintenance of peace and, its corollary, co-operation with the nationswhich need to recover fromthe afflictions ofwar. - 7. For similar reasons, CostaRicaregretsthat the Security Council has not recommended the admission requested by the Republic of Korea (South Korea). 8. I wish to extendthe warmest welcome to this Assembly to the representative! of the youngest Member, the Re- public of Seychelles. This newState wasprivileged to attain its full independence and sovereignty in peaceful con- ditions. Although small in area, the Republic of Seychelles has always been a focal point for variouscivilizations anda land of multiracial harmony. For those reasons, webelieve that the Republic of Seychelles, upon becoming the one hundred and forty-fifth Member of the Organization, will injectvigour andflexibility into our Organization. .• 9. The United Nations entrusted the ThirdConference on the Law of the Seawith the most important legislative task that it has undertaken. To create a harmonious juridical body to govern two thirds of the globe's surface is no easy task. The extensave and complicated nature of the subject, as well as the important interestsat play, madethe venture difficult. 10. The! fifth session of the Conference ssw 33 weeks of negotiation and effective work devoted to the formulation of the new law of the sea. But that great effort did not 11. Costa Rica trusts that when the negotiations are officially resumed in May 1977delegations will be prepared to reach positive results. To that end they must give up positions that have been described as intransigent and extreme. It must be borne in mind that compromise is the basis for international progress. Those who adhere to their own theses forget that what seems to one country the greatest justice can seem to another the greatest injustice. Relative satisfaction of the theses of each nation-and hence relative unsatisfaction-is the only way that canlead to progress in negotiations in which each party is a sovereign State. 12. Unfortunately I must repeat this year the concern expressed in the past six years by CostaRica at the lack of solutions to the problemof the armsrace: eachday nuclear proliferation becomes more evident; each daythere is an increase in the number of tests of nuclear weapons; each day more progress is made in the manufacture of instru- ments of mass destruction. That is why our Secretary- General states the following in the introduction to his annual report for 1976: "I make no apology for restating here the eloquentfact that, while the worldspends approximately $300billion a year on armaments, the net flow of official development assistance amounts to some $15 billiona year. Resources devoted to the arms race since the end of the Sscond World War have exceeded $6,000billion,which is roughly equivalent to the 1976 gross national product of the entire world." /A/31/1/Addl, sect. Y.] 13. Our concern about the arms race-Ied-us to give warm support to the proposalof the delegation of Sweden for the establishment of an ad hoc committee on the review ofthe role of the United Nations in the field of disarmament.! The General Assembly at its thirtieth session welcomed the Swedish proposal and established the Committee / reso- lution 3484B (XXX)). Mydelegation hasparticipated with all due interest in the.work of that Committee. We hope that, with the support of allthe members, it will be ableto attain before it is too late the objective of general ami complete disarmament under effective international con- trol. This international control, which some Statesfear, is an indispensable guarantee for the progress of disarmament negotiations. 14. The delegation of Costa Rica has noted with satis- faction the withdrawal of two proposals on the questionof Korea,2 which were decidedly incompatible. We shouldlike to state that we supported that withdrawal because we believe that it wiU facilitate the renewal of a peaceful' dialogue between the parties. 1 SeeOfftcitll Records ofthe Gmerfll Assembly, Thirtieth Session, First Committee, 207Sth meeting. 2 Documents A/31/192 and Add.I-3andA/31/194andAdd.1. 16. The history of the UnitedNations in the promotionof human rights suffices in itself to justify the very existence of our Organization. The San Francisco Chartersolemnly and categorically !~d down the protection of the basic freedoms of the human being as one of the supreme purposes of the Member States. It therefore gave a legal status to the revolutionary concept that has converted the individual, the human being in each and every country without distinction as to race, religion, sex or political beliefs, into the mainsubjectof internationalrelations. 17. The upheavals that have led to the violation of human rights in various parts of the world have been coming increasingly before the United Nations. No one canexpect that our Organization will remain deaf for ever to this clamour. Thus we have seenthe way openedto the concept that the purely moral, normative value of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights within the United Nations should develop until the goal is attained of binding Members to the principle of the mandatory observance of a broadrange of basic humanrights. 18. That was the very raison d'etre of the approval by our Assembly of the International Covenants on Human Rights. Those Covenants and the Optional Protocol to the Inter- national Covenant on Civil and Political Rights /resolution 2200A (XXI), annex] entered into effect this year thanks to the ratification by one fourth of the membership of the United Nations. Among thosecountriesthat have ratifiedis of course the country that I have the honour of repre- senting. 19. It can be stated that, at least in that part of the world which includes the States that have ratified those Cove- nants, there is already machinery protectinghuman rights that has the force of law.That isa significant attainment;it is perhaps the mest solid achievement of this Organization since the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted some 27 years ago. 20. However, the'sphere of application of the Covenants is limited to a part rather than comprising all of the countries represented in this Organization. Many States have not ratified these Covenants, and we hope that they will do so soon as an earnest of their willingness to improve their internal situationin regard to fundamental freedoms. 21. With an annoying and even dangerous frequency, which exceeds the bounds of normalcy, many States are acting in flagrant violation of the human rights that they themselves have proclaimed. This causes indignation and discouragement; it is a flagrant sign of hypocrisy. Thevery Governments which angrily rise up as champions of fundamental freedoms to speak against real or alleged violations by other regimes sometimes violate humanrights in their own countries. Hence, we must urge that the machinery of effective internationaltrusteeship be put into operation. 23. The absence of adequate jurisdiction in this respect has led us to mistrust certain initiatives that have gainedthe approval of various majorities of this Assembly for the investigation of denunciations of violations of human rights in certain countries of the world. This reservation of ours should not be interpreted as an exoneration of those countries against which charges have been levelled. Our reservation is due to the fact that we think there is a lack of sincerity in those who have made denunciations, among which are to be found many Governments guilty in this respect, and to the selective nature of the investigations. There have been established special commissions with the single task of investigating violations of human rights in a given country whose Government has an ideology opposed to that of those making the denunciations. But obviously an investigating committee is 'not authorized to carry out the same task in the accusing countries Of to investigate other countries with whose Governments they sympathize, despite the obvious and flagrant fact that their peoples do not have the basic attributes of freedom. We are thus violating the necessary objectivity with which the Organiza- tionshould deal with the problem of the violation of human rights, and therefore there may be a distortion of this noble cause of which, I repeat, our Organization may well be proud. 24. We must recognize that in today's world torture, degrading treatment and cruel punishment, which have been outlawed by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, constitute a system of relations practiced by no less th.\n 60·countries Members of this Organization, according to t"e researchthat has been conscientiously carried out by Amne,:lty International. . 25. We have become reconciled and accustomed to fear as a result of the torture and repression of our fellowmen of which not a few Member States are proud. It is claimed that these are appropriate instruments to maintain the estab- lished order, whatever ma" be the nature of such an order. They are used by the colonizer to prevent the colonized from rismg up to acquire their proper rights. They are used by Governments which proclaim themselves revolutionary in order to avoid the replacement of their systems by other ideologies. They are used by conservative Governments to avoid the undermining of the status quo. And thus human rights are flouted in their very essence, and very often in the way most affecting the individual, in the psychological realm offear arid despair. .26. Official and State torture as an instrument for extracting information and cowing opposition cannot con- tinue to be accepted among civilized nations. Institutional violence must be brought to an end. It is a form of terrorism covered with the mantle of governmental power. 27. We must accept as a norm of conduct that to admit one single case of repression or institutionalized torture, whatever its so-called justification, is to accept a gross disregard of human dignity, and to abdicate our own rational nature. 28. like a lethal epidemic terrorism continues to spread throughout the world, claiming innocent victims in all .latitudes. . 29. Hardly a week ago, terrorism stretched to the very capital of the United States and cut off the life of a great Chilean exile, Orlando Letelier. The friendship which for many years bound me to the former Chilean Ministeris ~ot the only thing which leads me to mention his case.Rather, it is the bomb which put an end to his courageouslife, the most recent example of terrorist bestiality. it is that bestiality which impels me to condemn terrorism wherever it occurs and whatever may be its motivation. This mixture of fanaticism and cold passion, this temptation to be for a moment more powerful than the most powerful, makes terrorism, as an eminent Venezuelan author has said,the most dangerous of drugs; it is a drug that, instead.of creating artifical paradises,creates true hells on earth, 30. The Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, in 1972 asked our Assembly to study the problem of international terrorism and to propose a formula to combat it.3 But the blind passion ofa few prevailedover sensible proposals, and a mechanical majority submitted amendments to the item, with the intention of introducing; before the debate began, the idea that a system of terror could be regarded as a plausible political instrument. Costa Rica energetically rejected the attempts to justify the unjustifiable. I main- tained then that we have a responsibility to do something effective against international terrorism, but instead we became emmeshed in an almost academic debate about its definition and causes. My words, like those of many others not blinded by passion, were lost in a vacuum and by means of procedural manoeuvres all practical action by our Organization against international terrorism was rendered impossible. 31. But hardly two months ago in the Security Council there was a shudder in the face of the powerful "[accuse" against these acts expressed by the Ambassador of Israel, Chaim Herzog, a "[uccuse" which recalled the clamour of the Jews in Auschwitz, Dachau or Bergen-Belsen, 32. The occasion which provoked that outburst is' well known to us all. It was the glorious rescue of the Israed citizens that were kept as hostages under criminal condi- tions and the unspeakable accusations which were levelled against Israel for having, by a brilliant exploit, encroached upon the sovereignty of a State whose Government had warmly received the hijackers and had illegallyretained the innocent victims. 34. In Hitler's day this A~mbly did not exist. Many could hide behind ignorance of the acts to excuse their silence, but religious, political, racial or economic argu- ments could not excuse their participation in the genocide which culminated in places such as Treblinka and Dachau. 35. But today it is not possible to justify inaction and silence in the face of murderous terrorism. The action at Entebbe has shown us a new path. 36. As Ambassador Herzog, exclaimed before the Security Council: "... I stand here as an accuser on behalf of free and decent people in this world. "I stand here as an accuser against the forces of evil which have unleashed a wave of piracy and terrorism which threatens the very foundations of human society. "I stand here as an accuser of all those . .. which in their inherent cowardice and abject. craven attitude see blameless wayfarers •.. a legitimate target ...".4 37. Before history and my own conscience I want to make it quite clear that the respect for international law which has traditionally prevailed in my country, Costa Rica, has made us vigorously reject the pretension that force can create law, or that intimidation or indiscriminate violence are suitable instruments of international policy. Today, once again, I refuse to accept that there is any validity to resorting to terrorism, either as a form of protest or to attain justice. On behalf of my country, which prides itself in being one of the most tolerant, I vehemently reject terrorism and its cruel persecution of millions of human victims. 38. My delegation has always insisted that we investigate the causes of terrorism in order to seek remedies to them, but we refuse to permit ilie more than 30 years of humanitarian work of this Assembly to be frustrated by procedural machinations, disputes about terminology or by the outrageous condoning of crimes against humanity when they are directed against certain countries. The protection of future victims and the punishment of terrorist offenders cannot await the solution of philological disquisitions. 39. That is one of the reasons why our Organization is . today in the dock of the accused. Mankind will have to judge it according to its behaviour on this occasion. Will this Organization be absolved if it fails to react against 41.. The fact that the rescue action undertaken by Israel gave rise to a wave of support and enthusiasm in all countries of the world, enemies as well as friends of the Jewish State, reveals the existence of a desire to repudiate terrorism in any part of the world. Free men and women have said: "We have had enough indiscriminate hijackings and murders." This is the response to a deep conviction of every civilized man that terrorism is bad for everyone, in every case and on all occasions, whoever may be the perpetrator or the victim. 42. Neither this Assembly nor its members will have any excuse if we fail to heed the new appeal made to us in his report this year by Secretary-General Waldheim that effec- tive action against international terrorism be taken during this session[see A/31/1/Add.l, sect. VI}. 43. The issue which should occupy this Assembly is not what happened in Entebbe but our own future in the eyes of history. We must demonstrate to the world that the scourge of terrorism can be halted. It is up to the nations of the whole wod" irrespective of the political differences existing between zhem, to unite against the common enemy which is terrorist barbarism-to unite as they did against . Hitler and his "supermen"; to unite against the terrorist monster which recognizes no authority, respects no borders, which tramples sovereignty and which makes a mockery of basic, elementary human decency with its crude bestiality. 44. I urge this Assembly to declare war on international terrorism, to outlaw it and eradicate it once and for all, wherever it may break out. 45. As I still have great faith in the United Nations, I do not think it necessary to convene countries that love peace and justice outside the context of this Organization in a crusade against terrorism. The fight must be waged here, within the United Nations itself, and with the consensus of all nations which, in becoming part of the United Nations, subscribed to the noble principles of the San Prancisco Charter. 46. Israel may feel proud of having set a precedent in the fight against international terrorism-a precedent applicable against aerial hijackers in any part of the world, irrespective of the victims or the perpetrators. 47. There is no .room in the future history of this Assembly for opportunist, equivocal attitudes, which are amoral because considerations of convenience or cowardice 48. The news reaching us from Southern Rhodesia has logically evoked a note of cautious optimism at this thirty-first session of the General Assembly. The speechof Prime Minister Ian Smith on 24 September hasopenedthe way to the peaceful capitulation of the most racist and aberrant of the minority Governments. If in Rhodesia we manage to achieve an orderly and rapid transition to majority Govemment, the United Nations will have marked up not only a clear victory against racial discrimination, but also a triumph of diplomatic negotiation as an effective substitute for violence. 49. We can acknowledge with satisfaction that during the 11 years of existence of the illegal Southern Rhodesia regime the United Nations hasnot failed for 11 single instant to exert all of its moral and legal influence in order to put an end to a State which has tried to declare itself independent for the single purpose of maintaining the domination of the white minority over the black majority. SO. If that regime isbrought to an end rapidly by peaceful means, our Organization will have taken a great step forward in the fight for international justice, which will have a decisive influence on the establishment of majority Governments in the whole of Africa. 51. Costa Rica wishes, through me, to congratulate Secre- tary of State Kissinger, Foreign Minister Crosland and allof the African leaders whohave co-operated inpaving the way forthe success of the peace efforts,which hadseemed to be &"1 impossible mission.

It is with great plea- sure that I join previous speakers in cong!atulating Ambas- sador Amerasinghe most warmly on his election as Presi- dent of this session of the General Assembly. The excep- tional qualities of leadership and experience which he brings to hishighoffice arewell knownto the international community. My Government isparticularly grateful for the dedication, the experience and the tireless effortswhich he hassoamply displayed inhisleadership of the ThirdUnited, Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. Hiselectionto the presidency of the General Assembly augurs well for the future work of this session, and is a tribute to the country which he has so ably represented in this hall. He can be assured of our fullest co-operation in hischallenging task. 53. Five years have elapsed since Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim was elected as the chief administrative officerof our Organization. I should like oncemore to express to the Secretary-General our deep-felt gratitude and appreciation forhisceaseless energy anddedication to the cause of peace and the promotion of international co-operation. His outstanding leadership qualities have enhanced the prestige of the United Nations and been a great asset to this Organization. ss. We can approach these itemsfrom various angles, all relevant. One approach can be based on considerations of power politics: how will the way in which we attack or resolve a problem reflect or affect existing power relation- ships in the world? . 56. Another approach is to dealwith these problems in a more functional perspecdve, reflecting on how the process towards internationalization and interdependence are con- fronting us with an ever-increasing' number of problems common to all countries, and which can be resolved only through concerted action. 57. There is a third approach, however; one based on considerations of and concernfor the peoples of the world, th~ situation of the human beings of 'Whom these peoples consist. Nation States as wellas inte~.ational co-operation exist for the sake of the individual, and not the other way around. The rights of each individual, as they have been spelt out in the Universal Declaration of Human Righ~, should therefore be the very basis of the work of the United Nations. 58. Thusthe international responSlDility andinternational challenge confronting us are, fustly, to work to secure for each human being those basic political and civil rights which are tod"y being violated in so many countries. Secondly, to W'eguard individuals and groups of people again!"; suppression and mcial discrimination, practised most flagrantly today in southern Africa. And thir~y, to protect each individual human being against hunger and wantin a worldwhere the gapbetween a richminority and animpoverished majorityis becoming increasingly wider. 59. This will be my approach. My basis when I deal with some of the mainitems on O\lr agenda is the responsibility that we all have for each other and for the peoples of this world. . 60. In the introduction to his report on the work of the Organization, the Secretary-General has reminded us once more that the protection of human rit;hts and fundamental freedoms isa primary goal of the United Nations. 61. This year we have moved a little closer towards that goal with the entering into force of the International Covenl!lt on Civil and Political Rights andthe International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The parties to the Covenants are now under more specific and binding obligations to observe human rights. Our objective mustbe universal acceptance of the Covenants. 62. However, more than formal acceptance is needed. As Mr. Gaston Thornstated whenhe presided over the opening meeting of the currentsession: U As long as practical measures have not been takenm each of our States to respect, and to ensure respect, for 64. All implementation of legal norms require action. Each Government must seek actively to fulfIl its obliga- tions. The United Nations, for its part, mustestablish the organs and the procedures necessary to encourage Govern- ments to act. My country therefore welcomes the establish- ment of the Human Rights Committee underthe Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. We continue to support the work of the Commission on Human Rights, which is a central organ in the United Nations work forhuman rights and should focus its efforts on preventing and correcting violations of human rights, irrespective of where they occur. We also believe that the proposed office of a United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights could render valuable services in this respect. As an "ombudsman" for human rights, he might be able to survey the status of human rights all over the world, assist individuals and provide guidance to Governments in fulfilling their obliga- tions. 65. Acts of terrorism affecting innocent victims are also, regardless of their motivation, an intolerable form of violation of human rights. We have so farfailed to establish effective procedures to deal with these problems. We must recognize that there is a need for the international community to take defensive measures against international terrorism before it will prove possible to solve the under- lying causes. The problem of international terrorism is complex and manifold. We may therefore fmd it more productive to seek partial solutions aimed at protecting innocentvictims. In this connexion, the Norwegian Govern- ment supports the idea put forward by the Federal Republic of Germany to seekan agreement outlawing the takingof hostages. 66. One of the areas in'the world in which human rights have long been systematically violated and ignored is southern Africa. Theapartheid policy of South Africil, the white minority regime in Rhodesia and South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia are all remnants of an outdatedpolitical andeconomic order. 72. We regard our commitment towards the new inter- national economic order as a logical extension of the internal\ policy, pursued by successive Norwegian Govern- ments at home, aiming at the implementation of an egalitarian concept of society. This was the basic underlying theme of a report on our over-all economic relations with the developing countries submittedby my Government to Parliament last year and adopted by an almost unanimous Parliament early this year. The report is based on a .realization of the fact that a call for a new and more equitable international economic order hasto be combined with calls for new national economic orders on both sides of the great economic divide. 67. For years the prevailing situation has been an affront to the United Nations and to the international community, and time is now rapidly running out for peaceful solutions. Developments in southern Africa have entered a decisive phase. We all fear that developments in thisarea will endin tragedy andin a blood-bath. 68. The Nordic Foreign Ministers, meeting recently, adopted a programme of action with a view to stepping up their support for the liberation movements of southern Africa, and with1'arallel effortsto further isolate the white 69. A new element in the present situation is the. importantlast-minute American initiative-effortswhich we are following with expectations and anxiety.It hasgiven us a glimpse of hope that a bloody war can, in spite of all odds, be. prevented and that a peaceful solution can be found. Thewhite minority regime seems to have recognized for the first time that there exists no alternative to black majority rule. This recognition comes late, as we are confronting a very difficult and complex situation indeed. The proposals now put forward might require more patience and a greater readiness to compromise than may be left at this late hour. We stillhave, however, to embrace the hope that the efforts which we are nowWitnessing can prevent an all-out war with its tragic consequences and its dangerous implications for the world as a whole. In our view, the big Powers share a special responsibility. A solution of the outstanding problems in southern Africa requires their support and active participation. Their co-operation is, according to the United Nations Charter, a prerequisite for action by the Security Council. In the present situation it is of vital importance that the problems of southern Africa are not made part of the east-west conflict. The big Powers have a joint responsibility not to give these conflicts further international repercussions and to see to it that they do not develop into an increasingly serious threat to world peace. 70. Human rights are more than legal instruments. Today . we must apply an extended concept of human rights. This comprises basic security-the absence of social violence, in the form of waror civil strife;or the surrender of the social structureto disorder andchaos. Human rights also comprise satisfaction of the basic material needs of the ordinary person-freedom from hunger and want. In this sense, the safeguarding of human rights on a global level depends on our ability to solve the problems which arise aspart of the newinternational economic order. 71. My Government is deeply concerned with the widen- ing gap between the rich and the poor countries. We refuse to accept this. trend.as irreversible. We are determined to make our contribution, within the limitations placed on a small country,towards bridging that gap. 74. All the expectations of my Government were not fulfilled in Nairobi. Yet I think we can conclude that the fourth session meant a significant step forward. When the nations of the' world agree unanimously on the need for an over-all approach, including an integrated programme for commodities, and also agree on a concrete plan of implementation, this represents by itself substantial pro- gress. The consensus of Nairobi is now committing us all. Challenging possibilities are contained in the resolution on that subject adopted during the fourth sesslon,s If we succeed in implementing the main principles of an inte- grated programme for commodities as intended,in whicha common fund remains a main element, a more orderly functioning of a key sector in international economic relations will be secured. An integrated programme for commodities will represent an, important step on the way towardsa better regulation of the international economy. It will entail a more stable situation in the field of raw materials. Thiswill be ofbenefitto allof us but above allto producers of rawmaterials among the developing countries. The Norwegian Government will work actively for the following up of the. resolutions adopted at the fourth session of UNCTAD. If our countries do not succeed, this will represent a grave defeat for all of us who are looking forward to seeing a better controlled and regulated world economy emerge. 75. Politics is mainly a question of settingpriorities. Good politics is to getone's priorities right.Here a worldwhichis annually spending $300 billion on armaments, while the net flow of official development assistance amounts to only some $15 billion, has still a longway to go.Even the most superficial look at the world of ours must make it clearto any reflective human being that the priority of the hour should be the needs of the poor. It may give us some satisfaction that at the sixth andseventh special sessions of the General Assembly the needs of the developing countries have been the main focus. The same is true of the manyad hoc conferences of the UnitedNations on suchproblems as population, food, human settlements and employment. That goes for the fourth session of UNCTAD aswell. Thisis an indication of a worldcommunity-and a UnitedNations system-on the way towardsgetting its priorities right.But here again the .crucial requirement is that of imple- mentation. It is our joint responsibility to prevent future Be.nerations from passing the following judgement on the efforts of our generation: that never in humanhistoryhave so many negotiated over somuchwithsuchmeagre results. Thus I will make thisappeal to the industrialized countries, of which Norway is one: let us through concerted action come to the effective assistance of the developing countries by meeting their legitimate aspirations for a moreequitable worldorder. S See Proceedings ofthe United Nations t.:onference on Trade and Development. Fourth Session. vol. I. Report andAnnexes(United Nationspublication. Sales No.E.76.II.D.I0),part one A. 77. I do not in any way want to distract attention from the problems of substance; but, even if it were to prove possible to mobilize the necessary political will to meet many of the aspirations of the developing countries, we should soon be faced with organizational and institutional shortcomings. The world community of today is far from having developed the necessary institutional .framework. For that reason we welcomed the decision by the seventh special session to establish an Ad Hoc Committee on the Restructuring of the Economic and Social Sectors of the United Nations System. 78. We fully realize that the Committee is facing a difficult task. We would only be fooling ourselves if we were to close our eyesto the fact that vested interestsalso have developed inside the United Nations system.Thusmy Government is not discouraged by the slow progress made so far in the work of the Ad Hoc Committee on Restructuring; but evidently more political backing is called for to prevent this important work from ending in frustration. The Committee has a very broad mandate and has itselfidentified certain priority areas. Perhaps even this programme is too ambitious if we want to see concrete results within the foreseeable future. My Government would like the Committee to single out the Economic and Social Council as the priorityarea.An Economic andSocial Council restructured along lines on which I understand there is already a high degree of agreement inside the Committee would be in a position to discharge its duties under the Charter muchmore effectively and woulditself be able to play a main role in a widerrestructuring of the system. Thus concrete action in this field should not have to be delayed till agreement has been reached in all the fields covered by the broadmandate of the Committee. 79. I have dealt with the problems of restructuring the economic and social sectors of the United Nations at sucha length for two main reasons: fust, because I am convinced of the necessity of substantially expanding and improving our means and instruments of international co-operation and, secondly, because my Government wants to see the United Nationssystem playing a central rolein ~e process leading to· the development of a new international eco- nomic order. The United Nations system should not only be prepared to adjust to change but should itself be an instrument of change. 80. There is a need for a rationalization of the work of existing international organizations. Thereis alsoa needfor such changes in existing institutions and organizations as would make them more capable of coping with the distributive aspects and in this way better reflect basic changes which have taken place in the composition of the world community over recent years. However, there is also a needfor newinstitutionsand organizations, and thisleads 82. The widest disparity of views concerns the inter- national sea-bed areaand the common heritage of mankind. Those problems arenew,important andcomplicated. Butit is imperative to avoid an uncontrolled race for exploitation contrary to the spirit of the declaration of principles adopted by the General Assembly in 1970.6 An effective international authority is indispensable if the concept of the common heritage is to become a reality. Thereisa close connexion between sea-bed mineral mining and general economic issues. The regulation of production and market- ing is related to the new mternational economic order. We must therefore regard the Conference on the Law of the Sea in a broader perspective than before. This will be an important-perhaps the most important-element in the next, dec!sive session of the Conference. My country will approach that issue with an open mind. We must all be prepared to avoid dogmatism and insistence on prior positions. 83. The views of my Government on that Conference are well known, and so is the high priority which it has been accorded. We thus fully subscribe to the assessment made by the President of the Assembly in his acceptance speech last Tuesday [Ist meeting} when he stated that this co-operative endeavour is without parallel in history. We, too, feel that a universally acceptable agreement assuring all countries, rich and poor alike, an equitable share would be an outstanding contributionto the justandstableeconomic and political order which the United Nations is striving to create. 84. It is the recognition of this fact which has guided Norway's participation during the sessions already con- cluded; and, based on that recognition, my Government will lend its full support to efforts aimed at leading the Conference to a successful conclusion.

I am pleased to greet and to congratulate Mr.Amewinghe on his election and to wish him every success in the deliberations over which he will preside. I should also like to caIJ, to mind the excellent presidency of Mr. Gaston Thorn, who very remarkably guided the work ofthe lastsession of the General Assembly. 86. A new country-the Republic of Seychelles-has . joined the United Nations. With it, the number of States 6 Declaration of Principles Governing the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor, and the Subsoil Thereof. beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction (lesolution 2749 (XXV». 87. Decolonization is one of the most important achieve- ments of the United Nations; it likewise shows how the context of political and legal relations created by the United Nations hasa sound effect on international relations and is an unquestionable advance of culture and civili- zation. 88. I should like to say to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, that I pave readand studiedhisannual report on the work of the Organization [AI3III and Add.I] with keen interest. This report reveals not only his personal concern and the loftiness of his purpose, but, furthermore, points of view which are essential to the future destiny of the Organization. 89. The year that has elapsed since the last session of the General Assembly has been a period of hope and of frustration. Both the seventh special session in 1975 and the regular session of the General Assembly which followed it have required that attention be paid to matters which are indispensable to the stability of the international system andto the future of the world. 90. Some of the difficulties which arose during the last year have put to the test the intentions of States and Governments. There is impatience and expectation with regard to the decisions which must be taken,aswell aswith regard to the application of those already adopted. Oneof them is international detente. There are sceptical and pessimistic attitudes throughout the world which see detente as a remote possibility that is difficult to attain. Efforts for peace and purposes which inspire detente cannot be weakened or abandoned. In the face of every difficulty which arises hopeand will must beheldhighsoas not to alterthe essential tendencywhich inspires.this policy of detente. However, this must not be designed solely for the benefit of relations between the Powers or super- Powers; it must also spread its effects to all countries. Detente cannot be reserved exclusively for prevailing relations of powerand force; it must benefitpoorcountries and favour the new developing nations which have no reason to suffer the heritage of any conflict but can and must exercise fully their right to join a peaceful world based on the useof reason and serious thinking. 91. It should be pointed out that East-West relations, which oversimplified world politics for years,have changed the ,points of reference which prevailed after the Second World War. The country which I represent here is one of those which realize and believe that international relations must be placed above ideological positions in order to give impetus and concrete movement to purposes and projects for 'Co-operation and specific understandings. 94. Some areas have been singled out for the negotiation of consensus and this,of course, isa process which mustbe carried out with a view to applying and implementing the formulas arrived at. The North-South dialogue must find tangible form in the adoption of a programme which will represent a real and positive advance in international economic co-operation, The second phase of the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation, which is action-oriented, could be an important step in this direction. It must be proved that the political will isthere, beyond doubt, to set a new direction for international economic relations. This is a question of moving forward and promoting a change in course, and not of maintaining the previous status,which has proved to be insufficient and incapable of overcoming presentinjustices and imbalances. 95. Human rights are undergoing one of the most severe and impressive crises in history.There is a growing trend to ignore, to fail to respect or to neglect the philosophy and practice of human rights. As the representative of a democratic country, which has assimilated the basic values of culture and civilization, I should like to express the concern of the Government and of my country to contribute, within the United Nations, to formulating practical means to defme, defend and guarantee the full exercise of human rights in allpartsof the world. 96. On~ of the mostimportanttests thisOrganization will have to face in the years to come is in defence of human rights. We must reject the idea that human rights can be entrusted exclusively to the circumstantial, temporary and momentary political interests of a Government or nation. The global meaning which human relations are acquiring, the increasingly more univenal perspective in which we,the menufthis generation, move, requires that human rights be world-wide in scope and their defence fully supported by international institutions. To make a more effective adjust- ment between the scope of national and international jurisdiction is a task which commits the United Nations to preferential attention. Reconciling international and na- tiOnal jurisdiction implies risks and requites permanent as well u effective institutional procedures. 97. Nor can we continue to accept that the defence of human rights only applies in the event of a given political interest. No matter what the regime, the ideological inspiration or the social tendency of a Government, it would not be pouible to point out somethina u a violation in one country when it is accepted in another. In thiscue, it becomes necessary to invoke the basic pnnciple of aood faith in international relations. At the Conference on 98. Another fundamental subject which must be borne in mindat this timeis the fightagainst corruption. Theworld order must provide rules of conduct accepted by allStates so as to prevent a rise in international corruption. Corrup- tion is eroding international relations, with negative effects on both morality and economic affairs. It happens in the large industrial countries as well as in small nations, with both internal andexternal effects, anda serious effortmust be made to fight it at both levels. 99. In the fmal analysis it Wg:;an ethical inspiration which brought the United Nations into b~b\g. Corruption isfedby anti-ethical forces, which are more of a threat to culture and civilization than the firing capability of many weapons of aggression. 100. It mustbe possible to arrive at effective measures to fight corruption ina short time.Butwhat matters now is to start, to set points of departure and to agree on action by consultations among States and initiatives takenwithin the United Nations directed towards thisend. 101. The post-colonial era is characterized by the emer- gence of newpolitical andgeopolitical factorswith, in.turn, many important effects and consequences. It maybe that some of the disarray the United Nations is now experi- encing is due to the fact that the Organization tailored its programmes to a different set of realities. In the last 30 years the international political order has become broad- ened,relations have expanded, andthe worldpolitical space has grown larger. 102. The United Nations must have an immediate re- sponse to the growth of world political space. That is the question. Theperiod weareliving in couldbe interpreted as a moment of transition between the old orderandthe new. 103. We live in a time when every nation must know exactly what it is after, what it can and whatit cannot do. A shrewd sense of realities and of limitations isessential to provide an atmosphere of constructive moderation for United Nations activities and for the dynamism of inter- national relations. 104. The present international economic ordernot infre- quently lacks an over-all view of various subjects. Over- simplification of some criteria precludes a study of facts and situations within their natural contexts. No progress can be made within the world economic balaaee unless the respective contexts are used with wisdom and in propor- tion. This over-all view is the framework within which a productive confrontation of ideas intended to seek results andoffersolutions canbe developed. lOS. The United Nations setting is the natural andhistoric environment in which dialogue and consultations among peoples andGovernments should take place. 106. Separating short-term from 10Ra-term solutions, Md possibilities within reachfromdistantprospects, ispart of a 108. As a Latin American 1 cannot fail to mention the commemoration of the one hundred and fiftieth anniver- sary of the Amphictyonic Congress of Panama, whichmet on the initiative of Siman Bolivar in 1826. This Congress was an historic event which for the first time collectively deftned the political strategy of the Latin American continent. it not only sought a hemispheric context for Latin American relations and internationalstrategy but also aspired to much more. It was an inspiration intended, amongother things, to strengthenthe then nascentideasof freedom and democratic principles. Political values of the utmost importance wereexpressed at the Panama Congress. Simon Bolivar sought a new balance in the international context of the epoch and aspired to dealing with many problems in their entiretyand jointly. 109. Today there are new nations, as there were in 1826. Then, with a universal vision, we were readying ourselves to enter history. The same is happening.today, New factors represented by the third-world nations are claiming their share of and presence in the world political space. This is whythe Panama Congress isan important lesson. 110. At present there is somedefeatism and frustration in the process of the negotiations for disarmament. One cannot be unaware that it is a singularly delicate, complex and difficult subject. But there can be no doubt that this problem is vital and cannot be abandoned. We, the developing nations, standto lose a great dealbecause of the increasingly defmite tendency to augment world weapons. It is not only the great Powers which could be affectedby the arms race. The battlefieldin our daysis not on the soil of the developed countries. The nature and scope of conflicts have changed substantially. This is why disarma- ment is not a conventional subject which can be dealt with separately, a subject of interest to some countries and not to others.Not only isit the corner-stone of worldorder but the question of security is an integral one affecting the entire planet. It would be impossible to conceive of conflicts or confrontations which are not linked to areas elsewhere. World stability is also an integral concept. Disrupting factors cm'} exercise influence and have effects on the most remote sites from the place of origin. We must learn the lesson early: limitedconflicts become less and less . limited; they inevitably tend to become confrontations at differentlatitudes. 111. Arms expenditures must be looked at carefully. There tends to be a growing disproportion between .the "... while the world spends approximately $300billion a year on armaments, the net flow of official develop- ment assistance amounts to some $15 billion a year. Resources devoted to the arms race since the end of the Second World War have exceeded $6,000 billion,which is roughly equivalent to the 1976 gross nationalproduct of the entire world."/A/31/1/Add.l, sect. V,] 112. My country's Government is concerned at the proli- feration of nuclear weapons. The existing treaties have not been fully subscribed to and it is disturbing to note that the provision of nuclear installations for peacefuipurposes can be converted to the use of nuclear energy for warpurposes. It is unacceptable that suchsituationsshouldbe beyondthe reach of international control; they must not spread the risks which now tendto proliferate. 113. Defeatism and, to a lesser degree, the scepticism which may now be felt in world public opinion regarding United Nations action, are caused in part by the growing violence which is developing. Growing violence at the domestic level of States can be fought only with inter- national measures. Crime hasbecome organized on so vast a scale that it is inconceivable to think that exclusively national provisions, which end at the domestic level, canbe enough. International measures will of necessity have to be adopted against organized crime. A singular form of this violence is the kidnapping of, and threats against, persons. The Presidents of Venezuela and Colombia emphasized at a meeting held at the end of last year the importance that United Nations action would have in this respect. The subject has been discussed for some time in the Organi- zation. But now the timehas come not to postpone further a programme of concrete realizations which will enable joint action to be taken that will paralyse or demolish the rise of violence. Private action by Governments, co-ordi- nation and intercommunication among States could go n long way in this direction. However, beyond an that, what is required is an international conviction that violence does not deserve respect, regardless of its sponsorship or its inspiration-a conviction that no way of death represents life; that it is untrue that freedom is won by death; it is won with life. World insecurity must not increase andthere is no country, whatever its political or social system,which is free from this risk. 114. It is only the international community which can combat violence. It is time, therefore, to know and to be convinced that the global nature of certainproblems means that it is only the international community which candeal with them. And that is why my country and Government condemn any form of violence, whoever inspires it and from whatever source it comes. 115. Violence can be foughtifallStatesbegin by adopting the necessary internal measures. In that respect, it is inadmissible for peoples to be deniedthe legitimate rightto self-determination and independence, as well as the enjoy- ment of fundamental rights and freedoms. A threat or act 116. Perhaps the world has been too indifferent to the means of the international community. We muststartwith - the conviction that the United Nations constitutes a viable organization that is impossible without the faith in the prospects and means of the international community which the United Nations represents. 117. The effectiveness of the United Nations depends, not on practical deeds alone, but also on confidence in man's possibilities. There will be measures which can be imple- mented within a shorttime;otherswill takemore time. But here, as it\ othermatters,'whatis important is to begin. The question of violence is not a theological or a metaphysical problem. It is a complex question, bunt up by diverse inducements and dteltered in distinct and heterogeneous justifications assuming actions which, however, can bemet with other actions. Violence cannot be curbed unless there is co-ordination among States. 118. Theattitude and the firmness of the United Nations in the coming years will decide its destiny. Thearithmetical growth of thisOrganization is of extraordinary significance. As I said earlier, it is not merely a question of an increase in the numerical volume of the Organization's Members and components. It is something more than that. It is a qualitative transformation of the world order.Thepolitical space of the world has grown. That is an extraerdinary historical circumstance which should be takenadvantage of, in a positive sense, to buildand not to destroy,to make life on our planet fuller and more complete, to make its resources more usable. 119. Outer-space technology is making ancient flights of fancy or legendary illusions likely to become real. In practical terms interplanetary flights are opening prospects whose consequences cannot be assessed at the moment. However, there is no doubt that, whatever may be the characteristics of outer space, it offers alternatives of various kinds which will meanunifying concepts, principles and rules of conduct on a planeiary scale. 120. That fact gives the measure of the worth, the importance of the UnitedNations, because thisplanet must in the future conduct itself as one unit, conscious of its position in space but as yet unable to perceive the choices which thissituation mayoffer. 121. Everything implies the improvement of the United Nations. Yet thisisnot a rhetorical question. Toconsider it in whimsical and superficial terms would not solve any problems; rather,it wouldaggravate allof them.Changes in the structure of the Organization, witbout any knowledge of where they would lead, would be more hazardous. The Organization mustacquire the face of an adult,showing the level of maturity of the iliternational order. 122. Th:t leads me to another problem of paramount importance: the credibility of the United Nations. It is in 123. We would not get very far ifthe resolutions adopted were left unimplemented, to become part of a lengthy compendium of frustrations which, far from clearing the horizon, would disturb and darken it. United Nations resolutions which are not complied with will destroy the Organization's credibility, its seriousness andits future. 124. The international orderis inseparable from anethical system of conduct.Andit will be necessary to insist on this timeandtimeagain because wewould otherwise forget that life among nations, like life among men, is nourished by one'svalues. Practical actionisalso sustained by values. It is only in so far as,andto the extent that, the United Nations actsin accord with the basic values of humanconduct that itsstrengthandrespectability will increase. 125. Lately the ~ussion of and quest for peaceful ways of coexistence have brought about a sounder inter- relationship between the West and the East. The ideological dispute, without having lost its original basic importance, has allowed for a more rational exchange of goods, services and technology, which can bring about an atmosphere propitious to a more sound understanding in international relations. The legitimacy of &StoW"t relations is perhaps no longer in doubt in any intellectually and politically responsible sector. This seems to be the fmal cancellation of the simplistic slogans prevailing at the timeof thecoldwar, which reduced the world to a futile and permanent confrontation between models muchinclined to abstraction and ambiguity. The cold war was identified with elemen- tary motivations and a priori judgements, all of which narrowed prospects and fields of vision and reduced opportunlues for reciprocal understanding. 126. The new East-West relationship, now expressed in terms of detente,with sights set more concretely on peace, offers greater opportunities, not only for the legitimacy of the international order, but also for the width of the political space of the world. 127. The stability of the world order, once East-West relations are rationalized, must be completed by having the third world joinin. 128. The historical significance of the generic name "third world" assumes the coming togetherof countries, societies and nationswhich are distant and distinct,willing to agree, despite their essential diversity, in seeking a political and historical level which will bring them into the active context of international relations. The world order cannot be governed by a clubof countries witheconomic, military or political power that excludes all others; rather, it must be governed by a total and universal consensus expressed throughthe United Nations. 129. It is a mistake to think that the historical prospects of the third world end solely with the attaimnent of goals to correct economic injustices. There is no doubt that the revision of the international economic order is an initial 130. As regards economic development, the tendency to attribute value onlyto primary commodities might lead one to think that the countries of the thirdworld have no right to industrialization and nor should they think of it. According to this line of thinking, the developing countries would at best be the suppliers of the produ~ts which industrial societies need to set in motion the world economic machinery. In fact, the value attributed to natural resources is a factor which has its complement in the economic processes inherentin harmonious andintegral development, to which all countries are entitled. Simplifi- cation of this concept would bring harmful consequences which mustbe.rejected in advance. 131. As regards the international economic order,there is a question with dramatic implications. How many benefit from the present international economic order? The internatiollJ1 economic order has so far been based on the exploitation ofthe poornations.The transnational corpora- tions have not offered a valid response to the problems of the developing countries. Seeking a more rational balance in what theycan contribute with know-how and technology is an essential task for the immediate future. Priorto that we shall have to know the direction eeonomic activity is to take. Will it be exploitation or development? In terms of exploitation, there can be no international dialogue. It is not proof of great skill for prosperity and profits to be bued on exploitation. In developmental terms,a dialogue is possible, but not without a previous defmition of wh2t development is, what it is looking for, what it consists in andwho it is to benefit. 132. The power of poor nations hasincreased, and their arguments have acquired value not only because they are just but also because theyarestrong. Theexperience of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries hasproved the negotiating power of nations producing natural re- sources, Negotiating power, by nature and by definition, is . a peaceful, conciliatory means, oneofco-operation. 133. We, the developing countries, know little about one another. Thedeficit in world information seriously hampers us, not only because the industrial societies are frequently unaware of our motivations and intentions, but also because the members of the large traditional family which today forms the area of solidarity called the third world lack the means to inform one another and to exchange messages of mutual understanding which .would enable them to overcome differences in language, culture or historical background and to place ourse!ves at a high level of mutual, constantanddynamic communication. Misinfor- mation, regardless of its causes, is harmful to all nations whether developed or undeveloped. World understanding is, interalill, information. 135. Venezuela attaches great importance to the United Nations. As proof of this and of our faith in peace and international understanding, President Carlos Andr6s Perez will shortlyvisit the United Nations. Venezuela isnourished by the values which gave birth to the United Nations. With his visit and his presence in this forum, the President of Venezuela expresses our position as a democratic country witha constructive international policy. 136. The United·Nations faces, among others, a funda- mental challenge: the useof t J•.. resources of themind. This means that we have not y\ ,tV exploited in the world that natural force which is .,<011:, ~!ways renewable-to wit, the capacity of human beings to be rational.

? On behalf of the Japan~e delegation I wish to offer sincere congratulations to Ambassador Amerasinghe on his election to the presidency of this thirty-first sess:on of the United Nations General Assembly. We have all had an ample demonstration of his vision in the search for a new order of the sea, in his capacity as President of the Third United Nations Con- ferenee on the Law of the Sea. I am confident that the far-sightedness he displayed in leading that important debate will inspire this session of the General Assembly to seek affirmative results. 138. I should also like to express our sense of indebted- ness and appreciation to Mr. Gaston Thorn, a world statesman, for hiswisdom in leading the eventful thirtieth session of the General Assembly to its successful conclu- sion. 139. May I, in addition, pay my sincere respects to Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim, who has been indefat- igable in his pursuit of conciliation and peace and has provided thoughtful and creative leadership in the promo- tion of international economic, social and cultural eo- operation, thus helping this Organization to cope with problems arising from the diversified international environ- ment. 140. On the occasion of the admission of the Republic of Seychelles to the United Nations at this session, I should like to extend to its delegation a warm welcome. My country enjoys friendly relations with the Republic of Seychelles, and I am certain that the role of that Republic in thisOrpnization will be constructive andbeneficial to us . all. 141. Since the establishment of this Organization, pro- found changes have taken place in the world. Theeuliero 142. Despite these positive developments, the question of Korea remains unresolved. So do the complex situations in the Middle East, Cyprus and southern Africa. However, in Asia progress is being made in the reconstruction and rehabilitation of Indo-China, whose peoples have suffered grently from prolonged warfare. There k also visible progress in strengthening the unity and autonomy of the member States of the Association of South-East Asian Nations. And, within the Indiansubcontinent, the nations of that region areadapting to newpolitical realities, and are together reaching for a newandlonged-for stability. 143. Wodd-wide relations in the economic and social fieldS are becoming more interdependent, although there are vast differences in our political systems, historical backgrounds, andstages of economic development. No countrycansolve by itselfeconomic and tradeproblems, or the problems' of natural resources, energy, food, the environment, habitat, human rightsp the status of women, andscientific andculturalco-operation. 144. If theMember States wish to overcome suchcomplex and difficult problems and to share equally in peace and prosperity, allthe Member States,industrialized or develop- ing, irrespective of their size as nations, should try to achieve coexistence and co-prosperity on a global scale, in accordance with the provisions and spirit of the Charter of the United Nations. It is essential that allMember Statesact in a spirit of mutual respect for each other's positions, co-operate in mutual concessions, avoid confrontation, promote harmony and co-operation, and collaborate with eachotherin a responsible manner. 145. Only thus can the United Nations function properly as the sole and supreme citadel for peace in the world today. There were days when powerful countries employed their power to conquer, invade or plunderothercountries, tried to overturn other Governments, and interfered in the internal affairs of other countries. As a result, some disastrous precedents were drawn in history. I amsure that there is no single country that does not wish for peace in the wodd. In order to attain it, we should see to it that illegal useof poweris not condoned. Japanpledges never to do so. Ourdetermination is manifested in the Constitution of Japan, promulgated in 1946, which provides for the renunciation forever of war as a means of settling inter- national disputes, and expresses the ideal of "the banish- mentof tyranny and slavery, oppression andintolerance for all time from the earth". Japan'spaciflSlIl reflects the same ideas expressed in the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations; it is, in fact,the spiritof the Charter. 146. Fukuzawa Yukichi, a piorleer of democracy in the Meiji era of Japan, once said: "No person is created above another, nor below another." Hiswords are known widely 147. It is the fmn conviction of my Government that peace, which is the supreme ideal of this Organization, can be achieved if each of our 145 Member States rejects the use of force in its conflicts with others and makes its own achievements available for the benefit of others. I should liketo reaffumJapan's dedication to a diplomacy of peace, for we sincerely desire peace in the world, andwill oppose anyattempt to hamper the attainment of peace. 148. From this pointof view, it isonly realistic to observe that special responsibilities devolve upon the big Powen, especially those nations which enjoy special status under the Charter for the maintenance of peace and stability in the world. The success of the United Nations requires the initiative and full co-operation of all Member States, but the great Powers have great responsibilities in particular areas of thisOrganization's work-for example, in the fields of dkarmament, self-restraint in the export of armaments, the institutionalization of peace-keeping activities, and administrative and fll19.Dcial support to the United Nations system. I hope that the big Powers are aware of their responsibilities in these fields, and will accordingly make more positive and more constructive contributions to-the work of the United Nations, thereby reinforci."1g the raison d'etre of this Organization. 149. Japan, ever since i~ admission to this Organization, has loyally observed the objectives and the spirit of the Charter, which calls for international co-operation for the purposes of maintaining peace and security in the world and of promoting social progress and raising standards of living in a broader atmosphere of freedom, to "save succeeding generations from the scourge of war which .•. brought untold sorrow". My country has actively partici- pated in, and renders positive co-operation to, the workof the UnitedNations. 150. Japan lives up to these ideals by rejecting for itself the path of military power. Trusting in the justice andfaith of the peoples of the world, Japan has decided to rely solely on peaceful means for the settlementof international disputes, and to avoid fmnly any recourse to military means. Japan prescribes only minimUm needs of self- defence, and seeks to contribute to world peace and prosperity through its diplomacy of peace-whichmanifests a very strongdetermination on the part of its people. 151. In keeping with its diplomacy of peace, Japml ratified in June of this year the Treaty on the Non-Pro- liferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex]• The Treaty accords a special status to the "nuclear-weapon States", allowing them to possess nuclear weapons, whlle all other States, inclUding potential nu- clear-weapon States, are prohibited from possessing such weapons. It is the fum conviction of my Government that this inequality should be neither consolidated nor perpet- uated. It should be rectified, not through the proliferation of nuclear weapons, which couldleadto the annihllation of mankind, but rather through the abolition by the nuclear- 152. Japan, as the onlY' victim actually to suffer atomic explosions, feels that it is most important to activate international co-operation concerning the promotion of nuclear disarmament and the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. IS3. Failure on the part of the nuclear-weapon States, which have a special responsibility in disarmament, to achieve meaningful disarma."1lent-particularly the reduction of nuclear annaments and a comprehensive nuclear test ban-will inevitably lead to the erosion of the Non-Proli- feration Treaty. Moreover, the proliferation of nuclear explosive capability may wen take place undertheguise of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. My Government is seriously concerned with the potential danger inherent in the fact that such nuclear enrichment and reprocessing facilities as would have an important bearing upon the manufacturing of weapons material could be acquired and constructed without respect to their actual need for peaceful. uses and without effective international safe- guards. There is a pressing need for both restraint by the parties concerned and international co-operation to ensure the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. 154. As a party to the Treaty onthe Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, my Government is firmly determined io contribute positively to international co-operation envisag- ing nuclear disarmament and the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. 155. In spite of the present balance of nuclear power, the creation of an international atmosphere where peace and stability can be maintained should be encouraged. To this end, it is essential to make progress in conventional- weal-'Ons disarmament u weU a nucl:ar disarmament. In some mu of the world we are witnessing a significant build-up of arms throujh the rapid importation of conven- tional weapons. Although possibly justified in some res- pects by actualneeds, such a trend, causing deep concern, will only further intensify existing conflicts or risk provok- . ingnewdisputes. i 56. My Government forbids the export of weapoJ'lS to areu in conflict. I feel that the time has come to seek feasible ways to formulate international apeementa on the transfer of weapons, to avoid encouraBing ini\;tnational conflicts. In the meantime, I should like to urge all countries concerned to take reciprocally prompt measures of self-restraint and to give serious consideration to all the implications of thismatter. 157. The United Nations, despite many trials since ita founding, continues to be the only universal system with precise responsibilities to maintain international peace and security and to promote international co-operation in economic, social andhumanitarian affairs. 159. The United Nations offen Member Statesa universal forum in which to hold talks,and the General Assembly is the most properplace for the exchange of views among all nations on issues of common concern. Without both "dialogue" and"conciliation", based on mutual respect and animated by a conciliatory spirit; the resolutions adopted cannotbe implemented, the prer,tige of the Orgmdzation is damaged andits reason for existence w.dermined. 160. The "North-80uth problem", or the problem of development, is an important area where "dialogue" and "conciliation" are essential. The chaUenge of development is of the utmost importance, requiring a serious considera- tionat present asweU asuninterrupted effortsoverthe long runin orderto reach anabiding solution. 161. My Government appreciates that the spirit of "dia- logue" and "conciliation" took a stepforward in the course of the seventh SpecIal session of the General Assembly and of the fourth session of UNCTAD. In dealing with various issues, such as the integrated programme for commodities and the expansion and improvement of official develop- ment assistance, my Government is determined to work vigorously and realistically towards practical solu~ions, not onlyin various United Nations forums, including UNCTAD, but also at the Tokyo round of multilateral trade negotia- tions and the Conference on International Economic Co-operation. 162. We also note with concern the growing gaps in the levels of development of the developing countries them- selves. We mustfree ourselves from the traditional approach of treating the development problem as that of the industrialized countries versru the developing countries; instead we must adopt a comprehensive strategy founded ona more realistic anc organic assessment of the Usues. 163. With such undentanding, and paying increued con- sideration to the leat developed among the developing countries, my Government intends to expand its multi- phued co-operation in many fields, suchas trade and aid, in support of self-help efforts for economic and social development. 164. Multilaterally, Japan ha extended co-operation to the International Bank for Reconstruction and Develop- ment, the Asian Development Bank, and othen; it has contributed mbstantial llIIlounts to a number of United Nations funds, including the United Nadons Development Programme; and has pledaed a major contribution to the International Fund for Agricultural Development on its establishment. It is strongly urged that the efforts of the developing countriea to help themselves receive full co- operation from thOle developing countries which are in a . position to offer it, suchu the oil-producing countries, as weU asfromthe socialist countries, eachin its ownway. 165. One of the areas where international co-operation is needed is the problem of establishing a new legal order of the sea. It is essential tbat, at the Third United Nations 166. When we think of the problems of the economic and social advancement of developing countries, we must recognize how important it is for each developing country to enhance its human resources for constructive engage- ment in national development. I feel this deeply from the experience of my own country. Japan intends to expand and strengthen various kinds of co-operation for raising technical and educational standards as a means of contri- buting positively to the enhancement of human resourcesin developingcountries. 167. Japan took an initiative towards establishing the United Nations University and has welcomed the head- quarters of the University at Tokyo. Fortunately, this vital investment in the future welfare of all mankind was launched with the support of many Governments. My own Government has pledged $100 million to the University over a five-year period, in expectation that similar contri- butions will be made by other countries. Actually, my Government has already contributed $40 million, and I strongly urge other Member States that have not yet done so to make their contributions, in recognition of the significanceof the United Nations University. 168. My Government is most anxious that peace and stability be maintained in the Korean peninsula, especially because of our geographical proximity and close historical and cultural relations. In cur view, the prompt resumption of dialogue between the South and the North of Korea is essential for the maintenance of peace on the Korean peninsula and for peaceful reunification on the basis of the freely expressed will of the Korean people. 169. We also urge that "talks" be held among the parties directly concerned, to take up problems such as the dissolution of the United Nations Command and arrange- ments relating to the Armistice Agreement. Out of firm conviction, my Government has endeavoured consistently to create an international atmosphere where "confron- tation" is avoided and "dialogue" is encouraged. Therefore myGovernment welcomes the fact that a fruitless confron- tation is to be avoided at this session.It is the earnest hope of my Government that, without losing this momentum, dialogue between the South and the North of Korea, and talks among the parties directly concerned, will be started as promptly as possible. 170. Japan holds to the position that, if it is the wish of both the South and the North of Korea, we shall welcome the admission of both to the United Nations in the interval before peaceful reunification is achieved. 172. We earnestly hope that this conflict will be settled promptly so that the peoples of the region can enjoy a just and lasting peace. We believe that talks could quickly get under way among Israel, the Arab States, the Palestine liberation Organization and other parties concerned, on the basis of the Charter of the United Nations and the relevant resolutions of this Organization. . 173. With regard to the problem of the Palestinian refugees, my Government will continue its fmancial contri- bution- to the United Nations Relief and WorksAgency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, in co-operation with other countries. I wish also to urge the Socialist countries, which have not contributed in the past, to begin now to support this humanitarian programme. 174. The United Nations has for many years played a valuable role in southern Africa, but it is most regrettable that the problems of Southern Rhodesia, Namibia and apartheid have so far not yielded to satisfactory solutions. During the course of this year, the Security Council has held a number of meetings to deliberate on southern African problems, and a number of talks have been launched among countries concerned, seeking a peaceful resolution of these problems. My Government applauds all these initiatives but deplores the fact that armed clashes are now taking place in Southern Rhodesia, that blood is being shed in South Africa and that the decisions of the United Nations on Namibia have yet to be carried out. 175. These conditions cannot endure. In this connexion, I should like to express my appreciation for the active efforts being jointly made by the Secretary of State, Mr. Kissinger, of the United States and leaders of the countries concerned for a solution of the southern African problems. I sincerely hope that these efforts will bring about fruitful results. Japan will continue to participate in the search for prompt and peaceful solutions to southern African problems, holding persistently to our rejection of any form of racial discrimination. 177. In the hope that the United Nations will continueto play a constructive role in solving various international problems, I shouldnowliketo refer,fromthe viewpoint of strengthening the role of the United Nations, to the questions of institutional structureandthe financing of the United Nations system. My delegation appreciates the work already initiated on the restructuring of the economic and social sectors of the United Nations system. I think that through that work we should aim at strengthening the functions of the United Nations, making greater efforts for the rationalization of United Nations activities and the simplification of its structure, as well as for increasing the efficiency of its work. In this regard, we should like the workof restructuring to include a thoroughexamination of such problemsasthe duplication of activities among various organizations of the United Nations and the specialized agencies and the organic and over-all co-ordination of the functions of those organizations. 178. First, may I urge that we attempt to make more efficient use of the already existing organizations and that, when the setting up of a neworganization isinevitable, the principle of "scrapandbuild" should be applied. 179. As to the personnel of the United Nations, I believe we shouldrectify the situation in which importantposts are occupied by the nationals of a limited numberof countries. With this in mind, although we should try as much as possible to maintain present staff levels, it is time that special consideration should be given to equitable geogra- phical distribution of personnel, and in particular to the . recruitment of personnel from such countries as are now unduly underrepresented. 180. In response to the pressing needs of our times, the United Nations has expanded its activities. Asa result, its budget has expanded considerably. The Organization's regular budget has tripled in the past decade, and the annual rate of increase in the last five years hasbeen about 15 per cent. This rate of expansion does not, however, necessarily coincide with the fiscal position of Member States-and that is a matter of concern to us. For many nations, the responsibility of supporting the steadily in- creasing United Nations budget has become a considerable burden, In Japan's case, asa result of both budgetincreases and our increased assessment, our contributionis noweight times what it was 10years ago. 182. The Government of Japan has made a special contributionof S10 million to the United Nations because of our concern that the Organization's deficitcouldhamper effective and smooth operations. We hoped that this contribution would serve as a fmt step towardsa solution, but we have been deeply disappointed that few countries have followed our- initiative and that no solution to the financial problem is yet in sight. I urgently appeal to the membership of this Organization not to refuse paymentor delay payment of assessed contributions on political grounds. If the United Nations is to deal effectively with the problems we bring before it, its organizational and financial base mustbe firmlyestablished. 183. Since this is the nme-recumng every three years- when the General Assembly must review the scale of assessments, I believe that we should re-examine the formulae for determining the scale of assessments, taking into account not only the capacity to pay, which is based on national income and other indices, but alsosuchfactors as the special status accorded to certain States by the Charter of the UnitedNations. . 184. Finally, I should like to stress the importance of strengthening the effectiveness of the United Nations through improvements which can be made within the framework of the Charter, as well as through a review of the Charter. It hardly seems necessary to point out that no organization can function wen without effort and deter- mination to work together for common aimson the part of members who constitute and operate it. Criticisms directed at the United Nations these days deal not only withdefects in the structure and the Charter of the Organization but also with the lack of the will on the part of the Member States to observe the Charter. Therefore, Member States should reaffirm their intent earnestly to observe the Charter and should demonstrate tlhat intention through their actions. 185. Undeniably, there are a number of discrepancies between the structure and functions of the UnitedNations contemplated when the Charter was drafted more than 30 years ago and the role the Organization is expectedto play in the vastly changed international politicaland economic environment of today. It is indisputable, in fact, that certain provisions of the Charter have become not only obsolete but meaningless. . 186. With regard to the review of the Chm1er, I should like to recall that my Government has taken a position favouring the review of such items as the strengthening of. "peace-keeping operations", the strengthening of the on- the-spot fact-finding function, the composition of the Security Council, the strengthening of the co-ordination 187. In any event, I trust that constructive recom- mendations and clearer perceptions of the United Nations Charter and functions will flow from the work of the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization, and the Ad Hoc Committee on the Restructuring of the Economic and Social Sectors of the United Nations System. 188. In conclusion, it is imperative for all Member States 'to join in strengthening and reinforcing the United Nations, which is the world-wide Organization bearing the ideals and hopes of mankind, and to co-operate more effectively for the attainment of peace and prosperity in the world. On the occasion of the twentieth anniversary of our admission to the United Nations, I should like to reaffirm the deter- mination of the people and the Government of Japan to spare no effort in thepursuit of those goals.

I should like to present to the President, on the occasion of his outstanding election to the presidency of the thirty-first session of the General Assembly of the United Nations, my delegation's heartiest and most sincere congratulations and my own. His lofty qualities as a seasoned diplomat, his experience and familiarity with the work and practices of our Organization are sufficient for him to deserve those functions. I need not recall the tact with which he conducted the work of the Committee on the sea-bed and subsequently the work of the sessions of the Conference on the Law of the Sea. It is thanks to his efforts and talents in particular that that session proceeded nonnally, without the clashes some had feared. When it is known that he is also responsible for presiding over the Co-ordinating Bureau of the movement of non-aligned countries, then it becomes evident how great is his personal merit as well as that of his cocntry, which only a month ago was the capital of non-alignment when it successfully acted as host to its fifth summit.s Those are responsible tasks and we are fully aware of their scope and intricacy, but we have no doubt that he will be able to carry them out efficiently and competently. In these decisive moments our Organization is in dire need of persons of his experience and competence in order to work out its destiny. 190. I should like to add my voice to that of previous speakers at this rostrum in expressing my great satisfaction, as well as that of my delegation with respect to the former President, Mr. Gaston Thorn, Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, a country with which Zaire, my country, maintains excellent relations of friendship and co-operation. The distinguished and dignified manner in which he conducted the debates of the last session of the General Assembly confirm the judiciousness of the choice which our Assembly made of him. 191. It is my honour to present to this Assembly the revolutionary greetings of the founding President of the 192. I must also pay a well-deserved tribute to the Secretary-General of our Organization, our friend Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for the sustained efforts which he has constantly deployed in the defence of the great humanitarian prin- ciples which have made the Charter of our Organization the ideal platform for international co-operation, justice and world peace. In the opinion of my delegation, Mr. Kurt Waldheim has provided us with conflrmation of his out- standing moral and intellectual qualities-qualities which have opened the door for him to a highly promising second term. We must pay a tribute to his self-denial, his dedication, his discretion and the sharp sensitivity with which he has always tackled the problems that are rending our world. 193. Before continuing this statement, I should like, on behalf of the founding President of the People's Revolu- tionary Movement, the President of the Republic of Zaire, citizen Mobutu Sese Seko, on behalf of my delegation and in my own name, to pay a heart-felt tribute to the memory of the late great helmsman of the gallant Chinese people, that great statesman of our century, Mao Tsetung. Chair- man Mao Tsetung is dead, but, as was so well expressed by the Chinese people, his work will remain in the memory of mankind as an example of courage, fearlessness .and abnegation in the conduct of the public affairs of our States. 194. The Republic of Zaire, which has had occasion to appreciate the beneficial action of our Organization, re- mains firmly attached to the fundamental principles of its Charter and reaffirms its support for the ideals of justice, peace and concord which it considers to be the funda- mental elements of its domestic and foreign policy. The Republic of Zaire places special emphasis upon a policy of good neighbourliness, of concord and co-operation with all States which prize peace and justice. 195. We are convinced that all the countries which are gathered and represented here in this hall will give their assistance and support to the President, which he so urgently needs in order to fulfil his task. The Republic of Zaire assures him that it stands always ready to work within the framework of the ideals of the United Nations. 196. In connexion with this help and assistance which must be giventhe President, if it is true that people play the most important part in the functioning of Institutions, it still remains that the structural and institutional framework itself must be adequate. Now, there is no doubt that the documents which at present govern our Organization are inadequate, since a majority of c.ountries are calling for a revision of the Charter in order to adapt it to the present world situation and the true state of affairs. 197. Zaire, for its part, calls for this revision and has been doing so since 1971. This has been once again solemnly confirmed by the most authoritative voice, that of citizen Mobutu Sese Seko, our President. 198. Among the most criticized sections is, in particular, that which concerns the membership of the Security 200. The very spirit of the United Nations has remained dependent upon the concept which prevailed at the end of the Second World Wa.r, in other words, that of a club of victors, resolved to take as much advantage as possible of their victory in order to punish the vanquished by making them pay for their crimes. Finally, the spiritof revenge and domination still tends to prevail over preoccupations with peaceful co-operation in equality and withequity. 201. Lastly, within the Organization itselfwe see the need for a rationalization of a cerialn numberof mechanisms, of committees and of subsidiary bodies in such a way as to simplify the over-all machinery. 202. The revision of the Charter must not appear as a loss of privileges but, rather, as the pursuit of greater harmony and greaterjustice and equity. Moreover, an organization having a universal character such as ours can find no foundation in the nest of privileges or of whiffs of domination, exploitationand opposition. 203. Is this the reason why the work of the Committee responsible for bringing together all these suggestions relating to this reorganization of the Charters has bogged down? It is difficult to say. But we must hope iliat appropriate and adequate solutions will be found so that the UnitedNations might the better respond to its ideal. 204. If we cannotbe tOG hastyin this task,neithercan we accept lamentable delaying tactics whose origin is simple selfishness andthe atavistic refusal to acceptchange. 205. These appear to us to be the prior conditions which form part of the encouragement and the support to be given to the President and the Secretary-General for the total success of their mission in this sphere. The goodwill of each cannot be questioned, but it would be insufficient without an adequate institutionaland structural framework and without a change in mentality. 206. Accordingly, it is in thisconstant spiritof equity and self-denial, which is necessary for any dialogue, that I would wish to deal successively with the most important problems before our world community, the solution of which ealls for our reflexion and our concerted action. 207. But first I should like to say that, in responding to the universalist vocation of our Organization, we are pleased to notethat our family circleis constantly growing. !t is in this spirit that we wish a cordial welcome to all 209. To conclude on this subject,my delegation earnestly hopes that the countries which have knocked at the door of our Organization and which in spite of their endeavours have so far beenunable to assume their places in this forum will join usin the very nearfuture. 210. Having made these preliminary remarks, I should nowliketo dealwiththe problems relating to disarmament, international terrorism, Korea, the Middle East, the new international economic order, the Conference on the Law of the Seaand,lastly,the situationin southernAfrica. 211. I believe I am expressing the general feeling when I say that the greatest concern of mankind at present is fear for its destiny. Will mankind survive, given the terrible means of destruction that it has accumulated and, if it meets this challenge, what will be its condition-that of a mankind free and liberated from the material fetters and the domination and exploitation of man by man or not? I believe that, in the fmal analysis, this is the equation to which all the problems with which wearegoing to dealare reduced. 212. Since the appearance upon our planet of the terrible means of destruction accumulated by the nuclear Powers, mankind has become fearful for its own survival, for the . massive use of these terrible means of dealing death would result in the immediate or earlydemise of biological lifeon thisplanet. 213. Some optimists consider that it is necessary to continue to have faith in man who, they hope, will retain sufficient lucidity and cornmonsense not to bring about irreversibly his own destruction. I should like to associate myself with this view in thinking that hope is not the science of idiots, for, according to the paradox, the progressive accumulation of Lite forces of the apocalypse will deprive their holders of any desire to use them through fear of reprisals. 214. However, as they are drawninto the spiral of fearby the magic of deterrence, all the nations which have the means to do so are joining the folly of the frenetic arms race, because in view of the values and the interests involved, and considering quite rightly that one is best qualified to look after one's own defence, everyone triesto enter the club only to attempt immediately to prohibit entry to others. 215. It appears logical to us to believe that menwouldnot continue to manufacture these weapons without the hope .of using them; and the consequences that such a prospect causes to weigh upon mankind mean that disarmament must be the business of everyone and not the business of some. 217. Yet, it is in this Utopian dream that the real survival of mankind resides. This dreamis based upon the considera- tion of the requirements of universal solidarity. Indeed, the savings that could be achieved here could be applied to more useful projects for man, such as the struggle against poverty and disease. 218. If we depart from this view of things, then we have to subdue altogether the concept of disarmament, abandon our poor world to its lamentable destiny, admit our own powerlessness, and wait for the powder kegs of the various crisesrending the nations of the world to explode. 219. One powder keg, according to what we hear, is the situation prevailing with regard to relations between the two Koreas. Yet, we wonder whether the Korean question, which is a fundamentally simple one, is not singularly complicated by the different presentations of it nourished by the propaganda of either of the parties involved. What exactly are the issues at stake? . 220. The two parts of the divided people have allegedly together displayed their intention to be reunified and, consequently, have published in 1972 a communique to thiseffect.! 0 221. It seems that since then the process leading towards reunification is marking time, to the great dissatisfaction of all concerned, ifone considersthe increasein communiques and counter-communiques, aide-memoires and counter- aide-memcires, putting the blame on the North or the South or viceversa. 222. Lastly, the version that is spread about attributes the present failure of negotiations to the presence of foreign troops which are in the South, either under the United Nations flag or as a result of bilateral agreements signed with the United States, in particular. 223. We are told, moreover, that the presence of these troops in the South is aggression against the North.and that by virtue of this fact it is a miracle that war has not again broken out. And we are led to conclude that it is necessary to withdraw the foreign troops stationed in South Korea because of the danger they represent for the North. The picture thus painted obviously leaves shadow areas on which light has to be shed. In particular, one -may well 'wonder who in the South or in the North really desiresthis reunification. One of the two, or both together? Other- wise, is reuniflcation being urged by the United Nations or by certain ofits Members? 224. Those are so many questions which, although naive in appearance, have not so far been replied to unequivo- cally. For, after all, North and South Koreansare all adults, 226. If the United Nations or some sincere friends have any advice to give or any considerations to voice on the subject, the two parties must be clearly heard, to the exclusion of any partisanship based on belongingto this or that trend or on personalsympathies. 227. Unfortunately, we are bound to note that draf, resolutions and counter-draft resolutions on the Korean question are the results of the subjectiveelements to which I have just referred. There is a tendency to agree with the thesis of one's friends, Some support the departure of foreign. troops because they see in them a reflection of the American demons. Others, regardless of the subtlety of their position, are opposed to that departure because they see looming on ,the horizon the shadow of the Soviet, or simply the Communist, ogre. In a word, the positions of all sides have as their main foundation not the primary consideration of the interests of the Korean peoples, but the triumph of trends and blocs. 228. For our part, we continue to maintain that the reunification of the two entities must be brought about peacefully by the Koreansthemselves, under the conditions and the methods which the two parties concerned agreeto freely. The United Nations, which is responsible for the command of the troops stationed in South Korea, obvi- ously hasthe power to dissolve that command, 229. The risk of war, about which we hear so much, must certainty be among our concerns, and it would seem to be both wise, and honest to assess the possible and real causes in order to fmd appropriate solutions. For ~f we really wish peace, we cannot reasonabiy claim that the 1950 war, which crystalized the present divisions, was the result of aggression by foreign troops stationed in the South. Hence, the solution ofthe Korean problem must fust and foremost take into account the real will of the parties concerned, and not that of prompters who wish to lend their allegedly well-intentionedgood offices. 230. The problem of the Middle East-I was going to say "the Palestinian problem":...which appears regularly on our agenda, arises in different terms, because in this case it is not an internal Palestinian question calling, in the first instance, for an agreement between Palestinians. On the contrary, we are faced with a question that is highly international in its essence and in its manifestations. 2~1. The position of the Republic of Zaire with respect to this tragedy has not altered since it was clearly set forth from this rostrum by the President of the Republic, citizen Mobutu sese Seko.! 1 It may be summed up, first, by the 232. Hence, the State of Israel must evacuate the terri- tories that it is stilloccupying asaresult of war.Otb.erwise, wewould be giving legitimacy to a policy of the fistand the fait accompli, which is unnacceptable 'in international relations. 233. Onthe otherhand, wereafflrm the principle that the people of Palestine, which has suffered only too much,is entitled to a country. It is profoundly unjust that that people should continue to live in a diaspora likethat which marked the Jewish people so deeply for centuries. There is no reason for us to refuse a country to the Palestinian people when we have given one to the Jewish people. Our good conscience must be more attentive to the tragedy of that people, so little loved despite appearances and state- ments. In that connexion, it is unquestionable that since the development of the Lebanese tragedy in particular-a tragedy that weall hope to see.ended soon-our collective responsibility towards the Palestinian people has become more acute. 234. First of all, it is a matter of restoring a certain confidence within that people, because the more than cynical comments by most Palertinians show the extent to which their faithhasbeenshake.a. 235. Who is now their true fdend, and in whom can they have trust, without expecting disappointment in the future? It is not sufficient, indeed, to proclaim one's friendship for the Palestinian people. That was the song of yesterday, and it was easy and without cost. But now the real practice and the hidden intentions must coincide with the declared intentions and, in any event, the mote in the eye of othersmust not make us overlook the beamin our own. 236. The despair which can result from the Incompre- hension displayed towards their problems andthe feeling of being the outcasts of society or instruments of propaganda may be at the origin of some extreme acts that we sometimes have to deplore. These acts are, in that ease, designed to catch our imagination and draw our attention to their tragedy. Thus, iIley fmd themselves in a sort of stateof necessity, which excludes a choice of means. 237. With regard to the thorny problem of international terrorism, in July of this year the Security Council had to deal with a matter that highlighted two aspects of terror- ism: the hijacking of aircraftwiththe taking of hostages, on the one JWlId, and the violation of the,territorial sover- eignty ofa Member State by anotherMember of the United Nations, on the other.t 2 238. During the debates, the majority of speakers who expressed a position condemned all forms of terrorism, whether on private or on State initiative. Indeed, the 239. It was therefore wrongly that the Security Council, paralysed by the machinery wedenounced at the beginning of this statement, found it necessary to declare itself powerless by adjourning without pronouncing a condem- nation even in principle. There is no need to be surprised that acts of piracy, either individual or on a Statelevel, are encouraged thereby. Asproofof that, andasanechoof the Israeli operation at Entebbe, two weeks laterit was learned that South Africa had committed aggression against Zambia in a raidwhich resulted in more than 40 dead-and that raid was condemned by the Security Council. Nevertheless, as regards these acts of piracy it is not sufficient to consider and condemn the actsthemselves, which, in the majority of cases, are merely the consequences of dramatic situations which we mustsolve before it happens. 240. After those few considerations, I now wish to examine what I consider to be the most urgent problems of the moment-namely, the establishment of a new inter- national economic order, together with the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, on the one hand,andthe situationin southernAfrica, on the other. 241. It may be asserted that the establishment of a new world economic order is one of the great themes of the moment. It is sufficient to cite some of the international gatherings devoted to this crusade: the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly; the fourthsession of UNCTAD in Nairobi; the meetings concerned with the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States; the North-South dialogue-andthereare somanymore. 242. Is this' not evidence of the importance of the question? The peoples of the world expect to see estab- lished a new philosophy andnewconcepts in economic and trade relations between States, and these relations should be marked by greater justice, greater equity and greater humanity. 243. If we are to be pleased at the size and frequency of these meeti,'..,.;, should we not, on the other hand, show considerabk reserve asto the results obtamedsofar? These aremountrlns which have laboured andbroughtforth mice. .244. Whereas the developing countries pose the problem in terms of justice, equity, equilibrium, solidarity and co-operation, one gets the feeling that the developed countries see in it a dangerous encroachment upon their . privileges, and therefore they tackle the problems brought up withcondescension andwithoutany warmth. 246. The well-equipped countries must admit that our world" which is in a state of imbalance because it is based on privilege and the domination of some by others, is boundto be a world of division andhatred,a world charged with fear which excludes any possibility of genuine co-operation. We arenot asking for pitybut forjustice,and our negotiating partners must accept the intolerable fact that their privileges are frequently based upon an accumu- lationof injustices which mustdisappear. 247. Themost typical case is that concerning the primary products of the developing countries, whose export prices are set bY' the purchasers-in other words, by the well- equipped countries. The constantly fluctuating nature of these prices is very harmful to our economies, which sometimes have to compensate for sudden simple or multiple downward fluctuations, whereas at the same time prices of the capital goods imported from developed countries are constantly increasing. If you take into account the fact that the currencies in which the sales of our primary commodities arecarried out have beenstrongly eroded by ga11~ping inflation, you will realize allthe better the tragedy of our countries. 248. During this year of 1976 the under-equipped coun- trieshave taken part in decisive gatherings of greatmoment for the current Second United Nations Development Decade. Among those gatherings, as everyone knows, are those of Nairobi, Colombo and Mexico, which have been important centres of concentration and cohesion in the struggle of the developing peoples to reclaim from the technically developed peoples their share of the fruits of theirnatural resources. 249. There is no need regularly to return to the themes that have been debated at those various gatherings. Collec- tive development will have to be conducted without discrimination, and we believe that theParis Conference on International Economic Co-operation will in turn offer hope,although so farnothing hasgiven uscause to hope for genuine success. 250. Theimportance anddiversity of the naturalresources of the under-equipped countries should be the keystone of theirsolidarity in the course of the present year. 251. We must recognize that at the fourth session of UNCrAD the political will for genuine economic co-opera- tion with the under-equipped countries which had been so sorely lacking took concrete form through the announce- ment of contributions to the common fund for commodi- ties not only by the poorer countries but also by those of the equipped countries which have wished to echo the daring initiatives of the developing countries. 252. These initiatives had already come to light in the adoption of the Charter on Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)}, aswell asat the sixthand 254. In order to infuse into international economic and trade relations a spiritof justiceand equity, in Nairobi we agreed in the course of the present year to proceed with negotiations relating to the establishment of an integrated prograJ1ltne with a common fund tied into it. We also decided to proceed with the negotiation of international ~~n.ents on a number of products. 255. The commitments of Nairobi having beenconfirmed at the sixty-fmt session of the Economic and Social Council, Vle venture to hope that all the under-equipped countries and the equipped countries will take partin these negotiations witha genuine desire to achieve success. 256. I take thisopportunity to recall that the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held at Port Louis, Mauritius, from 2 to 5 July 1976, decided to convene anextraordinary meeting of African Ministers of Foreign Affairs in order to deal with the important subject of development. That meeting-will take place from 5 to 10 December 1976 at Kinshasa, the capital of the Republic of Zaire. We in Zaire sincerely believe. that Africa, which has suffered so much from military interventions from abroad, is more in need of tractors and lorries for its development than of tanks and missiles. 257. It is with tile same aim of establishing a new international economic order baled on greater justice and equality that the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Seawas convened. I" negotiations of thiskind, where so many partners have so many, at times divergent, interests to defend, it is, of course, not possible to expect easy and quick successes; but We are at least entitled to expect some progress, even if slow, and not retrogression. Yet, as compared to the sessions held in Geneva and Caracas, the session just held in New York appears, in the view of certain observers, as astep backwards in the slow development which hadstarted. 258. The Conference on the Law of the Sea comes in response to the preoccupation that the growth in the world population and its constantly increasing needs will cause a depletion of the available resources of our continents; but the sea-bed, which comprises three quarters of the surface of our world, seems to offer immense possibilities which would delay that depletion of our continental wealth. In these circumstances, the exploitation of the sea-bed emerges asthe great chance of tomorrow of which mankind must take full advantage. Butprecautions mustbe takento ensure that this common heritage does not fall into the hands of a minority of the strong to the great detriment of 13 Second General Conference of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization, held in Lima from 12 to 26 March 1975• 260. Once theseprecautions are taken,here aresomebasic principles which, in the opinion of my delegation, should guide future negotiations. 261. It is necessary to establish, within the framework of this new Jaw of the sea, an international organ, which would be called "Authority" or the "Commission". That international b04Y must have a minimum of prerogatives, administrative as well as jurisdictional, in order to settle disputes between Members and verify any possible viola- tions of accepted rules in the newlawof the sea;because if the authority to be created does not have thisminimum of prerogatives to maintain order and discipline, we will once again be faced with a vacuum which we are even now obliged to fill. 262. With regard to the actual exploitation, it is essential that it should not have either as its main goal or as a consequence to hold back, handicap or compete with the production of the same raw materials by countries in the process of becoming equipped. Exploitation must, on the contrary, be designed to dealwith the shortages suffered by all,and mustmeet the following requirements. 263. First, in spite of the anarchy which prevails with regard to the determination of the breadthof the territorial sea, it should be possible to develop a trend towards avoiding excessive disparities. 264. Secondly, the exclusive economic zone of the con- tinental shelf must necessarily be within the exclusive purview of the coastal States, without in any wayaffecting the navigational right or rights of access to the seawhich we advocate for the land-locked and semi-land-locked coun- tries. 265. Thirdly, we cannot' subscribe to the principle of automatic free access to the wealth of iliesea-bed, because then what we would see would be the establishment of the law of the jungle, where the stronger would mercilessly crush the weaker. Indeed, under cover of free competition, it would be a fool's bargain where the State-owned and private companies of the technically advanced countries wouldalone have all the rights. 266. Outside economically contiguous zones, the designa- tion of exclusive zones on the high seas appears to us to be dangerous, because the techniques of detection by satellite or by any other means are in the hands of the developed countries,and it is to be feared in this case that the better 268. The first consists of the establishment of an enter- prise to which all States members of the Conference would belong. The enterprise would thus be responsible for the exploitation of tile sea-bed. This certainly is the best solution, in theoretical terms. It remains to be seen when that enterprise couldeee the light of the day,and especially what means would be at its disposal in orderfor it to carry out its mission. With that expressed reservation, there is no doubt that we wouldlean towards such a solutionbecause it tendsto guarantee the commoninterest. 269. The second solution would consist in leaving to private or State-owned companies automatic free access to the exploitation of the sea-bed, without any possibility of control, in view particularly of the security requirements connected with technical secrets and invention patents. Sucha hypothetical solution appears to us to be unaccept- able because the sea-bed would in fact be given up to exploitation by only a limited number of developed countries. Nor can we subscribe to the solution of allowing those firms to pay a percentage of their production to the authority or enterprise, because that would be a free-lance, non-institutional solution, and one' tainted with conde- scension. 270. There remains the third solution, proposed by our brothers from Nigeria. Roughly speaking; it involves the establishment of a firm or association in' which those private ~d/or State-owned companies that possess the technology for the exploitation of the sea-bed would take part equally. . 271. Actually, the last'proposal is a variation of the fust and, in addition, the obstacles to the establishment ofsuch an association are similar to those in the case of the fust proposal. If. the. enterprise has the necessary financial means, it could, while remaining in charge, engage the services of an operating company which would serve as a subcontractor. This, as a matter of fact, applies to the third solution. Indeed, it goes without saying that an enterprise or association as previously definedcan resortto the useof subcontractors, . '272. The difference might perhapsreside in the single fact that a firm would be more wllling to be the subcontractor of something of which it is. already a part. In any event,the two solutions are not mutually exclusive, and it is in this direction that, in the opinion of my delegation, an . approach shouldbe sought. 273.• My analysis of thissubjectmay have seemed lengthy, but-it is an indication of the interest and importance that- we attach to the establishment of a new world economic order based on justice and equity. A suitable solution of 274. I should now like to deal with the last important and urgent subject whose solution can It. ~onger be postponed. I am speaking of the situation at present in southern Africa. 275. Perhaps our conscience is lulled by the horrors of war which have already marked our century, which is surely not privileged in this respect. Accordingly, it may be that our conscience is unable to be moved extremely by the fearsome tragedy that is now being enacted in southern Africa. Every day brings fresh sorrow, desolation and rancour. Perhaps Buchenwald and Auschwitz are already too far removed. 27fi A minority of settlers without morality or law, in the name of the shameful principle ofsuperiority based on skin pigmentation, are trampling underfoot the fundamental elements of a civilization from which they derive by pitilessly assassinating thousands of defenceless blacks whose sole crime is to aspire to the estate of manhood and to freedom. . 277. These murders. cannot make us forget that long before, and even after, Peter Abrahams, red already was the blood of these brave blacks which flowed so freely. 278. The tragedy of southern Africa did not begin yesterday. At each session of the General Assembly and of other political organs of the United Nations and its specialized agencies, the question has been raised under various circumstances, but always with the same intensity. Voluminous reports have always been devoted to this in the purest tradition of our Organization, provoking, unfortu- nately, indifference and amused smiles. As far as Africa is concerned, we can only be pleased with the fortunate process of liberation which has made possible over the last two years the accession to independence of former Portu- guese colonies and other Territories. Nevertheless, the process of decolonization in Africa and throughout the world will not be complete so long as Zimbabwe and Namibia remain under colonial domination and apartheid continues to prevailin South Africa. Freedom and indepen- dence are indivisible and are part of the common heritage of mankind. As long as peoples are deprived of it, our freedom will always be in jeopardy. The liberation move- ment constitutes an irreversible historical trend which only . anachronistic and corrupt mentalities may feign to ignore for a while. 279. So far as Zimbabwe is concerned the situation is very clear. Great Britain, the administering Power, still retains its responsibility for bringing this Territory to independence. The international community cannot accept the unlawful proclamation ofindependence of the settlers. 280. Within the framework of African unity, Zaire has morally and materially supported the struggle waged by the people of Zimbabwe against the colonialists. For its part, the Organization of African Unity has appealed to the universal conscience. But the adherents of the Pretoria regime have long remained insensitive and have scornfully 282. The process of liberation is irreversible. Nothing, neither violence nor deceit will stop it. On the contrary, the world is witnessing a radical transformation of the struggle in this part of the continent. The black people of South Africa are organizing themselves and even waging an increasinglyincisive and decisivestruggle. 283. The wheel of history is turning in southern Africa at a rate that is increasing every day. This universal historical truth has long been understood by the peoples in this part of Africa, and, moved by an inexorable confidence in the . future, the crowds of Soweto, Alexandra and elsewhere have hurled their cry of refusal and. defiance. They are braving the repression of the racists, and their revolt has spread like a train of gunpowder all the way to Johannes- burg, attacking all the symbols of oppression. 284. Since the crumbling of the Portuguese empire in Africa which served as a rampart for those favouring segregation, nothing will be as it was and the various uprisings in South Africa these past few months have accelerated the tempo ofhistory. 285. And now, suddenly the eyes of the unbelievers are opened and the myths cast aside: 286. No, southern Africa is not a paradise for the blacks. No, the conditions for blacks in southern Africa are no more enviable than in the rest of Africa, as malevolent propaganda would have us believe. No, the African coun- tri~s and the other nations of the world which love peace and freedom are not exaggerating in describing the situation in southern Airica. 287. Definitely, the matter would have had more impact if the blacks of Africa had the maglc weapon of petroleum or if they were able to raise the threat of an embargo on food products. 288. Before the calamity of southern Africa, we indepen- dent countries of Africa had always rejected the solution of dialogue with the racist regimes of southern Afril;a, believing, quite appropriately, that dialogue would have to be established in the field itself because nothing of any value can be done without the assistance of the populations concerned, and any solution imposed from without is necessarily doomed to failure. 289. In this sense the contemplated dialogue would have been a disappointment because the minority and racist regimes were going to grant outside what they refused to grant within to their own fellow citizens. 291. Before this dialogue of the deaf and before somuch display of ill will we had no alternative but to resort to arms, endorsing a truth already taught by Chairman Mao Tsetung, namely, that victory comes out of the barrel of a gun. 292. Yet, it is not exactly in terms of victories, bitter ones, indeed, that the problem should be stated but in terms of justice and of the democratic majority. The anned struggle, inevitable as the history of liberation teaches us,is a last resort. 293. In the short run, violence does not serve the interests involved, and in the long run the minority regimes are doomed unequivocally because they will have lost every- thing and will have been swept aside by violence in their turn. 294. There is no doubtalsothat the majority of tomorrow will stand to benefit to the maximum from the infra- structure that is available to it. 295. The revolution in southern Africa is not an internal matter Oil'a matter of 'Only a fewStates,but isa matter for the world community as a whole, pmicularly the African community. It cannot be diverted under cover of dema- goguery and political one-upmanship for the benefit of political personalities. 296. We are faced with a terrible test of strength whose final result, although it may be far off, is nevertheless in no doubt. 297. The ball is now in the court of Vorster and Smith. The black majority has shown much too much patience, and the decisive hour for an unequivocal choice hasarrived. Pretoria and Salisbury can no longer lull us with promises and false statements. We are expecting positive and sincere acts which will bring the majority to the government of their countries, and the first stage is Namibia, to say nothingof Zimbabwe. 298. In this display of goodwill and self-denial, the West has an immense role to play, unless it wishes to be politically blind,even thoughit has sofarneglected it. 299. However, it has not very much time to succeed, because in terms of the ties which bind it to the racist minorities-trade and economic ties, ties of blood and of strategy-the West can and must influence South Mrica to change policy both as regards Namibia and within South Africa itself. The case of Zimbabwe is, of course, more flagrant. 306. Thissession of the UnitedNations General Assembly, . I feel, will go down in history as one of significance and importance to the question of freedom in southernAfrica. As this questionso well illustrates, all the difficulties which confront us in the contemporary international system can. be traced to one strategic dilemma which faced the 300. The minority racist authorities are not as short- sighted as they seem. If so far they have been forced into the present course, it is precisely because of the support they could expect from their allies. If you speak the 302. But, if there are real signs of goodwill, if South Mrica resolutely embarks uponthe courseof mdependence for Namibia, if lan Smith unswervingly starts the process leading to government by majority, if there is a real evolution in the situation, then we must have the honesty to recognize this change and to act in accordance withthe new course of events-without, however, loslag our vigi.- lance, because they can continue to kill defenceless populations, but the final victory is unavoidable. Time is on our side. No regime of iniquity and usurpation has succeeded in maintaining itself Indefinitely. Moreover, who cares about death if one is fighting for freedom anddignity and if tomorrowit opensthe doorto dignityand freedom? 303. I can do no better, in conclusion, than to quote the words of a popular song of Venezuela, and I shall quote this, however imperfectly, in the original language, Spanish: ''They can kill the man but they cannot kill the way in which hissoulrejoices while dreaming of freedom."·

We are fortunate at this time to have Mr.Amerasinghe as President, for his longexperi- ence can so significantly assist in guiding our deliberations during this momentous session of the General Assembly. It is fitting, too, that his country, Sri Lanka, which has been charged with the task of co-ordinating the affairs of the non-aligned movement, should provide an essential link to facilitate, here at the United Nations, the implementation of the mature decisions that were taken at Colombo. I entertain every hope that this Assembly will not prove to be below the level of events and that the results of our deliberations will reflect those tenets of justice for which weallstrive. 305. It also gives me particular pleasure to welcome into our midst the new State, the Republic of Seychelles. We look forward to working with it in the years ahead in this Organization in advancing the objectives of peace, security and development. 307. The Rhodesian rebel leader, Ian Smith, said in a broadcast on 24 September this year: "Dr. KiWnger assured me that we shared a common aim and a common purpose, namely to keep Rhodesia in the free world and to keep it from Communist penetra- tion". It is 11ignificant that Smith did not say that the United States and Rhodesia shared the common aimthat the black majority should be free and that the will of the black majority should prevail. That, after all-black majority rule-should be the common aim. If this session of the United Nations General Assembly achieves anything-and I feel sure that it will achieve much-its most outstanding contribution to progress on this planet could be the universal acceptance that the fight for freedom and for material equality is waged at a level beyond the strategic imperativesof competing ideologies. 308. Individual freedom has this characteristic: its claims are universal. I say emphatically that neither the present position in Rhodesia nor the position envisaged by the Anglo-Anierican proposals is consistent with any definition of freedom, with any defmition of democracy, or with any definition of justice. Guyana wishes to make its position clear. We completely endorse the action taken by the five front-line States of Angola, Botswana, Mozambique, Zambia and the United Republic ofTanzania in reaffmning the sole conditions under which majority rule can be installed in Rhodesia through negotiation. Either Smith accepts these now or the war will be intensified until inevitable \ictory. It was perhaps asking too much that the Secretary of State of the United States of America should succeed where other Fearless Tigers had failed ignomini- ously. In the sense that we are told that the so-called Anglo-American proposals stem from a desire to prevent a racial war in southern Africa-in that sense, I do not impugn the motives of the architects of those proposals. WhatI question is their judgement. 309. The character, the attitude, the stubbornness and the short-sightedness of the rebel in Rhodesia have been well documented. Here is a man who has defied international opinion for more than a decade, has been buttressed by international monopoly capital and has vainly sought to suppress in Zimbabwe those very instincts that in 1776 led 310. It is unreasonable to expect that Ian Smith will negotiate power away from himself except when faced with tl\e fmal acceptable casualty. It is equally unreasonable to expect that armed fighters of the majority will lay down their arms before the acquisition of majority rule. Those are the lessons to December 1974 and those are the lessonsof September 1976. 311. But Rhodesia, important though it is, is not at the heart of the problem of southern Africa. To discuss the freedom of the majority in Rhodesia it is necessaryto speak to Vorster; to install freedom in Namitiia it is necessaryto confront Vorster; and it is Vorster who temporarily rides roughshod over the majority in South Africa itself. The core of the entire problem ofsouthern Africa isapartheid- the economic, political, social and ethical justification for what passesfor governmentin southern Africa. , 312. It is hoped that no assurances were given to South Afdca, expressly or implicitly, in support of the apartheid system, in order to facilitate the so-called negotiations with Ian Smith. Guyana remains resolutely opposed to apartheid, implacably opposed to the "bantustan" system, and firmly determined to ostracise those who have sporting and cultural links with South Africa so long as this modern-day version of slavery persists. So long as there is minority rule, whether in South Africa or in any other part of southern Africa, the people of Guyana will ally themselves with all opponents of that system and will support the liberation struggles of the oppressed majority. 313. It has been announced that the fust of the "bantu- stans" will be given a kind of portmanteau independence on 26 October of this year. Needless to say, Guyana will not recognize any such puppet creation. We are aware that there are some who will seek to justify some kind of recognition on tactical grounds perhaps, or on military strategic grounds. At Colombo, 85 countries of the non- aligned movement denounced that manoeuvre for what it is-a transparent fraud. We feel confident that the rest of the mtematlonal community will do likewise. 314. The continuing conflagrations in the Middle East have increased the value of the communication routes around the Cape of Good Hope. This fact, together with the mineral wealth of South Africa, has blinkered the vision of those who pay lip-service in their opposition to apartheid. How much longer can they mdulgein such sophistry in the face of the inten$ive struggle in southern Africa and the brutal continuing slaughter perpetrated by a Fascist Government in the segregated areas in South Africa? Is it not ironic that the freedom of the majority in Zimbabwe should be considered in dialogue with him who brings to the negotiating table hands stained with the blood 316< In the Middle Eastthe restoration ofthe rights of the Palestinian people remains the sine qUIZ non of a just and lasting peace. Huddled in refugee camps,subjected to the crumbs of international compassion, the Palestinians still await the restoration and exercise of their inalienable national rights. My delegation expresses its profound concern over the 'situation prevailing in Lebanon and will continue to support an efforts aimed at terminating the fighting among brothers, at restoring peace and at safe- guarding the unity, territorialintegrity and independence of Le~oo. . 317. We reiterate that peace in the Middle East must rest on the implementation of threeprinciples: rust, the rightof the Palestinian people to a homeland; secondly, the rightof all States in the area, including Israel, to flxist within boundaries that are unirersally recognized; and, thirdly,the withdraw~ of Israel from all Arab territoriesoccupied since June 1961. 318. Recently, the non-aligned movement held its Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government at Colombo, Sri Lanka. in the Indian Ocean. Aware of the threatto the security of the States Jn the area posed by the concentra- tion of naval and aerial strengthin the Indian Ocean and on . the communications route between those two great expanses of water in the world-the Atlantic and the Pacific-the non-aligned movement repeatedits call that the Indian Ocean should be a zone of peace [see A/31/197, annex IV, resolution 11J. My delegation reaffirms its conviction that the implementation of that declaration on the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace would contribute substantiaUy to the relaxation of international tensions. 319. Speaking from this podium lastyear,15 I ventured the opinion that in Cyprus the question of peace was related to the achievement of a consensus between the two communities, obtained without duress and achieved with- out coercion. Today, nearly a year later, little if any 320. The tragedy of Cyprus is the tragedy of the inter- ference by other States in the affairs of a small State. Techniques of destabilization are being mobilized against Governments which seekto free their economies from the stranglehold of imperialist control-Governments which seekto create systems of development which would abolish hunger, disease and poverty,which would restructuretheir societies so as to provide their peoples with the quality of life for whichthey yearn. Theimmediate objectives of such campaigns of destabilization are clear and unmistakable: they range from the comparatively unobtrusive change of key personnel to bloodyevents which sometimes culminate in suchtragedies asthe assassination of political leaders. 321. The techniques used are also equally clear and equally unmistakable, The promotion of internal unrest with a view to the break-down of law and order; the fomenting of intraregional conflicts through client States; the financing and organization of hostile propaganda campaigns; the attacks on embassies and consulates; the manipulation of international markets; the restrictions on export capabilities; the frustration of bilateral and multi- lateral aid; the subversion of economic objectives by the machinations of transnational corporations-all this arsenal of destabilizing techniques is aimed in the first instance at ensuring the continuation of a relationship of dependency between developed and developing countries, and in the second instance at yoking the legitimate aspirations of the peoples in developing countries to the strategic conceptions of larger nations. 322. Most of the countries in the developing world were former colonies of Western Europe and the radicalization of their libera.tion struggle has therefore been in anti-West ter-ns, This does not necessarily mean that those termsare pro-East. Similarly, most of those countries have adopted socialism as an internal strategy of development. This likewise does not indtcate that they are a.."lti-West or pro-East. At Colombo the golden thread running through all the resolutions and discussions was the determination of 85 countries not to sacrifice their sovereignty and indepen- dence on the altar of ideological nicety. We of the non-aligned movement have in effect chosen not to be for one side or the other. We have chosen to be ourselves. At Colombo, non-aligned countries denounced all forms of interference and emphasized the need for unremitting vigilance in this regard. Here in New Yorkat this thirty-first session of the General Assembly I call on the Assembly to denounce these activities and I urge the international community to consider in earnestmeasures to safeguard the- integrity and sovereignty of small States and to discourage all attempts to interfere with their right to pursuethe paths they have freely chosen for themselves. This, after all, is 324. The crippling problem of debt and the servicing of debt have assumed a special urgency: Developing countries cannot afford to depart from their basic and fundamental demand made in Manila and Colombo earlier this year calling for measures of cancellation, rescheduling and the declaration of mora.toria. We must eschew all attempts to deal with this problem by the divisive tactlcs of a case·by-ease approach. We cannot afford to mortgage the future of unborn generations to the obligations of burden- some capital repayments and crushing debt servicing. The time has come for a debt moratorium. 325. On the important question of commodities, we reaffirm our unwavering commltment to the 'integrated programme. ,We therefore deplore the equivocation on the part of some developed countries in respect of the negotiations to be held on theestablislunent of a common fund for buffer st~ks, 'which, after' all, remains the cornerstone of .~. viable iliiegrated programme. While we naturally hopefor achange of attitude on the part of these countries dUring the.forthcoming UNCTAD negotiations to permit the esta~lishment .of a fund supported by all countries, weare,fmnly committed'nevertheless to proceed- ing with the establislunent of 'a fund as advocated by the non-aligned countries should the forthcoming negotiations fail to yield satisfactory results. . ' . 326. The Paris Conferen~e on International Economic Co~pe!'ation, although balled by some as'the ideal forum for producing def'mitive solutions to the crucial inter- national economic .ues has, after months of debate, produced only hal~g and. insignificant progress. There are IOme who are prepared to sound tlle bugles of advance in the face, of what is obvioUsly a halt. My delegation therefore fully endorses' the concern expressed by the non-aligned conference in Colombo over the slow progress made at the Conference. I wish to reiterate my well-known scepticism about the attempt to fmd solutions to the 327. There isa clear need for restructuring andtechnically improving the United Nations system. Basically the United Nations is a. political organization and changes mustreflect political realities. Ifthe Security Council is to become more effective, if itsauthorityisnot be diminished by the misuse of the vetoin the service of narrow national interests, then restructuring is necessary. The early admission of the People's Republic of Angola and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam would mark and advance the universality of the membership of the United Nations and would enable it to dealmore effectirely withthe global issues that confrontit. 328. Non-ahgned countries have always insisted on the importance of the United Nations as an effective instru- men" .Jr promoting international peace and security and for harmonizing the interests and objectives of its Member States. The work of its various organs constitutes a co-ordinated attempt to share the future for the better condition of mankind on thisrevolving planetof ours. 329. In the onward march of man there have been many obstacles, many hurdles. There have been many Vorsters; Smiths have abounded. We mustnot assign the attributes of victory to an ignominious surrender to false perceptions of defence. 330. Peoples against whom the doors of meaningful negotiation have been closed have no other recourse but to resort to arms. The bell is tolling in southern Africa. The last call to prevent the blood-bath has diedaway, buffetted by the winds of insincerity. Soon-perhaps very soon- majority rule will prevail throughout southern Africa. Those who have sought to temporize with and accom- modate the forces of oppression and reaction must heed thesebasic truths.Those who have diedin thisstruggle have hallowed the ground beyond any powers of oratory and rhetoric. Guyana reaffirms hereat this thirty-first session of the General Assembly its untiring support for those who strive forjustice in southern Africa, for thosewho strive for the removal of racism as an ethos of government, for those who strive for the reaffirmation of the authority and respect of the United Nations, and for those who would perceive the unfolding logic of events. History is not side-tracked by spectaculars. The internal dynamics of the progress of mankind are dictating the results in southern Africa. We areproudto identify with thosedynamics.

The representatives of the United Kingdom and Uganda have asked to speak in exercise of the right of reply. The members of the Assembly will recall that, at its 4th meeting, the General Assembly decided that statements in exercise of the right of reply should be limited to 10 minutes.

Mr. President, have no fear, 10seconds should suffice forme. 333. I should like to comment briefly on the remarks about Gibraltar made by the Foreign Minister of Spain in applOpr=~te time. 334. Mr. KINENB (U~!1da): Asthe whole world isaware, my country was the victim of an unprovoked.....ession committed by Israel at a timewhen mycountry was 'trying 335. The Foreign Minister of Costa Rica, in his statement this afternoon, made malicious and 'baseless allegations apinst my country when ref~mng to' the question of international tenorism. He tried to imply that my country wu a party to thehijacking which ended in Entebbe. 336. While mydelegation categorically rejects thoseallega. tions made by the Foreign Minister of Costa Rica, it reserves the right to reply fuHy to those allegations at an The meetingrose at 7.15 p.m.