A/31/PV.67 General Assembly

This morningthe Assembly will hear a statement by the Presidentof the Republic of Venezuela. 2. On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Car- los Andres Perez, President of the Republic of Venezuela. In doing so, I should like to strike a personal note and recall with pleasure and gratitude the excellent hospitality that we enjoyed while in Venezuela in 1974 for the second session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. I now invite His Excellency Mr. Carlos Andres Perez to address the thirty-first session of the General Assembly.

One hundred and fifty years ago Simon Bolivar, who could already see signs of the end of the wars of independence in Latin America, convened the Amphictyonic Congress of Panama. His purpose was to unite all Latin America in a single nation as a result of the liberation efforts of its peoples. 4. The liberator Simon Bolfvar was more than a century ahead of his time as regards the concept of constituting a union of nations, at that time restricted to his America, the America of mixed blood. The essential idea was based, as today, on a new ethic which was to guide the actions of man. It was therefore the first effort to build an organi- zation of united nations. 5. With admirable historical perspective he was then challenging the emerging America to unite and to engage in dialogue in order to build the new world which was then still being born. He contrasted that ideal with the Holy Alliance, organized by the reactionary forces of that era, to ensure domination, predominance and the right of conquest over an immense portion of mankind, because in those days economic power was conquered by the force of arms and territorial occupation. Bolfvar, with the same far-seeing NEW YORK perspective looking towards' the integration of our Latin American world, foresaw, as a visionary, universality and the fullness of world understanding. With emotion I quote his thought: "In the unfolding of the centuries perhaps there may well emerge a single nation encompassing the universe: the federal nation." 6. I recall here that antecedent of the forum which is today the United Nations, in my capacity as the President of the Republic of Venezuela, that part of the Latin American fatherland where Simon Bolivar was born. From there stems the internationalist vocation of Latin America. And from that historic antecedent I wish to subtantiate the words that I bring to the family of man represented here. My voice and my presence respectfully seek, with a broad sense of universal solidarity, to recall those principles which have been and still are the great principles of international action, which unite: all of us Latin Americans and under the inspiration of which the countries making up the Latin American community freed themselves from colonial domi- nation. 7. Since then my country has made of freedom and independence a cult and a historic mission. Venezuela has made an ideal of peace and has always striven for it with faith and devotion. With legitimate pride, we can say that after the wars of independence which took Venezuelans down the many paths of America, no army has ever departed from our borders to fight against a sister nation. Venezuela is a country that can affirm in this forum of the United Nations that eversince its independence it has never fought wars against anybody not has it ever nurtured warlike aims of any kind. Accordingly, I feel extremely honoured (0 address this warid Organization for peace and the brotherhood of the human race and to bring to you t Mr. President, to the Secretary-General and to the repre- sentatives of the nations of the world, the greetings of my people. 8. We have faith in the United Nations. We believe that only by means of its concerted action in the political, social and economic fields can we find the genuine roads to peace, which should not be mistaken for mere efforts to avoid. limit or end wars but which must be understood as being based on social justice and the well-being of all human beings all over the world. The strengtherung of the United Nations is the strengthening of peace and of hopes for a better destiny for mankind. 9. Latin America, within the third world, understands and accepts that it is in this Organization, which gathers together all the nations of the earth, that the weak countries, the small countries, the countries without a 10. If we Latin Americans have learned anything at all in the course of our long and painful existence it is not to trust entirely the value of words spoken in international forums or used in the speeches of the men who govern the great industrialized nations. We should like new and noble realities to allow us to change our minus. 11. We Latin Americans, and in general the peoples of the countries of the third world, are .accused of intoxicating ourselves with beautifully turned phrases. But the fact is overlooked that that is what we were taught to do. For centuries we were intoxicated by the powerful nations, which gave us words together with trinkets. They spoke to us of liberty, independence and the equality of man. They spoke to us.of democracy, progress and culture. But those powerful nations rarely made what we received from them correspond to their words. That is what is demanded today of us Latin American leaders bythe new generations which were born with justified mistrust. 12. That is also what is demanded by many young countries represented here which still bear the scars of such a reality. Suffice it to recall here the beautiful documents, the agreements brimming with sincere love for mankind which gather dust on the shelves of the Organization, lacking the respect and the observance due them from the nations most obliged, best prepared and endowed with the resources necessary to implement them. 13. If I speak with su. h brutal frankness in this highly qualified world forum, it is because we have learned to strip rhetoric from oratory so that our ideas may lead us to the deeds on which alone anything durable can be built, which will justify, as is indispensable and necessary, the very existence of this Assembly of the United Nations. 14. We the nations of the third world want to be different. Although we do not feel obliged to agree on all matters- because to do so would be inconceivable and merely a facade, for we also have our own cultural and historical individuality and our own national identity-we can readily understand that, over and above all such differences or 15. We have in recent years seen'how the old international economic order which emerged from the Second World War began to crack. It was a peace imposed by the victors, but its bases were quickly eroded by an unjust system of relationships based on inequality to the benefit of the countries which had been accumulating the fruits of technical advancement. An attempt was made to establish political equilibrium of the world based upon peaceful coexistence-words which in themselves imply only a truce of questionable duration. It means the separation, the dismemberment of the world into antagonistic blocs. Interdependence as a solution leading to equality and co-operation among equals has not been the system of relationships among powerful countries or between the powerful countries and the weak countries. 16. Today all of us, rich and poor, developed and developing, recognize that this state of affairs cannot and could not continue. The building of a new international economic order is an imperative for peace, which every day is increasingly threatened. Otherwise, the political balance of the world will be in serious jeopardy. Building this new international economic order is therefore an ethical duty of all nations, but especially of the developed ones.: 17. We, the countries members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries [OPECI, have made a historic break-through towar.ls a new negotiating power which for the first time is in the hands of the countries of the third world-an instrument for negotiation to build this new international economic order. The increase in petrol- eum prices is not a result of the selfish purposes of the OPEC members for the sole benefit of their countries. It represents an irrevocable decision to dignify the terms of trade and to confer their true value on the raw materials and other primary commodities of the nations of the third world. 18. An international intrigue, fostered by transnational interests and by certain developed countries, spread the myth that we, the oil-producing countries, are responsible for the inflationary process from which the world economy is suffering. We need not pause to prove the fallacy of this statement; that has already been done by world authorities here in the United Nations. The truth is that the position adopted by OPEC is contributing decisively to opening up a dialogue between developed and developing nations. The North-South dialogue is a clear expression of this new reality. And we do not even want to think about what would happen if that effort were to fail. 19. It is indispensable that it be known, because it is thus understood in solidarity by the third world, what is meant by the new international economic order. A degree of rationality and a level of balance which will correspond to the aspirations of international justice are required. Other- wise it could happen that the name "new international economic order" would conceal a copy of the present order, which is now pathetically showing its inefficiency. It is necessary that it be known that the third world aspires to a new international economic order which can no longer 20. We are witnessing a new world political order being forged out of the objective realities of the world in which we live. To disregard this fact is to make the optical error incurred by the large industrialized nations when they display such tenacious resistance to the new international economic order-which will be and must be the inevitable consequence of the new politicalworld order. 21. Venezuela is actively participating in solidarity with the third world in all forums where discussions are held and efforts made to build this new international economic order, from special sessions in recent years here at the United Nations to the meetings of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development I UNCTADj and now as we share the honour of presiding over the North-South dialogue. Together with Latin America we have participated in the Manila agreements, t which consti- tute a responsible and organic vision on the: part of the third world, or the Group of 77, of what the new international economic order should be. 22. Venezuela enthusiastically supports the UNCTAD integrated programme for commodities.s One ofits compo- nents, the common fund, would allow new insights into that fundamental problem. Venezuela, together with the other developing countries, is willing to go ahead with this initiative. We hope that the developed countries will participate in it: not only those which courageously and firmly showed their will to do so in Nairobl- but also those which at that time manifested their opposition to such an important matter with a selfishness that alarmsand saddens us. It is in their position regarding this UNCTAD initiative that the goodwill of the powerful nations will be demon- strated-those nations which have taken advantage of their might for their own benefit and without contributing to redefining the rules of the game in international trade, which ultimately is a major obstacle for the development of the countries of the third world. 23. The increase in the purchasing power of the devel- oping countries in itself benefits the industrial economies. To fail to understand this is, in essence, to contribute to the deepening of the maladjustmentsof the world economy, to the detriment of the whole. That is why it is also unacceptable for arrangements regarding the international monetary order to be reached having regard solely to the interests of a single group of nations. The countries of the third world insist that the monetary system must be built around the special drawing rights,as the central assetof the system, and that a link must be established between new issues of special drawing rights and the financing of 1 Third Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77, held at Manila from 26 January to 7 February 1976. .:iee document TD/195 and Add.l. 2 Sec Proceedings ofthe United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Fourth Session, vol. I, Report and Annexes (United Nations publlcation, Sales No. E.76.II.D.I0), part one A, resolution 93 (IV). 3 Fourth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, held at Nairobi from 5 to 31 May 1976. 24. It is in the essential interest of Latin America and of the third world in general that the world economy be strengthened and that inflation be offset and defeated. But we are not prepared to let this be achieved at the expense of the developing nations, of the raw materials we produce-not only because that has been the root of international injustice, but also because to do eo would mean once again basing the world economy on the unstable foundations which brought about the magnitude and the characteristics of the regressive phenomenon it faces today. 25. To reaffirm in this day and age the exploitation of the weak by the powerful would mean postponing, not solving, the grave crisis mankind is living through now. The irrevocable decision of the developing countries to exercise control over their natural resources should not be ignored or underestimated. There is no retreat from this decision. We have resolved to take our destinies in our own hands, assuming total responsibility for the consequences of this historic determination. 26. We the developing countries rely not only on the power of negotiation given us by petroleum, but also on the power given us by the moral strength of the unity of the third world. We are determined, as has been abundantly demonstrated, to use this power reasonably but resolutely. It is necessary to realize that the failure to understand this will expose the world to dangers which, should they materialize, will seriously affect the economy and the very life of all countries, particularly those that are the richest. It is inconceivable, at this stage of civilization, even to think that the hopes of hundreds of millionsof people living in or near subhuman conditions could again be frustrated. The money spent on increased armaments by the great Powers-which continuously speak of disarmament-could substantially serve to solve the problems of mankind. 27. I venture to call attention to two matters whose indispensable and urgent solution is of high priority in the North-South dialogue. I am referring to the preservation 0 the purchasing power of export earnings of developin countries and their foreign-debt relief. International eco nomic hypocrisy has its own name: "aid". Aid will neverb ' the source of income necessary for development, which ea be obtained only on the basis of balanced and just terms 0 trade. The servicing of the debt incurred by our countrie on the bases of international injustice will cancel out th 29. The developing countries do not seek to place the load of our problems on the shoulders of the industrialized nations. Co-operation, based on collective self-reliance and on one's own efforts, was adequately reflected in the decisions taken in Colombo,s and more recently in Mexico,s for a third-world financial system-but, as is indispensable, with the necessary arrangements for co- operation with the rest of the international community. The industriaHzed countries should be more aware of their self-interest in the enlargement and strengthening of the external purchasing power of our countries through fair and adequate prices for our growing and increasingly diversified stream of exports. However successful the efforts to increase trade among the developing countries may be, the external purchasing power of those countries wilt always be directed for the most part toward the industrialized nations, thus contributing to the increased employment of their productive factors and to the stablltty of their economies. 30. In Latin America total production amounted to somewhat more than ;)225 billion in 1975, four times that of 1950. If current trends continue, Latin America will have reached 'by 1985 a production equivalent to that of Europe in 1960, when the great experiment of the Common Mtfket began. 31. The industrialized nations should better understand the importance of pondering the need to accept fair and adequate terms of trade when they see that, with respect to the export of capital goods, non-perishable consumer goods and chemical products, Latin America represents for Europe three fourths of the United States market and more than four times the Japanese market. For the United States, Latin America represents three times the Japanese market and a market as big as that of the European Economic Community. 32. Nevertheless, the exports of the third world represent only 25 per cent of the total world aggregate and the downward trend continues. If we exclude oil, the propor- tion is halved. Three quarters of those exports of the 4 Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, held at Colombo from 16 to 19 August 1976. Seedocument A/31/197. 5r,onfcrencc on Economic Co-operanon among Developing Coun- tries, held at Mexicu City from 13 to 21 September 1976. See document AlC.2/31/7 and Add.I. 33. It is necessary to state a truth that cannot be denied since !t unequivocally defines a reality which undermines international justice. The significant monetary, financial and trade decisions taken by this Organization continue to be artfully managed or governed by the industrialized nations, which, as a matter of fact, are those which hold the power to make decisions. 34. venezueie respects the interests of those great nations, but we must honestly recognize that, unless economic power is shared in the forums in which are taken the fundamental decisions which determine the rules of the game in international relations, our debates will continue to be academic and a wave of continually mounting frustra- tion wUllead us to disaster. 35. I do not hesitate to describe as one of the most far-reaching achievements of the United Nations in its quest for international justice the approval of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States fresolution 3281 (XX/X)], the initiative for which was taken by the President of Mexico, Luis Echeverrfa. If that Charter were accepted by all nations and if this Organization had the authority fully to implement it, then the aspirations to justice of all the countries of the world would be satisfied and a new international economic order would become a reality. 36. This dramatic situation, which is the reason for the confusion the world is in, reminds me of words spoken many years ago by Winston Churchill, an outstanding man of long-lasting and glorious memory for all mankind. In his long life as a tough fighter, referring to an opponent, he once said, "He lives the strange paradox of being decided only to be indecisive, resolved only to be irresolute, stably diffuse, solidly fluid, powerfully Impotent". Could this be a definition of the United Nations so far as the practical results of its noble global actions are concerned? We of the third world, at least, refuse to accept that possibility. The United Nations must become the great power i1.l the world which has to choose and define the future of mankind. It would be a painful and sad paradox if the United Nations were to accept a future which was not the choice of the human family that constitutes it. Power consists in the ability to shape the future. The decisions of this world Assembly must reach those organizations that concentrate economic power so as to change the existing state of affairs. This would make it possible for all the countries of the earth to have the right to participate in the great monetary decisions, in decisions on the transfer of resources, on technology and on trade negotiations. 38. Once more we declare our solidarity with the coun- tries of the third world. 39. My Government is concerned about the salient charac- teristics of world violence. I will not refer again to that violence which stems from the inequitable distribution of wealth and the unjust international economic order, to which I have devoted a major part of this statement. I am now referring to that violence which, undoubtedly aroused by that same international injustice, is now being projected on the world's political scene. In recent years, the kidnap- ping of persons, the hijacking of airplanes, the taking of hostages, the threats to and deaths of innocentpeople, the assaults and a variety of other such'acts have increasingly demanded a coherent international response. Terrorism has no possible justification, whatever the cause to which it allegedly gives rise. It cannot be denied that it is dramatic evidence of the non-existence of peace. 40. I well know that this is a controversial and difficult subject. Our first obstacle is the difficulty inherent in defining international terrorism. I am not unaware of the efforts that have been made in this Organization to reach decisions that will facilitate containment of this scourge, which endangers world security and threatens the integrity of man. 41. But the United Nations must remember that measures against violence mast be specific and designed to solve specific problems as they arise, because it is a matter not of working out an interpretation of violence but of facing and taking action against violence. If States agree on certain concrete measures it will be possible to face the danger in rational terms. I must insist that it is necessary to, tackle this matter frankly and in politically precise terms, as we had occasion to state last year at a meeting between the Presidents of Colombia and Venezuela held on the border between our countries. We know that action ispossible, and we are ready to make our modest contribution in order to reach agreements with other States on effective measures for that purpose. 42. I realize that the term "terrorism" cannot be applied to deeds which are really not such because they are part of the struggle for liberation of peoples in different parts of the world. I also appreciate the difficulty in trying to incorporate into decisions of the United Nations deeds which, while characterized as acts of terrorism, fall strictly within the jurisdiction of a given sovereignty and have no international implications. But I think that to limit the discussion in this forum to such deeds as can strictly be defined as international terrorism might lead to a narrowing of the conceptual gap and to possible agreement, even though I do not discount the desirability of countries with similar points of view entering into agreements within their own jurisdictions, as has been done between the Republic of Cuba and certain American countriesin order to control and put an end to air piracy. 43. I firmly believe that violence which takes the form of criminal action can never be a political act. No cause 51. It is imperative to conduct a world apprenticeship for peace and to awaken a new conscience in human beings, 44. Another form of violence that clamours for supra- national action is that which is committed by Governments in violation of human rights. The defence of human rights presupposes a fully independent, internationalauthority to protect those rights and ensure respect for them. rite problem could not possibly be solved if it were dealt with in purely conventional political terms on the basis of opportunistic attitudes. Irrespective of the political or social system, or the ideological principles supporting the plurality of regimes existing in the worlds the essential thing is to make clear that on no pretext can the violation of human dignity be accepted. 45. The international political order that is in the making cannot be conceived without guarantees for human rights under allpolitical systems. 46. In this as in other subjects already mentioned, we must take the utmost advantage of the possibilities offered by the United Nations. We must unfortunately acknow- ledge that full use is not beingmade of them. 47. As a democratic nation, we respect the political system of other States. We do not aspire to become a model. We can offer the experience that it is possible to combine democracy and development, and that freedom of speech, of dissent and of travel, as well as the principles of security and of respect for all forms of the human condition, are fully compatible with progress. 48. It might be useful to recall the lesson of history that no regime of force can guarantee lasting stability. Dictator- ships accumulate violence and forces of resistance which end up expressing themselves through disturbances and violence. 49. Peace continues to be the greatchallenge for mankind, but as long as there is violence there can be no true peace. Economic violence, terrorism and the violation of human rights, as well as wars in different parts of the world,prove that we are still far from achieving a policy of peace. Through the United Nations we must arrive at a definition of constructive peace-which is not limited merely to the absence of war. 50. The figures on military expenditure cited here at various sessions are impressive. The weapons trade enjoys too many stimuli and affects the developing countries in particular. International corruption has been closely linked to the arms trade. Moreover, the strife between blocs of nations also reveals to us their connexion with the weapons trade, Rimed mainly at the developing countries. 52. The Manichaean interplay of good 'and evil leads to war. The idea that there exists a reason above all others' reasons is an act of war. That is why all dogmas are dangerous. We have sad memories of the cold war, which . was based on this type of thinking. . t 53., We doubt the usefulness and efficacy of the steps being taken in the field of nuclear disarmament. My country views with growing concern the trend towards the proliferation of nuclear weapons and the diversion of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy towards aggressive ends. As long as there are nations that arrogate to themselves the right to manufacture and possess nuclear weapons, will there ever be a moral authority that could help prevent the use of atomic energy in warfare? Will not the difference between a peaceful atom and a waratom become a myth? Only a supranational body of legislation conferring ample and sufficient powers on the United Nations can become an effective means of controlling this threat to life'on earth. Present limitationsare ineffective because they are based on calculations not precisely dictated by international sin- cerity. 54. Education for peace must not exclude the people of any country. Peace will be largely a question of world public opinion; hence it is necesary that international detente should benefit not only the great Powers, but all nations. It would be unacceptable to restrict the idea of detente to the reciprocal behaviour of the great Powers while they art; in a position to stoke latent conflicts in all areas of the world. 55. There will be no stable peace unless all countries of the world participate in its establishment and defence. We reaffirm the right of the world Organization to participate in the discussion of all essential problems of mankind for collective action to ensure the enforcement of that peace. As we have already reaffirmed when referring to the new international economic order, to deprive this forum of the great topics of world political balance might seem to be a temporary solution, but it can never be a final goal. As members of the international community, we share the responsibility for the destiny of mankind. We sincerely believe in the principles of interdependence inspired by peace and international justice, and we claim the right to restore to this international forum not only debate, but effective participation in the solution of the vital problems of the international community. Otherwise, the Organi- zation will never be able to discharge the role assigned to it by the San Francisco Charter. 56. A world Organization which is used merely when the great Powers deem it convenient is doomed to failure. The discussion of subjects of such universal interest as the environment, population and the law of the sea in this Assembly, which frankly recognizes the interdependence of nations within the framework of observance of the prln- Thisis how Venezuela sees it. 58. The contributions of the United Nations to enrichthis field of international law have been many. We must continue to increase the areas of agreement. Mr. President, despite your very outstandingparticipationin the quest for solutions, the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has not achieved a consensus on the new legal order for the sea-bed beyond the limits of national jurisdiction, the common heritage of mankind. This con- cept, together with that of the permanent sovereignty of States over their natural resources, will constitute basic foundations on which to build a new international eco- nomic order. In our opinion, that objective will be attained only in so far as we can allay the reservations that still persist regarding the efficacy of a formula conferring on the new international authority effective and direct power over the activlties carried out in the zone. 59. The defence and institutionalization of complemen- tarity in the agreement on the law of the sea is of particular importance. As is known, this principle is ifttended to regulate the exploitation of the resources of the zone with a view to protecting the export earnings of the developing countries, which depend to a high degree on minerals or raw materials that can be extracted from the bottom of the seas. 60. Venezuela comes to this Assembly reaffirming its Latin Amertcan identity. The history of our independence and the ideals of our liberators give us moral authority to present ourselves as such. We are and feel profoundly Latin American. We believe in Latin A.merica as a community; we believe in its historic destiny and in the role it will have to play in the society of man. Developments in recent years, forceful and dynamic though far from satisfactory to 1.I:S, particularly in the social and economic fields, have placed us in a new position vis-a-vis the international community. This compels us to be an active part of the third world. 61. Venezuela participates as an observer in the delibere- tions of the non-aligned countries. We recognize and applaud the efforts of that movement, which has made a significant contribution to world stability. We concur with the basic positionsand aspirations of those countries. 62. Venezuela rejects and openly fights colonialism and racial discrimination. It vehemently repudiates apartheid, which oppresses millions of human beings. We condemn the South African regime and we share in the aims at emancipation of the peoples subjected to that disgraceful system. The lofty mission and the authority of the United Nations are not well served by the fact that its resolutions regarding the offence of lese humanite have not been complied with. To consent to this horrible situation serves not only to justify improperextranationalinterventions but also creates the risk of the world's one day awakening to a threat such as nazism and fascism were in their day. Here I must confess that in Venezuela we have not done every- 64. I cannot fail to mention here the importance for Latin America of providing a final solution to conflicts of greater or lesser significance that are still latent in the area and which in time will represent obstacles or difficulties of varying degrees for Latin American integration. 65. In particular I wish to recall in this forum the commitment with regard to Bolivia and its access to the sea entered into in Lima on 9 December 1974 between Argentina, Bolivia, Colombia, CW~e, Ecuador, Panama, Peru and Venezuela, when we signed the Declaration of Ava- cucho on the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the independence of Latin America. I want to say that: "In reaffirming the historic pledge constantly to strengthen the unity and solidarity among our peoples, we fully appreciate Bolivia's land-locked situation, which must be given the most careful consideration with a view to constructive understandings."6 66. Latin America proclaims the need for new mechanisms governing world trade as the basis for a new dialogue with the industrial world and with the socialist world. I perceive that the division of the world into blocs is also responsible for the misery afflicting a good portion of mankind. World solidarity cannot tolerate this division into spheres of influence, and fat less that any bloc or group of nations should elude their global responsibilities towards mankind. This is the new dimension of the debate created by the participation of the third world in decision making. 67. At the same time, Latin America needs to develop new principles in its relations within the third world. We are not only part of it but we must associate ourselves with the great causes that require concerted action for success, developing our own co-operation policies with those nations that today have lower income levels than Latin America. - - Americ:., especially with the countries ofthe Caribbean and of Central America. We will give our complete support to horizontal co-operation with other developing nations, and within OPEC we favour all possible forms of co-operation for the attainment of similarpurposes. 69. In the specific field of petroleum, just as we have defended the new pricesfor hydrocarbons so as to establish a balanced relationship between the primary commodities that we sell to the developed countries and the manufac- tures that they export and the technology that they transfer to us, so also do we think that the effects of in~reased prices of a commodity such as oil, which is so fundamental for the progress of nations, should not burden the developing countries that lack oil. That would be to create the same injustices as we have pointed to in the industrialized countries, because the other primary pro- ducts do not yet enjoy a status like that ofpetroleum. 70. For this just reason we shall firmly advocate the prompt implementation of the arrangements governing the operation of the OPEC special fund, and for the purpose of establishing an automatic mechanism providing for finan- cing, on concessional terms, any price increase that would have a negative effect on the economy of the poor countries. 71. Latin America feels it to be its duty to give and believes it has much to give to the rest of the developing world-our human resources, our incipient technologies, our experience. All this will strengthen our relations with other States, contribute significantly to our own develop- ment and permit us to fulfil an ethical duty to countries which today are struggling with difficultiesfar greater than ours in buildingtheir future. 72. We believe in regional co-operation and in integration, because we believe in Latin America and in its vital moral force in the achievement of its lofty objectives. Its participation within the third world strengthens its vast potential, both moral and geographical, for pursuing ac- tively the implementation of the decisions of the inter- national community. We have a great variety of natural resources, a growing, vigorcus food-producing potential, perhaps the greatest reserves in the world, and human resources focused on this new concept of world solidarity and brotherhood. We have difficulties, just as have those more mature than we, but these crises, which are circum- stantial, should not be seen as any sign of weakness of conviction or will power. 73. It is no coincidence that in our region there are at present under way four active plans of subregionalintegra- tion. Nor is it a historical coincidence that plans of integration are appearing in many questers, formulated in an innovative manner, with imagination and creativity. 74. The Latin American Economic System is the most recent example of such endeavours. It has been set up in 75. An action committee has been set up for the imple- mentation of a multinational project for the production of food supplements with a high protein content, in order to . contribute to solving some of the nutritional problems of . Latin American children. ] am honoured and pleased to have been the originator of this idea, which is today accepted by the whole region. 76. Furthermore, an action committee hasbeenset up for the establishment of a multinational fertilizer enterprise, which is to meet our needs for large-scale production of food-stuffs for the region. 77. Malnutrition is a scourge that threatens over three quarters of mankind. This Latin American initiative should be viewed in this light as regards the developing nations of Asia and Africa, for it is this battle, the battle for nutrition, that will enable us to join with our vigorous potential this world we hope to build and to which we have irrevocably committed our destinies as free and sovereign countries. 78. The Latin American Economic System has been devised not as a substitute for, but rather asa complement to, the various mechanisms for integration with which we are experimenting in Latin America. Among them, I wish to point out the importance of the Cartagena Agreement, or Andean Pact,? whose innovative forms of co-ordination and programming of industrial, commercial, financial and fiscal policies agreed upon between its members make it a far-reaching instrument which will undoubtedly contribute to the invigoration of the Latin American Free Trade Association. 79. Venezuela believes in integration because it believes in Latin America and its high destiny. 80. Venezuela has adopted fundamental decisions during the years of my administration, decisions which are supported by the basic consensus of the sectors that constitute the pluralistic and democratic Venezuelan society. The nationalization of iron and oil and the passage of the Organic Environmental Law, to be complemented by another law under consideration by Congress calling for the nationalization of water resources, constitute an important part of these salient decisions. 81. The nationalization of the iron and oil industries has given back to Venezuela command over its natural re- sources, which we could no longer leave to non-Venezuelan interests. Our conduct was in accordance with serious and scrupulous international ethics. Nationalization is also very closely related to the conservationist policies which the Venezuelan Gove.nment applies for the management of its renewable and non-renewable natural resources. 7 Andean Agreement for SUbregional Integration, doneat Bogota on 26 May 1969. 83. The defence of nature is inherent in the democratic system. Political democracy contains the basic principles of social conduct which reflect a certain attitude towards nature. 84. I have spoken as what I am-a citizen of Latin America, President of Venezuela, a nation historically ready to serve mankind, to transform its words into deeds; a country that places it~ resources at the service of its people, at the service of Latin America, at the service of mankind. We Venezuelans are present here in the United Nations carrying out the mandate given us by Simon Bolivar over 150years ago. 85. I want to close by reaffirming my faith, the faith of Venezuela, the faith of Latin America, in the United Nations, in the firm conviction that there isa necessary and possible consensus among the diversity of peoples consti- tuting the family of man. That will be the only valid answer to the immense challenge ahead of us. We are faced with a great risk, serious enough to jeopardize the life of man on this planet. But we are also faced with a greatopportunity. It is imperative that we seize that opportunity. We aspire to be a nation of free men amid nationsof free men.

On behalfof the General Assembly and on my own behalf, i thank His Excellency the President of the Republic of Venezuela for his important address.

I call on the representative of the Libyan Arab Republic to introduce draft resolution A/31/L.l8 and Add.l ,

As has been the custom during these years, a draft resolution has been submitted by the African group of countries in document A/31/L.18 and Add.l concerning co-operation between the United Nations and the Organi- zation of African Unity /OAVI. This draft resolution does not need a lengthy introduction, and, in my capacity as chairman of the African group for this month, I deem it my duty to call on the General Assembly to adopt it, oecause in general outline it is no different from the resolution on this subject adopted at the last session of the General Assembly [resolutton 3412 (XXX)J. 90. The United Nations started to discuss the question of co-operation with OAU at its twentieth session, when the Administrative Secretary-General of OAU was invited to attend the sessions of the United Nations as an observer. The General Assembly requested consultation with the appropriate bodies of OAU so as to consolidate co- operation between the two organizations Iresolution 2011 (XXJI. But co-operation began to take its real form and to be further strengthened from the twenty-seventh session of the General Assembly, when matters began to be studied within a broader rramework, namely, that of co-operation between OAU, on the one hand, and the United Nations, its specialized agencies and other con- cerned organizations within the United Nations system, on the other. 91. Since we are discussing co-operation between these two organizations, we should refer to the similarity between their principles, their charters and their 'structure. The two organizations are fully integrated with and closely related to each other; both have great faith in the fundamental rights and dignity of man, the need to achieve justice and freedom, to maintain international peace and security and to promote international co-operation in all social, cultural and economic spheres. 92. Article 11 of the charter of OAU states that one of the purposes of that organization is "to promote international co-operation, having due regard to the Charter of the United Nations". In this connexion, we should also like to refer to the role of regional organizations mentioned in the UnitedNations Charter,in particularin ChapterVIII. 93. There is no doubt that all the delegations of Member States have studied with attention the report of the Secretary-General on co-operation between the United Nations and OAU in document A/31/217 of 1 October 1976. 94. That report isa source ofgreatsatisfaction for uswith respect to such co-operation and the importance of consultations and the exchange of information between the two organizations, particularly as regards the condemnat'on of the policy of racial discrimination and as regards the policy of extendingaid to the oppressed people in southern 95. As Africans we cannot but applaud on this occasion the efforts exerted by the Secretary-General in his con- tinuing attempts to consolidate and step up this co- operation. I should also like to refer to the fact that Mr_ Kurt Waldheim attended the African summit meeting held in Mauritius8 and to mentionthe resolutionwhichwas adopted at that session which expressed special greetings to the Secretary-General. 96. OAU is considered to be one of the largest regional organizations, its membership constituting one third of the membership of the United Nations. While we appreciate its great contributions to the work carded out by the United Nations, we feel that there isstill an urgent need for further concerted efforts to be carried out by both organizations so as to provide a solution to the dangerous situation prevailing in southern Africa and to give further assistance to the victims of colonialism, apartheid, and racial discrim- ination. It is also necessary to take more effective stepson the widest possible scale to give aid to the liberation movements, to publicize the struggle of those peoples and to extend to them both moral and material support and asslstance. 97. African States have always called for the adoption of effective measures for the liquidation of colonialism and its consequences and for resistance to racist regimes wherever they exist. They believe that there isstill an urgent need to adopt effective measures to ensure the active participation of OAU in an organized manner in all the work of the United Nations which concerns Africa. African States, which are now passing through an important stage of economic development, attach considerable importance to co-operation between the United Nations and OAU, a course of action which could be mutually beneficial at this stage. Moreover, the consolidation of the Economic Com- mission for Africa and strengthening of its relationship with OAU is also considered fundamental in helping African countries to raise the level of their economies. 98. I am pleased to referto the important statement made on 14 October 1976 by tt.: current Chairman of tb" Assembly of Heads of State and Government of OAU in the General Assembly 131st meetingI, in which he clearly expressed in the name of all the African States the basis of co-operation between the two Organizations and what the fruitsof that co-operation could be. 99. It is a great honour for me, as the representative of a developing African country which has faith in the struggle 8 Thirteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity. heldat Port 100. The preamble recalls all the previous resolutions of the- General Assembly on co-operation between the two organizations. It takes note of the relevant resolutions adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Govern- ment of OAU at its thirteenth ordinary session, held in Mauritius from 2 to 6 July 1976. It also takes into account the statement made by the current Chairman of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of OAU at the 31st plenary meeting of the General Assembly on 14 October 1976. It expresses awareness of the important role which OAU is playing in helping to achieve the objectives of the United Nations in the world in general and on the African continent in particular. It notes with satisfaction the continued efforts of OAU and the United Nations,the specialized agencies and other organizations within the United Nationssystem to help to solve the seriousproblems which principally affect southern Africa. It also expresses awareness of the urgent need to give increasedassistance to the victims of colonialism, l v,j~1 discrimination and apart- heid resulting from the iL~:';dSifi.., '..cts of repression against the African peoples by the racist government of South Africa and the illegal racist minority regime in Zimbabwe. It expresses the need to take effective steps for the widest possible dissemination of information relating to the struggle of the African people concerned for their liberation from colonialism, racial discrimination and apartheid. Finally, the preamble stresses the positive results achieved in the work of the United Nations bodies concerned as a ,.Jirect consequence of the partlcipatlon of the represen- ~, .ves of the national liberation movements recognized by OAU in the relevant proceedings of those bodies in an observercapacity. 101. The operative paragraphs of the draft resolution can be summed up as follows. Paragraph 1 takes note of the report of the Secretary-General on co-operation between the United Nations and OAU and commends his efforts in promoting such co-cperation. Paragraph 2 expresses again the Assembly's appreciation of the outstanding contribu- tion made by OAU in the relevant work of the United Nations bodies concerned, including in particulsr the positive role played by the Administrative Secretary- General and the General Secretariat of OAU. Paragraph 3 welcomes the efforts of OAU to find African solutions to some of the issues of vital importance to the international community. Paragraph 4 reaffirms the determination of the United Nations, in co-operation with OAU, to intensify its efforts to find a solution to the present grave situation m southern Africa. Paragraph 5 requests the Secretary-General .to continue to take the necessary measures to strengthen co-operation in the political, economic, cultural and admin- istrative levels between the United Nations and OAU in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly, particularly with regard to the provision of 102. In the name of the African group, I expressthe hope that the General Assembly will be able to adopt draft resolution A/31/L.l8 and Add.l unanimously and without a vote, as it adopted a similardraft resolution at its previous session. 103, Ms. POSTON (United States of America): As the General Assembly again considers the question of r,o- operation between the United Nations and OAU, the United States wishes to reaffirm its respect for OAU and the ideals embodied in its charter and to emphasize that it looks forward to maintaining close co-operationwith OAU and with its members. 104. As a country which participated in the founding of the first of the regional organizations, we are aware of the essential role such organizations can play. We believe regional co-operation is a step on the way to global co-operation. We also believe that there are some issues which transcend regional concern and require global atten- tion. 105. The year 1976 has been a crucial one in United States-African relations. In addition to building on the strong and significant ties which we have with the African nations, there has been in this past year an unprecedented level of United States involvement in trying to help find solutions to many of the pressing problems of the African continent. Secretary of State Kissinger's efforts in partic- ular have underlined ou! commitment to assist the nations cf southern Africa to find negotiated solutions to the problems of Namibia and Zimbabwe. While progress has been made-and we have tried to play a part-difficult decisions still lie ahead. The United States will not relax its efforts to see these crucial international issues resolved. 106. The past year has seen also concerted United States efforts in multilateral forums to solve the economic problems of the nations of Africa. Some progress has been achieved in eradicating poverty and ushering in a new era of economic development for all of Africa. Much still remains to be done. The United States remains committed to assisting the people of Africato utilize their great potential "There can no longer be any question that America is committed to Africa's goals and to working with the nations of Africa to. solve the continent's problems ... Let us set aside the suspicions of the past and work for our common future. Together we can constitute the community of man on the basis of mutual benefit and shared endeavour. We can show that races can live together-that there is an alternative to hatred." 108. The United States will do all in its power to make this spirit of co-operation a reality in our dealings with OAU and with all its members.

The question of co-operation between the United Nations and the numer- ically largest regional organization, OAU, has been exam- ined at each session of the General Assembly and this in itself is proof of the importance which Members of the United Nations attach to co-operation between the United Nations and that African organization. 110. In establishing OAU in 1963, the Heads of State or Government of African States reaffirmed the dedication of OAU "to the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and its acceptance of all the obligations contained in the Charter". Co-operation between the United Nations and OAU has now been implemented in many different spheres and is promoting the attainment of the noble aims which both organizations have set for themselves. 111. Co-operation between the United Nations and OAU has become wider and more fruitful during the course of the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, which was adopted on the initiative of our country, and this co- operation is also being developed successfully in the struggle for the complete elimination of colonialism, racism and apartheid on the African continent. 112. The Soviet Union gives high praise to the activities of OAU and, in their message to the thirteenth session of the OAU Assembly, Mr. N. V. Podgorny, President of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, and Mr. A. N. Kosygin, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, said: "In the general cause of fighting for peace and against colonialism, imperialism and nee-colonialism and all manifestations of inequality and diktat a major role is played by the Organization of African Unity." 113. The activities of OAU, its efforts to unite all anti-imperialist and anti-colonial forces on the African continent, to strengthen good-neighbourly relations be- 114. At the same time, we must recognize that certain Western circles-the transnational monopolies-are still try- ing to maintain their privileged positions in a number of African countries, notably in southern Africa but not only in that part of the continent. They are pursuing other aims by creating sources of tension which threaten peace in various regions of Africa. We are firmly convinced that the heroic and valiant struggle of the African countries for their free and independent development and for the complete elimination of the vestiges of colonialism will be the more successful the closer is the co-operation between the developing African countries and the socialist countries and the greater the co-operation between the liberation move- ment and the socialist countries. The socialist countries are the natural allies of the African peoples in their struggle to strengthen freedom and independence and to achieve freedom for those countries still under the yoke of colonialism and oppression. We are living at a time when the fmal stage of the complete collapse of the colonial system in Africa is taking place. 115. A great victory over the joint forces of colonialism and its accomplices was won by the heroic people of Angola. The Soviet people isfirmly convinced that in the not- too-distant future the people of Zimbabwe and Namibia and the indigenous population of South Africa will also become free. In any case, our country and all socialist countries will do everything possible to ensure that the problem of the liberation ofthe peoples of southern Africa will be settled and settled successfully as soon as possible. The Soviet people regards it as its international duty to promote by all possible means this historical revival and development of the free and independent African peoples. 116. At the recent Twenty-fifth Congress of the Com- munist Party of our country, the programme of further struggle jor peace and international co-operation and for the freedom and independence of the peoples set forth as one of the most important tasks of the foreign policy of the Soviet Government the task of promoting the early elimination of all vestiges of colcnial oppression and infringements of the equality and independence of peoples-all focal-points of colonialism and racism. The peoples of Africa, indeed the peoples of the whole world, know full well that the socialist countries, including the Soviet Union, can be relied on in their struggle for freedom and independence. 117. The furtuer promotion and development of compre- hensive relations between OAU and the United Nations and 118. The Soviet Union and all other socialistcountries will in the future as in the past give all necessary assistance in United Nations bodies to the efforts of OAU and the peoples of the African countries to defend their political and economic independence and increase their constructive contribution to the solution of all vital international problems. The draftresolution was adopted (resolution 31/13). The meeting rose at 12.55 p.m.