A/33/PV.10 General Assembly

Mr. President, allow me at the outset to express olur immense pleasure in seeing you elected to the presidency of the thirty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly and to assure you of our great confidence in your ability to guide the deliberations of this important session to a successful conclusion. 3. As this session follows on that presided over with wisdom and able leadership by Mr. Mojsc«, we are confi- dent that your efforts, in continuation of his, will be such as to guide its deliberations to the desired success and accomplishmencs. 4. The loyalty and perseverance which the Secretary- General, Mr. Waldheim, has adequately displayed in shoul- dering the great responsibilities entrusted to him lead us to believe that all the prerequisites for success have thus been provided to guarantee what this Assembly looks forward to accomplishing. 5. We gather here in this great city of New York, which has witnesseci. great efforts for the realization of the expectations' of the human race in a world where justice would prevail, a world where relations among peoples would be founded on freedom and human dignity and would be based on co-operation inspired by the sincere and genuine desire to serve the common interest. If efforts from within this hall and from outside its walls are directed NEW YORK today towards achieving and maintaining international peace and security through the establishment of equitable international relations and the guarantee of the right of all States to progress and to develop without interference in their affairs or infringement upon their sovereignty, and through the containment of disputes, then the history of this Organization in living up to its responsibilities will provide an eloquent witness to a continuing international need for the prosperity and well-being of the United Nations. 6. In this respect, I wish to congratulate the delegation of the State of Solomon Islands for having secured its membership in this Organizauon, thus contributing to the achievement of one of the most important objectives of this Organization, that of the universality of the United Nations. 7. My country had the honour, last July, of acting as host to the fifteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, held at Khartoum from 18 to 22 July. African leaders met in a brotherly gathering that was characterized by an intense awareness of . the historical responsibility laid upon its shoulders and an unblurred vision of the problems and anxieties of the African continent. Their deliberations on those issues became an embodiment of African wisdom inspired by a heritage deeply rooted in history and a manifestation of the ability of Africa to overcome the obstacles that hinder its path. The Khartoum summit meeting was a sincere and persistent effort on the part of those leaders, an effort in which the wills of their peoples converged and formed solid and unwavering convictions based on the solid foundation of the principles of the Charter of their organization. 8. I am indeed honoured and proud to have been entrusted with the presidency of the OAD for the current year. Hence, if I were to address myself briefly to the African positions and.stands, it would be only in such a way as to reveal the extent to which the OAU has progressed in its endeavours to attain the desired degree of effectiveness in handling the various African and interna- tional issues included in the agenda of this session. .. 9. As the principles of the OAU were drawn from the same lofty and noble ideals as the United Na.ions Charter, its establislunent, as envisioned by the pioneer-leaders of Africa 15 years ago, came to represent a major tributary of the international Organization that aims at augmenting and upholding the same ideals and principles. The summit meeting in Khartoum commemorated a decade and a"half in the life of our organization. This, indeed, is a young and tender age counted in years, but chronicled in afflictions and crises our organization reached a very early maturity and acquired tremendous seasoning. Its creation coincided A/33/PV.I0 10. The decisions emanating from the Khartoum summit meeting came to emphasize our strong will to protect the organization and uphold its lofty principles and as a renewal of the pledge we made to our peoples to mobilize our resources and intensify our struggle. They emphasize also our commitment to solidarity, unity, respect for sovereignty and to the maintenance of good neighbourliness and brotherly links through the exploration of all avenues of co-operation between our peoples to speed up the process of social and economic development. 11. The Khartoum meeting signifies a commitment on our part to preserve our sovereignty, which we forcefully retrieved, and to close the door against foreign intervention, emphasizing a declaration of unwavering determination to repel any danger threatening our countries, our peoples and our continent. It signifies also an affirmation of our solidarity with Arab peoples in their struggle and in the establishment of an African Arab front to confront the political and. economic challenges which face these two peoples. 12. The Khartoum summit meeting has culminated in directing African efforts towards the resolution of African problems in a manner reflecting the recognition by Africa of its responsibility towards the international community. Hence, being entrusted with the task of conveying to this gathering the decisions of that summit meeting, I flnd it appropriate to dwell on them in some length in order to be able to properly convey the mood of the meeting and its understanding of the international responsibility it shoul- ders. 13 What we are persistentiy seeking to establish through our bilateral, regional and international relations is a new era of hope and accomplishment. Hence our attention and efforts have been directed towards anticipating events rather than passively awaiting them, initiating steps, saving our strength and advocating our line of thinking by rallying support to it. 14. It was on this understanding that the African countries based their meetings with the countries of non-aligned movement and with those countries that shared with them the task of laying the foundation of African-Arab co-opera- tion. It is with this same understanding that we join hands with the world community represented by you here today, our responsibility and obligations towards which we fully recognize. 16. African delegations effectively participated in the deliberations of the Belgrade meeting! with the strong conviction that strengthening the non-alignment movement augments the efforts of their organization. This partici- pation was also an expression of their fulI cognizance of the role entrusted to African peoples in maintaining unity and solidarity among non-aligned States. With this positive and constructive attitude of sympathy and understanding, the meeting in Belgrade looked into the problems and anxieties of the African continent. It was only natural that the non-aligned countries, which share common aspirations and destinies with the African countries, should consider those problems and anxieties within the same context and from the same viewpoint as Africa. Their decisions coincided with the African decisions emanating from the capital of my country and Africa's voice was echoed in Belgrade in a spectacular unison. 17. Accordingly, the decisions taken at Belgrade [see A/33/206] came to lend unlimited international weight and support to the African views expressed at the Khartoum summit meeting. Therefore, if I were to convey to this Assembly Africa's viewpoints on the issues of today, it would only be to emphasize the fact that those views, having met unlimited international' support, are no longer regional stances inasmuch as they are established on a basis of solid international understanding. 18. What is now going on in South Africa in the way of consistent violation of basic human rights isa disgrace to humanity and an affront to the moral codes of the world community that deserves complete eradication. The in- human practices of the racist regime in Pretoria, which are the most repulsive practices ever witnessed in human history, represent only one of the columns supporting that regime's structural entity. The resources of our African people in that part of our continent are not only readily available to an alien minority and inaccessible to the indigenous population, but also offer an inexhaustible source on which the racist regime draws in strengthening its economic influence and the repressive machinery it directs against the African population. It draws on these African 1 Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Belgrade from 25 to 30 July 1978. 20. While Africa remembers with appreciation and grati- tude the stand taken by the world community represented here in the United Nations when it condemned racial discrimination as a crime against humanity and a danger to international peace and security, it would like to remind this Assembly of the numerous resolutions and decisions that have emanated from this Organization recognizing the legitimacy of the struggle against racial discrimination, including armed struggle. It would also like to reiterate what it has emphatically stated in the past, namely that no option remains open other than resorting to a tight siege against, and direct armed confrontation With, that racist regime. There is no need to review options or to select alternatives if we recognize Security Council resolution 418 (1977) and proceed to the strict implementation of its provisions by imposing a complete arms embargo upon South Africa and severing all forms of military and economic co-operation with it. 21. It is only fitting on this occasion to salute the front-line States of Angola, Botswana, Mozambique and Zambia for the great sacrifices they are making in shoul- dering the responsibility of joint struggle against the racist regime for the complete emancipation of the continent. It is in accordance with the various decisions of the interna- tional community, represented by this Assembly, that these countries should be afforded moral and material support to strengthen their defensive capabilities and to enable them to offer secure bases for the liberation struggle being waged in southern Africa. ~""~"-~~,,? ~,,,,,, 23. It was on the basis of these premises that the Khartoum summit meeting called for a strict oil embargo on the racist regime of Pretoria. It went further in expressing a strong demand for the establishment of highly effective standing machinery for the proper implementation of this embargo on the racist regime in southern Afdca. 24. The present critical stage of the heroic Namibian people's struggle, under the banner of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], which steadfastly lived up to its commitment to struggle until that struggle was crowned by the Security Council's latest resolution on the subject-resolution 431 (1978)-was only a natural out- come of SWAPO's able leadership and political maturity. This stage is equally critical in the whole African struggle against the powers of evil and aggression in the southern part of Africa. The utmost vigilance is required in the face of the various plots being concocted by the Pretoria regime against that region. 25. The international community represented by the United Nations, which supported the Namibian people materially and morally throughout its struggle, is now called upon to continue to provide stable and sustained material aid to SWAPO to enable it effectively to counter those plots being hatched against it by the very Powers which harbour evil intentions against the welfare of our continent. While expressing gratitude for the past efforts of the United Nations by offering unlimited support to the United Nations Council for Namibia, Africa views with mounting appreciation the recent efforts of the Organi- zation to give the needed momentum to the noble international endeavours directed towards the achievement of the complete emancipation of the Namibian people under the flag of SWAPO and towards preserving the territorial unity and integrity of Namibia, including Walvis Bay. It is particularly pertinent in this respect to refer to the report of the Secretary-General on the situation in Namibia.s prepared pursuant to Security Council resolution 431 (l978), and to point out that South Africa is again resorting to manoeuvres aimed at preventing the convening of the Security Council and its adoption of the recom- mendations contained in that report. The Assembly is hereby called upon to put an end to those manoeuvres and go ahead with the final steps towards the attainment of independence by the Namibian people. 26. In Zimbabwe the Patriotic Front is leading a heroic popular struggle to liberate the country from the yoke of the minority racist regime, which is staggering under the Front's heavy blows. Already so close to collapse and annihilation, this racist rdgime came out with the so-called Salisbury agreement of 3 March 1978,3 whereby it desper- ately tried to bestow a politically representative character on some opportunist elemen ts which had been rejected and which represent no national entity or sector of the 27. The legitimate struggle undertaken by the Patriotic Front as the sole legitimate liberation movement in Zimbabwe meets with full support and solidarity from the African peoples as a struggle that is certain to achieve its objectives of liberty and sovereignty. 28. So, if the Salisbury racist r~gime were to launch brutal aggression against the neighbouring African States, the least this international community could do would be fully to support the Zimbabwean people and the peoples of the front-line States by providing them with the necessary material assistance and strictly implementing the provisions of a total economic embargo on the racist regime in accordance with the contents and spirit of Article 41 of the Charter of the United i~ations_ 29. It is a fact that colonialism, while retreating from our continent after having plundered its resources, has found it difficult to allow the African peoples to carry on with their processes ofeconomic and social development, so vital after years of oppression and suffering. Since the awakening of Africa, colonialism has openly resorted to intervention in the internal affairs of the African States in order to safeguard its own interests. 30. Furthermore, Africa is being subjected to persistent interference by foreign Powers which are sowing the seeds of dissension and disunity among our peoples in an attempt to widen and increase internal differences, stem the tide of African solidarity and suppress the aspirations and hopes of the African peoples for unity and fraternity. For that reason, the OAD, realizing that this intervention constitutes a direct threat to the very survival of the African peoples and their systems, has continued to monitor with concern and dismay the deteriorating situation resulting from the increasing foreign intervention in the internal affairs of the continent. 31. The Khartoum summit meeting strongly condemned all pohcies of intervention Ut African affairs, whatever their source, since such policies would turn the continent into a battlefield, the effect of which would be the destruction of the socio-economic structures, leading ulti- mately to opening wide the door for the return of the colonialists. . 32. The meeting also reiterated the established African conviction that African security and peace are contingent 33. The OAU Assembly at Khartoum took fuU cognizance of the established fact that the solution of African problems is the responsibility of the Africans themselves. African determination and wisdom have seen the continent through many a difficult time before. It was.in this spirit of revolutionary determination that the Khartoum Assembly adopted a resolution on the establishment of a common African contingent for the purpose of protecting the independence of member States and their sovereignty over their respective territories, and ensuring the total liberation of the African continent from the remaining pockets of colonialism and racism {see A/33/235, annex I, resolution CM/Res.635(XXXI)]. The summit gathering also decided that this military force should be conceptually and adminis- tratively African and be deployed by African decision under the banner and in accordance with the principles and objectives of the OAU. That resolution emphasizes the seriousness and determination of the Khartoum summit meeting to seek the enhancement and consolidation of the unity, solidarity and strength of the organization. In that connexion, the summit meeting created conciliation and arbitration committees, as well as machinery for the containment of disputes. 34. The past year in the life of our organization has seen sincere and relentless African efforts demonstrating the ability of the African continent to solve its problems without foreign interference or pressure. The African wisdom which characterized the efforts of African leaders such as Senghor, Houphouet-Boigny, Sekou Toure and Tolbert was a demonstration of the effectiveness and authenticity of the African approach to solving the prob- lems of the continent and one of the factors that contributed to the' success of the Khartoum summit meeting. 35. The Sudan is the cauldron in which the Arab and African civilizations converged and synthesized in won- derful harmony, complementarity and integration. Al- though our geographical position contributed to the achievement of this harmony and complementarity, it was not the only factor involved. What attracted Arabs to Africa was a long history of cultural relations and inter- actions that produced flourishing civilizations in the heart of Africa, such as the civilizations of Timbuktu Benin and . , Meroe. Hence, afterwards; both Africans and Arabs were subjected to similar colonialist conditions, characterized by barbarous entities based on racism and racial discrimination seeking to replace the indigenous population. The unity of the African-Arab struggle was a natural and logical result of those difficult conditions that characterized the history of the Arab and African peoples. 36. The African-Arab Conference held in Cairo in March 19774 represented a landmark in this common fight. That 4 First Conference of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity and the League of Arab States, held in Cairo from 7 to 9 March 1977. 37. Naturally, this African-Arab solidarity, whichpresents a solid front and is a major pillar of the international liberation movement, provoked the forces of racism and colonialism on our African continent and in Palestine discreetly to co-ordinate their efforts and to join hands with the forces of darkness in what came to be known as . the Pretoria-Salisbury-Tel Aviv axis. 38. Sufficient proof of this is contained in what Mr. Robert~ Mugabe, the eo-leader of the Zimbabwean Patriotic Front, conveyed to' the Khartoum Assembly, namely, that Uzi machine-guns made in Israel f."\Uld their way into the hands of the forces of tile- .n regimes fighting the liberation movements. 39. The Khartoum summitmeeting was alsoa crowning of United Nations efforts to combat racism and racial discrim- ination and a continuation of its meetings during the United Nations Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, which started with the Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia,s the Conference for Action against Apartheid6 and the recent Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination," which-~as held following the Khartoum summit meeting. 40. Africa, which hid instinctively been aware, since the beginning of its awakening, orthe-ot:@nic relationship between Israel and the racistregimes in the southern.part of the continent 'and had discovered the essential nature of . those regimes, once again affirmed that zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination which should be de- nounced and condemned by the international community. 41. Our continent has continued to stressthe fact that the problem of Palestine is the core of the present conflict in the Middle East, and that the persistence of Israel in occupying Palestine, its refusal to acknowledge the national and legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, itii per- sistence in following a policy ofexpansionbasedonracem and challenging the international community in utter disregard of the Charter of the United Nations Kfi..d the Universal Declaration of .Human Rights, constitute, in our view, a direct and very clear threat to international peace and security. At the same time, the persistence of Israel in continuing its occupation of the Arab territories, including holy Jerusalem, and in following a policy of colonial settlement in the occupied Arab territories further com- plicates the situation, which could lead to an armed conflagration in the region that might eventually develop into a global conflict, the dimensions of which cannot be perceived or envisaged by the human mind. S International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zim· babwe and Namibia, held in Maputo from 16 to 21 May 1977. 6 World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held in Lagos from 22 to 26 August 1977. . 7 World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, held at Geneva from 14 to 2S August 1978. 43. The just peace that is so necessary for our world today is a complicated matter, but it can still be achievedthrough our persistent determination, effort and constructive dia- logue in an atmosphere of confidence and hope. This Organization has studied the Middle East question more -th@n once and has adopted severel resolutions, including Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), which form the basis for peace and set out the minimum rightsof the Palestinian people. 44. We have heard of the initiative undertaken by the President of the United States, Mr. Carter, at the Camp David meeting and this is somethingthat we must welcome from the point ofview of principle,because it is anhistorical attempt to secure t~lo\:l::e in the region. While we do not attempt to eVf.!hlate the results' of that attempt, whether positive or negative, we believe that weshould not jump to conclusions in evaluating them or undermine that initiative. We should undertake a thorough and positive study and analysis of those results in the light of the resolutions adopted by the United Nations and the Arab summit conferences. We should also throw light on the positive elements of that initiative so that it may be seen as a basis and a pillar for the attempts of others to achieve peace.We should not deviate from our main objective,which is a just and durable peacein the Middle East. 45. The time has come for the OAD to play a more active role in global development efforts and in combating the social and economic problems from which the countriesof the third world continue to suffer. If that organization has not addressed itself fully to these issues over the past 15 years, it is not because of a lack ofinterest or a belittlingof the importance of this vitalsector, but rather because it had 46. Notwithstanding what I have just said, the African group of States participated within the Group of 77 in advocating the need to change the structural form of the prevailing economic relations, which is characterized by an aspect of economic and commerical hegemony by the developed industrial countries over the resources of a majority of third-world countries. Consequently, it, is important that this imbalance in the international economic field be corrected by introducing an element of balance and compatibility as between developed and developing coun- tries. A number of resolutions have been adopted in the respective international organizations which consitute an acknowledgement on the part of developed countries of the dimensions of the problem facing the developing world. Unfortunately, this acknowledgement has not been fol- lowed by the necessary implementation of those reso- lutions. Furthermore, the developed countries were not able to honour their commitment in the respective inter- national bodies to provide the new international economic order with an opportunity to prove its viability in cor- recting the imbalance which characterizes the international economic system. The positive resolutions which were adopted in. the interest of the developing countries con- cerning debts, the common fund for commodities, "the special fund for the least developed countries, which emanated from the Paris dialogue between the North and South.s besidesnot measuring up to our expectations, were not implemented positively by the industrial countries. 47. l wish to declare on behalf of Africa our complete commitment to the resolutions of the sixth special session of the General Assembly, in that we are left with no alternative but to change the prevailing international economic order and consequently to implement the Pro- gramme of Action on the Establishment of a New Interna- tional Economic Order{resolution 3202 (S-VI)} . 48. We have suffered in Africa, and we continue to suffer from many dangers that loom over our development programmes, mainly because the economies of the African countries depend in the first instance on their exports of raw materials. These exports lack the very much needed stability and fairness in prices-to such an extent that, unless they are protected from the serious fluctuations that characterize their markets, our country, along with other third-world countries, will continue to move in a vicious circle. It is our sincere hope in Africa that the developed industrial countries will eventually be prevailed upon to put lilt end to this state of affairs by honouring their cum- mitment in respect of the establishment of the common' fund advocated by UNCTAD. We look forward with much interest to the convening of the second negotiating con- ference for tl'e common fund.s which is due to take place in Geneva next November, and we earnestly hope that the participants will be able to reach final results and that the industrial countries will at last assume their responsibilities . 8 Conference on International Economic Co-operation, held at Paris from 30 May to 2 June 1977. 9 United Nations Negotiating Conference on a Common FU1d under the Integrated Programme for Commodities. 50. In their persistent striving towards a better future the developing and the least developed countries of Africa have committed themselves to plans for economic and social development, to which they have devoted most of their capabilities and limited resources in order to emerge from the stage of backwardness and to be able to meet the aspirations of their peoples in freedom and pride. This,we believe, entails a moral responsibility on the developedand industrialized countries to. participate directly and ef- fectively in the development of those poor countries. In this respect I should like to express our appreciation and gratitude to those countries that offer developmental aid in the size and volume recommended by the United Nations. I take this opportunity to appeal to the developed indus- trialized countries and capital-exporting oil countries that contribute to the resources of IDA in the IBRD. On the occasion of the current annual meeting in Washington, I appeal to them to initiate urgent negotiations on providing the sixth replenishment to the resources of the lOA. We consider this of special importance for the poor and least developed countries because of IDA's appropriate and easy terms. I at ) call upon those countries this time to increase their contributions to an extent that would reasonably meet the requirements of those poor countries in soft loans needed to develop and promote their economies and to establish the economic structural set-up to spare them the stiff conditions of the money market, which they cannot afford to bear. 51. Africa believes it has a duty towards the rest of the world of advocatingthat the key to progress and develop- ment lies in the realization of a great deal of self-reliance both individually and collectively.:Africa is firmly con- vinced that it is imperative that the countries of the third world consolidate their respective national self-reliance, at the same time striving to lessen their collective dependence on others. With this understanding Africa is looking forward with great optimism to taking part in the delib- erations of the forthcoming fifth session of UNCTAD to be held in Manila next year. Meanwhile we shall try to rally our fellow members in the Group of 77 around this central point at the forthcoming meetings of the Group to take place in Arusha, United Republic of Tanzania, prior to the ManilaConference. 52. Reference to international development wilJ remain devoid of any meaning or impact if we fail "0 link it integrally with the pathetic reality faced by O'.1r contem- porary world, in which poverty, hunger and disease continue to prevail at the very time when expenditure on , 53. Africa earnestly hopes that the new Committee on Disarmament that Was set up at the tenth special session will be able to follow up implementation of the resolution adopted at the special session [resolution S-10/2/. It welcomes with enthusiasm the establishment of a new negotiating body in which all nuclear Powers and a number of non-nuclear Powers will participate on the basis of equality. 54. Permit me to reiterate that Africa's confidence in the United Nations is unlimited and "that its determination to support and' strengthen it is firm and unwavering in recognition of the Organization's role in providing the vital moral and material support to the continent's struggle against colonialism and racism. On behalf of the African peoples I should like to reiterate from this rostrum our pledge to spare no effort in supporting the United Nations in upholding its lofty principles and ideals, in the process antagonizing whoever antagonizes or undermines it, and rallying to whoever shares with us this attitude of devotion and gratitude. Guided by the content and spirit of our prganization's resolutions, our delegations will participate in the work of this session bearing in mind the principles of the United Nations Charter in a spirit of generous devotion. 55. If Africa draws attention to the fact that its represen- tation in the Organization's Secretariat is inadequate" compared to its numerical weight, it is only to emphasize its desire to be at the service of this Organization and to shoulder its responsibilities towards it. This spirit is very evident in the resolution adopted by the last African sununit, which was held in my country's capital and commended and expressed appreciation to the Secretariat of the. United Nations, under the leadership of the secretary-General. Mr. Waldheim, for having selected one of the sons of our sister country Ghana, Mr. Kenneth Dadzie, for the post of Director-General for Development and International Economic Co-operation [see A/33/235, annex 1, resolution CM/Res.652 (XXX)}. The resolution also paid a tribute to the capabilities and qualifications of Mr.Dadzie and his devotion to his responsibilities, which it considered a great honour to Africa and its sons. 57. As I reflect here on the history of my country and its place in Africa, through which it has been privileged to share a deeply-rooted heritage and civilization, I recall our conviction that words, whether designating conduct or a decision, were an effective weapon among the various weapons we deployed in our struggle for freedom and emancipation. This is particularly true in a gathering such as this since words are still considered by Africa to be a highly effective and powerful factor in shaping the destinies-of our individuals and groups. 58. The resoonsibility we recognize to participate effec- tively in the successive sessions of this Assembly will continue to be influenced by the reflections of the past and our experience in this Organization, which produced much evidence of the inherent ability to achieve success in every endeavour whenever good will and confidence exist. 59. It is my considered belief that nothing surpasses the greatness of commitment to the principles of freedom, equality and respect for the common interests of the peoples of the world. Consequently persistent and progres- sive efforts towards the development and consolidation of international solidarity have become a prerequisite for overcoming the obstacles facing the peoples in this decade of the twentieth century, characterized as it is by numerous preoccupations, worries and uncertainties regarding a series of complex and intricate problems. I see no way of overcfl:.",t;'3 those problems other than by positive action and COi,,~ •"..:.ctive optimism. 60. I am very. confident that the statements of the representatives of the peoples of the world delivered in this hall will continue to guide our deliberations at this session, "for they are the expression of the conscience of their peoples and of the real worries and preoccupations of the human race. 61. I should like to praise all the constructive efforts which have emanated from the ideas expressed in this hall and which have proved to car""'"j weight and be effective. I sincerely pray that the Almighty God will guide us towards the achievement of the goals of our peoples and that He will preserve those who are behind every endeavour aimed at the establishment of a .new werld order based on equality, international co-operation and peaceful coexist- ~nce. 63. Thank you, brothers, and thank you, Mr. President, and may peacego with you on your path.

On behalf of the General Assembly I wish to thank His Excellency Mr. Gaafar Mohamed Nimeiri, the President {If the Democratic Republic of the Sudan and current Chair- man of the OAU for the important statement he has just made.

Mr. President, allow me to offer you the heartfelt congrat- ulations of the Hungarien delegation on your election as President of the thirty-third session of the General Assem- bly. I am particularly pleased to note that recently more favourable conditionshaveemerged for the further develop- ment of relations between our two countries,Hungary and Colombia. May I assure you that the Hungarian delegation will do its best to promote the successful work of the Gener~ Assembly under your guidance. 66. On behalf of the delegation of the Hungarian People's Republic I welcome the delegation of Solomon Islands and wish this new State Member of the United Nations every success in its activity. 67. The events which have occurred since the thirty- second session of the General Assembly have given clear proof once again that mankind has no task more important and more urgent than that of defending peace andensuring the normal international conditions necessary for creative pursuits. Those conditions can be guaranteed only by peaceful coexistence and the deepening of detente. That is, indeed, in the common interest of all peoples and of mankind as a whole. It is by no mere chance, therefore, that the process of detente is playinga fundamental rolein internationalpolitics. 68. The beneficial effects of the advance of peaceful coexistence and of the extensionof detente are particularly perceptible in Europe. In our part of the world,political consultations between representatives of countries with different social systems have become regular, with trade reiations expanding and co-operation programmes and cultural exchanges broadening in scope. 69. Yet, we also witness intensified efforts and counter- attacks to halt the launching of that positive process by thosewhocash in on the armsrace,by the forcesopposedto the relaxation of tension, which try to justify their intentions with false arguments such as the non-existent Sovietmilitary threat and the alleged military supremacy of the Warsaw Treaty Organizaticn. But nothing can be invoked to justify actions against peace and security and international understanding, or attempts to start a new 70. There can be no doubt that, by reason of sabotage by the forces acting against peacefulcoexistence and detente, recent times have seen a slowdown, a check, in the momentum of the process of detente which may be f observed in relation to anumber of worldaffairs. 71. Still, we look with optimism to the future, mainly because we hold that detente is a necessity ensuing from the international balance of power. We are convinced that, if the advocates of peaceful coexistence and of detente join forces and act with resolve, they will succeed in sur- mounting the obstacles now in the way of the process of detente, in sustaining the results achieved thus far and, above all, in strengthening and deepening the process of detente by extending it to the military field. WE~ note with satisfaction that a numberof realistically-minded politicians in the Western countries similarly come out in favour of detente and of wider relations between socialist and capitalist countries. We regard it as being of great impor- tance that the non-aligned countries are taking a stand against the use of force, armaments and intervention in the "internal affairs of other countries, as well as for peace and security. 72. The position of the Hungarian People's Republic on this decisive issue is well known. We struggle for lasting peace and stable security and wespare no effort to prevent the genie of the "cold war" from getting out of the bottle of' the past. We come out consistently in favour of the peaceful coexistence of countries with different social systems, of wider international co-operation, of preventing the arms race and of placing peace and security on even firmerfoundations. 73. The most pressing task in international life is to promote the cause of disarmament, first of all nuclear disarmament. The strength of the process of detente is evidenced by the fact that the various disarmament forums continue with their work despite the unfavourable changes in the intemationalsituanon. Moreover, the tenth. special session of the General Assembly devotedto disarmament is added proof that coilective efforts tend to impart a fresh impetus to talks seeking to advance effectivedisarmament. The special session made it possible for more countries to join in the disarmament talks and confirmed the correctness of applying the principle of consensus to questions related to disarmament andjntemationalsecurity. 74. In our judgement the proposal presented by the Soviet Government at the special session concerning practical measures for ending the arms race!0 is of particular relevance'to the promotion' of disarmament. The great number of other documents submitted there provides an additional pool of useful ideasthat deserve further study. It is our common task to work for the implementationof the constructive proposals made on disarmament. By so doing we can make a large contribution to the proper preparation of a world disarmament conference. 76. The Hungarian People's Republic warmly welcomes and considers as a highly significant step the new proposal ef the Soviet Government that at this session the Assembly should discuss a draft international convention on the strengthening of guarantees of the security of non-nuclear States {A/33/241/. A similar 'proposal was submitted by the Soviet Union as early as 1966,11 but it did not meet with sufficient response at that time. We feel that now real possibilities exist for concluding such a convention. 77. The Hungarian delegation likewise pins great hopes on the work of the Special Committee on Enhancing the Effectiveness of the Principle of Non-Use of Force in International Relations and strongly supports the efforts to draw up an international treaty, as proposed by the Soviet Union. The conclusion of such a treaty could form an integral part of the disarmament process. 78. The extension of the prohibition against certain weapons to chemical weapons is becoming a matter of increasing urgency. We hope that the long years of talks thereon willbe crowned with success. 79. We continue to demand that the production and deployment of the neutron bomb should be abandoned once and for all. 80. The disquieting prospect of the development and manufacture of new types and systems of weapons of mass destruction only underlines the timeliness of the proposal to ban those weapons. The last advances of science and technology should be prevented from being used for the development of new devices of mass destruction. We are firmly convinced that it is easier to agree on banning weapons of mass destruction in the design stage than at the time of series production. 81. The outcome of the ongoing talks on disarmament issues depends to a great extent on.the results of the negotiations between the Soviet Union and the United States of America concerning the limitation of offensive strategic weapons. Precisely for that reason, we attach exceptionally great importance to the Soviet-American .talks to reach agreement at the second series of Strategic Arms Limitation Talks{SALTIll, which it is hoped will be concluded in the near future. The SALT 11 agreement would greatly J!lromote the disarmament talks going on in other forums, would substantially improve the international climate and would advance the processof detente. 83. The results achieved so far by the implementation of the Final Act of 1 August 1975 adopted at the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe similarly react favourably on the process of detente. In our opinion, the Belgrade meeting concluded its work with basically positive results, despite the well-known difficulties it had to face. It reaffirmed the commitment of States to the continued implementation of the recommendations of the Helsinki Final Act and determined the directions of developing co-operation in Europe. The work of that meetinghas given further proof that great effort is still needed for the settlement of questions related to the elaboration of different forms of co-operation and to the promotion of political and military detente and economic and cultural co-operation. It is encouraging to note that the Bonn Economic Summit Conference in July, one of those envisaged at Belgrade, concluded its work successfully on the subject of the "Scientific Forum". Serious efforts are being made to prepare additional meetings of experts in a constructive spirit and to carry out the proposals for the implementation of t....~ Final Act by laying the basis for the Madridmeeting scheduled for 1980. 84. The Government of the Hungarian People's Republic Will, as heretofore, strive for the consistent implementation of the recommendations of the Final Act, thereby con- tributing to the improvement of the international climate and to the expansion of Hungary's relations with the countries of Western Europe and North America. 85. There have been clear indications even before now of Israel's quest for a separate peace with the Arab Republic· of Egypt as a means of bringing the other Arab States to their knees and of asserting its own annexationist interests in the Middle East. The Camp David agreements are a reflection of such endeavours. 86. It is understandable that the representatives of' the genuine interests of the Arab peoples should dissociate themselves from those agreements and should have decided to take measures in defence of their interests. The 88. We hold that a just and lasting peace in the Middle East can be achieved only if account is taken of the well-known principles that should govern a settlement and of the relevant decisions and resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly, as well as of the right of the Arab people of Palestine to set up its own State, and if the framework of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East is revived. 89. TIle worsening situation in the Middle East is being further complicated by Israel's repeated armed provocation against Lebanon. The territorial integrity of Lebanon has been directly tl;reatened, One of the most pressingtasks in the regionis to curb the Israeliaggressors. 90. TIle situation on the Africancontinent is characterized by new successes that have been scored in the struggle by the patriotic forces and the adherents of social progress to win the independence of their countries, preserve their sovereignty and territorial integrity and defend their pro- gressivesocial systems. '91. It was with great hopes that public opinion in Hungary greeted tIlt' decision of the Security Council on the question -()f Namibia. We believe that the United Nations should do its utmost to ensure that tile proposed settlement will not result in a sham independence for Namibia designed as a screen for the prolongation of foreign domination. Such a "solution" would only lead to the emergence of a broader conflict. TheSouth African racists' refusal to accept the report of the Secretary-General of the United Nations and their scheme to stage 211 electoral farce in order to present the world with a fait accompli amount 10 'Outright defianceofour world Organization. 9~. It is evident now that the "internal settlement" in Southern Rhodesiahas failed. One <mst be prepared for the illegal Smith regime's attempting new provocations against its neighbours. We regret to state that certain Governments fail to regard this highly important matter with due reIionsncssand, in defiance of the Security Council 'Ieso1ntions, 'Still maintain commercial contacts with .....e Salisbmy regime_ 93_ The Hungarian people is convinced that no ma- noeuvring w.iIl be :able to prevent the victory of SWAPO. the Iegitimate representatfve 'of the Namibian people, and of the Patrieric Front:stmgg1ing for the genuine interests of the Zimbabwean people. Asin the past. we will continue to i!SSistthepeoples OfNamibiamd Zimbabwe in their struggle .for complete and fin.:a1 hoeration from colonial bondage and .from the domination ,ofthe wmte minority. 9S. We still hold it necessary for the United Nations and tile specialized international organizations to assist the people of Viet Nam in healingthe wounds of war assoon as possible. 96. There is still no progress in the settlement of the Korean question. My Governmentlends continuing support to the endeavours of the Government of the Democratic People's Republic 'of Korea on behalf of the peaceful unification of the country. 97. This year's session has to face again the unresolved situation in Cyprus. The Hungarian Government unswerv- ingly maintains that a Iasting settlement can be achieved only through respect for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-aligned policy of the Republic of Cyprus and by guaranteeing the equality and mutual interests of both communities. 98. Given its natural and economic conditions, my country has a verygreat interest in establishing a pattern of international economic co-operation that is free from any discrimination and factors that stand in the way of building broader ties. 99. My Government supports the restructuring of intema- tional economic relations on a just ariddemocratic basis,in accordance with the principles embodied in the resolutions of the sixth special session of the United Nations General Assembly {resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-Vl)J and in the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XX/X)]. 100. The Hungarian 'People's Republic attaches great importance to social problems and human rights issues. We think "that discussion of these questions in the United Nations would enable us to take further steps towards the final elimination of the different forms of colonial and racial oppression, of social injustice and of hunger and misery which still beset a number of countries across the world. 101. We favour the consideration by the present sessionof the role played by the equitable distribution of national income in the promotion of economic and social progress. It is our conviction that national income should be devoted essentially to peaceful economic construction, to the creation of conditions for the practical implementation of the right to work, and to the improvement of material, medical, social and cultural services for the broad masses of the people. The products created by working people should be used, first of all, to raise their standard of living. Only this will' make it possible to realize the principle of social justice as enshrined in the Charter and to achieve the fullest observance of human rights. 103. The Hungarian Government considers that the United Nations system of institutions concerned with human rights is satisfactory andsufficient. Precisely for this reason we "are against the creation of additional human rights bodies, since their functioning would raise consider- able difficulties for the related activity of our Organization and might lead to a deterioration of relations between Member States. , 104. The Hungarian delegation avails itself of this oppor- runity to condemn once .again the terror prevalent in Chile and to demand the cessation of brutality and the restora- tion of human rights and democracy. Our people supports the Chilean patriots in their struggle for a democratic revival of their country. We similarly condemn all forms of racial oppression and demand that an end be put to the apartheidpolicy of the Pretoria regime. 105. My Government believes that it is absolutely essential to enhance the effectiveness of the United Nations, and therefore we 'follow attentively the work of the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization. We note with satisfaction the Committee's growing awareness of the fact that any step forward in this direction can result only from complete consensus of opinion. The role of the United Nations can be strengthened and its effectiveness increased primarily through greater observance of the Charter, which has stood the test of time. 106. While recognizing the useful activities of the United Nations, I should like to voice the concern of the Hungarian delegation about certain concepts for the restructuring and developing of the Organization, including the Secretariat. The Hungarian delegation is naturally not opposed to carrying out the necessary restructuring, but it holds .it essential that such efforts should be. made with great caution and with a clear definition of the areas of activity and competence. 107. It is along these lines that I have wished to sum up the position of my Government concerning some questions on the agenda of this thirty-third session of the General Assembly. I hope that the session will also perform useful work and will contribute to strengthening co-operation and understanding among nations and to consolidating peace and security.

Mr. President, let me first extend to you my congratulations on your election. Your experience and skill will help to ensure a succe isful 109. When the United Nations was established at the end of the Second World War, the British Empire covered one eighth of the world's land surface and had a population of over 500 million. In the years since then, 35 independent States have emerged from among the people and territories that made up that Empire and have taken their place among the nations of the world. There can be no clearer testimony to the commitment of successive British -Governments to the principle of self-determination. 110. Today we are left with a handful of small dependent Territories Which, because of their particular circumstances, have not become independent States. 111. It has been the firm policy of the present British Government to give every encouragement and support to those Territories which seek independence. It was in fulfilment of that policy that Solomon Islands became an independent nation earlier this year and so the one hundred and fiftieth Member of the United Nations. In a few days' time, on I October, yet another country, Tuvalu, will celebrate its independence and will apply for member- ship in the specialized agencies. The Gilbert Islands have already reached the stage of full internal self-government, and we hope they will achieve independence in 1979. In the Anglo-French condominium of the New Hebrides, a pro- gramme has been agreed which will lead to independence by 1980. Among the West Indies Associated States, which are in voluntary association with Britain, Dominica will move to independence on 3 November this year. Discus- sions are continuing on the constitutional future of the other States. 112. Our policy is to respect the wish of the peoples of our remaining dependent Territories to determine their own future in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter, to uphold that Charter in all its ",,-pects, and to put support for the United Nations at the centre of our foreign policy. 113. People all over the world read in their newspapers day by day graphic accounts of systematic murders, cold-blooded tortures and the debilitating ravages of famine and disease. They watch pictures on television of gro- tesque sufferings caused by the dictatorial actions of Governments or by natural disasters. Most people hope that those countries and agencies which can do so well take practical steps to alleviate this misery; they do not want to find themselves in similar circumstances. Discussion and words of condemnation or sympathy are not enough. Ordinary people want to see real evidence that those who offend against the norms of civilized society are not accepted as members of it and that the effects of malnutrition and monsoon are mitigated for everyone. One of the United Kingdom's major aims is to encourage the strengthening of the United Nations capacity to protect human rights. 114. In upholding our Charter commitments, we, the Member States, must pay more attention to the mechanics 115. It cannot yet be said our people have fully appre- ciated the immense importance of the relationship between the developed and the developing countries. The North- South dialogue in which we areengaged is not an elaborate stalking operation, where bureaucrats spend days and weeks locked in discussions which produce little agreement. It is potentially a deeply divisive issue and a central factor in world economic management. It can mean literally life or death for millions. There is a challenge here for the Governments of all countries. For the more developed countries th" challenge is to be prepared for adaptation and change in the creation and distribution of new wealth in the world, and to generate the fullest public support for tackling the great disparity between the standards of life in fortunate countries, such as mine, and those which obtain over vast areas of the globe. For the ·less developed countries the challenge is to maintain the necessary disciplinesboth to enable them to achieve a rapid but stable expansion, with an equitable sharing of the benefits, and to continue to take part constructively in the search for an agreed approach to the problems and a shared responsibility for finding solutions. 116. It would be a failure of statesmanship on both sides if the North-South diaJogue, as 'in the early 1970s, became again an exchange of sterile slogans between spokesmen for the developing countries on the one hand and spokesmen for the developed countries on the other. Conducted in these terms the dialogue becomes a forum for rhetoric and confrontation instead of a co-operative enterprise .from which all our countries and all our peoples will gain. We have risen above this, but we have not yet focused our attention collectively, and with understanding, on the specific problems: for example the optimal management.of the world's limited resources of raw materials, energy, finance, the transfer of resources from the rich to the poorer countries, and the problem of coping imaginatively with problems of adjustment so that the output of the newly industrialized countries can find its place m the world's markets. We will need more understanding, greater political resolve and imaginationin the months ahead as we approach the fifth sessionofUNCTAD in May ofnext year and the special session in 1980. The United Kingdom recently decided that, as part of our aid policy, we would take immediate steps to relieve the debt burden of the poorest countries. -The total amount of principal and interest involved in some £900 million, or $1.8 billion. This was a decision to give practical expression to the agreement 117. Understanding and imagination will need to be shown by those relatively rich countries which at present stand aside from the common efforts of the rest of the world to help the developing countries. I believe that the Soviet Union and its partners are beginning to realize that there is a growing recognition among developing countries of the irrelevance of the time-worn excuse that the so-called "colonial legacy" of former imperiaJ Powers means that the Communist countries can absolve themselves of any respon- sibility for helping the developing countries. I hope they also realize that the increasingly close economic interrela- tionships between countries of different systems and at different levels of development give all countries a- shared interest in helping the less fortunate to make progress. 118. The divide between rich and poor is everyone's problem and everyone's responsibility. The economics of all countries are now so closely interlinked that none of us can find solutions by battening down the hatches and hoping to find some isolated-or protected-salvation. On the con- trary, continued economic growth in the developing coun- tries has an important part to play in supporting the health of .the world economy. But the scope for sustained growth in the developing countries wi11 of course be limited until the economies of the industrialized countries move out of recession, Recession in the West-or North-means receding hopes for the economies of the South. This is the reality and this is one of the reasons why my Government has spared no effort this year to bring about concerted action to restore confidence and growth round the world. The results of the July Bono Economic Summit Conference show that there is a collective understanding at the highest level in the Westernworld of the need to stimulate growth, to make the most of our scarce energy resources, to avoid taking precipitate protectionist action and to get increased resources flowing 'to .those countries where they are most needed. 119. A major and acknowledged obstacle to these en- deavours is the vast accumulation of military power which drains away scarce resources urgently needed for economic and social development. Four months ago here in this Assembly Heads of Government and Foreign Ministers attended the tenth special session on disarmament. We hoped to see moves to check this process of gathering and spending gf money on armaments and take some practical action towards arms control and disarmament. 120. Where did we get? While all States in the United Nations agreed on a Final Document {resolutionS-lOI2) expressing for the first time the views of all Member States on disarmament, much of it was so watered down that one gets the impression that everyone is in favour of disarma- ment until the moment that any proposal could actually affect them. The session admittedly encouraged more 121. The need for action to prevent the S1: readof nuclear weapons-one of the most crucial issues facing mankind- was recognized. But the dilemma of how to make available to all who need them the benefits of the peaceful uses of nuclear. energy without the risk of weapons proliferation was not squarely faced. My'country has for some years made a financial sacrifice in not exporting some civilian nuclear equipment, .materials and technology because of a fear of adding to the proliferation of nuclear weapons.The existence of adequate safeguards to ensure that there is no fear of adding to the proliferation of nuclear weapons is also an essential condition of nuclear exports from the United Kingdom. But sophisticated countries still compete ruthlessly in the nuclear market place, and nuclear installa- tions have become symbols of national sovereignty, so that any unwillingness to supply is wrongly seen as a political act. The Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in 1980 must look deeply at these matters, for I believe that it is possible for the equipment and services which are essential to a successful civil nuclear industry to be made available while minimizing the proliferation risk. Of course, one way to reinforce the non-proliferation regime is through the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones. 122. It was natural that many countries at the special session should place the emphasis on nuclear disarmament. That must be the major concern. But let us not forget that four fifths of the military expenditure in the world goeson conventional forces and weapons. The system of nuclear deterrence has helped to keep the peace in Europe for over 30 years. But what has happened elsewhere? According to one estimate, there have been over 120 wars in the world since 1945. Not one day has passed In which a war wasnot being fought somewhere in the world. War casualties since 1945 number tens of millions, all caused by conventional weapons. ------.. 123. We should give more attention to conventional arms control. The Final Document of the special session makes a negligible contribution to balanced reductions in military budgets and a halt to the world-wide build-up of conven- tional weapons. The brief and rather qualified reference to consultations on limiting transfers of conventional weapons is inadequate. The passage on reduction of military budgets is general and, unlike the Western draft programme of action, does not call for the testing of a means of measuring budgets so that actual reductions can be planned, with all the social and economic benefits that could ensue. In short, do not let anyone delude himself: an historic opportunity has been missed and we must resolve to achieve more at the next special session on disarmament. Otherwise another expensive session and a stream of words 124. At least in the bilateral negotiations being conducted between the United States am! the Soviet Union to achieve a second strategic arms limitation agreement, one is aware of a political debate at the highest levelbetween Presidents and Foreign Ministers. This is a vitally important nego- tiation and needs to be followed as soon as possible by further reductions in strategic offensive weapons as well as by controls on qualitative improvement. 125. My country, the United States and the Soviet Union are involved in negotiations on a comprehensive test ban. This would be entirely non-discriminatory; it could, if properly designed, curb the development of nuclear weap- ons and hinder their spread to more countries. We should like to see the widest possible adherence to the treaty, but that will only come if the non-nuclear-weapon States see the nuclear States as making a step-like change downwards in their development programme. There are some who want to take no action and to continue testing without any impediment to their scientific and technical plans- oblivious.of the wider implications that would have for . those States that need to be persuaded not to engage in testing themselves. 126. Another priority is to maintain and accelerate the momentum injected recently into the Vien,na talks on mutual and balanced reduction of forces in Central Europe. The Eastern response to the latest Western proposals has been encouraging, although serious difficulties remain unresolved. The Western participants will be ready at the right moment to propose that the talks be raised to ministerial level. Without this kind of political input, caution will predominate, the years willgo by, and we shall all complain about the gap or the imbalance in forces while it widens before our very eyes, as it has done in every year that the negotiations have continued. The prize for us all is an agreement providing a more stable relationship and a lower level of military 'confrontation in Europe. It could be a major achievement in arms control and detente, but it will not be achieved at the present tempo and style of the negotiations. 127. In one key area-peace-keeping-the United Nations has responded extremely well throughout the year. My Government is totally committed to the concept of United . Nations peace-keeping. With our fellow-membersof the European Community we shall be appealing to all members of the United Nations to reaffirm their support for United Nations peace-keeping measures. We have backed this support of principle with men, facilities and money. 128. We have recently reviewedour own national capacity to assist in the preparation and conduct of peace-keeping operations, and I am pleased to be able to make the following offer of support, which is in addition to our current contribution to United Nations forces in Cyprus 129. When I addressed this Assembly a year ago,13 I singled out Lebanon as an example of a situation where the United Nations should be involved in trying to resolve a major crisis before it occurred. In retrospect, I think we would all wish it had been possible to take more preventive action in spite of the difficulties. 0 It took the Israeli military involvement in south Lebanon last March to make the international community fully awar- of the vital need for the United Nations to play a part in that troubled country. Thereafter, the Security CC':'J1cil acted with admirable speed in securing the creation of UNIFIL to bring about the withdrawal of Israeli forces and to help the Lebanese Government to reintroduce its authority in the south. UNlflL has undertaken its task with remarkable tenacity. It has faced great obstacles, but has nevertheless progressively fulfilled its mandate by military courage and skilful diplomacy. Already it has carried out the first part of its mandate; the complete withdrawal of Israeli forces has been effected. The difficult task of restoring the authority of the central Government in the south still lies ahead. 130. But this is not a problem they can solve in isolation. A solution to the problems in the south depends on a solution to the larger political crisis which still racks Lebanon. All Members of the United Nations committed to the restoration of the authority of the Lebanese Govern- ment throughout the country should make a determined effort to work urgently for a political solution to Lebanon's problems. Only a political solution can guarantee the independence and territorial integrity of Lebanon and put an end to the internal fighting which threatens to destroy the country. 131. Peace in Lebanon depends also upon a solution to the wider conflict between Israelis and Arabs. The Camp David meetings have given renewed hope that a just, durable and comprehensive settlement can be achieved. Many major questions remain to be resolved, and I do not underestimate the difficulths. Nevertheless, the gap between the two sides has narrowed significantly. I believe that the success of the Camp David framework agreementt s was because it did get into detail, not just declare principles, and because it involved the two Presidents and the Prime Minister. The detailed provisions in the Sinai Accord for demilitarization, 132. Those who condemned the agreements so hastily should. look at them again more carefully. They are based upon the principles of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) and upon the international consensus in its favour. A perfect settlement cannot be achieved by exchanging declarations of principle any more than by making speeches at one another. Politicians have to be prepared to get down to what I term the "nitty-gritty" detail and then explain and defend the position to their own people. For our part, we have set out on a number of occasions-in particular in the statement on the Middle East made by the European Council in London on 29 June 1977-our views on the principles which should govern a peace settlement. The Camp David agreements are a positive step in that direction and they have our full support. 133. Another major initiative has been that undertaken with regard to Namibia. We will be debating this issue in the Security Council, and I will reserve my remarks until then. But the Secretary-General's report on the United Nations Transition Assistance Group, the political commitment and atmosphere of patient diplomacy that has characterized the whole process, is an example of how the United Nations can act. At all times these negotiations have involved political leaders, whether foreign ministers or nationalist leaders, and their officials and supporters. African nations and leaders, as well as those of us outside Africa, have worked for an African solution and an international solution. It would be a tragedy for southern Africa if, at this late stage, the opportunity for Namibia to become independent was rejected. The alternatives-another Transkei, continued fighting and an escalating confron- tation between South Africa and the world-would repre- sent a shameful retreat from the ideals to which all parties have, I believe, been committed. Yet success here could not fail to have an impact 'upon the fundamental issue cif racialism which haunts southern Africa, besides giving hope for a negotiated settlement in Rhodesia. 134. Racism is one of the greatest evils which we face in the world community today and, in this International Anti-Apartheid Year, it is imperative that we should make clear our absolute, united condemna.tion of apartheid. 135. Sadly, we see' no real sign of movement towards fundamental change in South Africa since the General Assembly last met, but the message must go out again. Change is inevitable, and time is not on our side if that change is to be peaceful. 136. At the time we meet, a new State President and Prime Minister are about to be chosen in South Africa. I 138. The gravity of the present situation cannot be exaggerated. Deaths in the war have been over 3,000 this year. Civilian casualties since 1972 include nearly 3,000 Africans and some 600 whites. Intimidation and fear grow daily; atrocities have been committed on all sides. There is a growing refugee problem both inside and outside the country. One thousand people per week flee to Botswana. Inside Rhodesia the rural population affected by the war is fleeing to the cities, homeless and jobless. If the war continues, and the farmers do not plant and sow for next year, there are growing prospects of Widespread famine in a country once endowed with plenty. 139. The effect on the economic stability of southern Africa is now marked. There is a danger of foreign intervention and of embroiling the whole of Africa in a conflict out of all proportion to its original dimensions. The threat to the. security of neighbouring States-Zambia, Botswana, Mozambique-is already only too evident, and has been highlighted by the latest raids into Mozambique. 140. The, United Kingdom has never administered "Rhodesia. In 1965 following the unilateral declaration of independence we came to the United Nations because we decided then, and have not shifted from that view since, that the United Kingdom acting alone could not end the rebellion and bring about majority rule. We accept our responsibilities and have tried to live up to them. 141. We have striven for a negotiated settlement on the basis of the principles endorsed by the United Nations and the principles approved by the British Parliament. One of these principles is that, before granting independence, it must be established that any settlement is acceptable to the people of the country as a whole. 142. Progress has been slow, but, encouraged by the support of many African States and, the international community, we are urgently making every effort, together with the Americans, to bring about a satisfactory solution. But no one, including Britain and the United States, has a magic formula for peace in Zimbabwe. Ultimately it is for the people to decide the basis of their independence. It is not for any of us to impose a particular constitutuion or a particular leader on Zimbabwe. 143. It is frankly recognized in private but often Ignored in public rhetoric that, in contrast to most other liberation struggles, the Zimbabwean nationalist movement is not united. Its divisions are long-standing and have constantly 144. We are committed to working by persuasion and negotiation: we cannot impose, and this is a restraint which is not always recognized. 145. Most of us in the United Nations support the objectives of freedom and of independence of the various liberation movements in southern Africa. Some support the armed struggle. My Government does not supply arms. To do so would gravely inhibit our ability to work for a negotiated settlement between' all the parties to the conflict. I regret, though acknowledge, that many people have felt driven to take part in the armed conflict. No one can deny that this struggle has had a considerable effect, in addition to sanctions and diplomatic pressures, in making the possibility of majority rule a real one. Yet if the armed struggle continues with no negotiations it will result in massive damage to Zimbabwe: not just to its economy but perhaps above all to the chances of its being a non-racial society. 146. Armed intervention by the United Kingdom ",vas ruled out in 1965 and there is no question of Britain or any other Western Power sending troops now to impose a settlement. We have committed ourselves to seek a solution through the international community and in the context of the Angle-American proposals published on 1 September last yeari e and debated in the Security Council. Within that framework, we will honour our obligations, play a major part in any settlement, and contribute fully in terms of money, manpower and expertise. But we are not about to assume a colonial role which we have never exercised, which was rejected in 1965, and which is even more inappropriate in 1978. 147. My Government's objective is to do everything possible to bring about a peaceful settlement through negotiations providing for majority rule and independence on a basis acceptable to the people of Zimbabwe as a whole. 148. We have listened carefully to the criticisms of the detailed proposals we put forward a year ago. Wehave been trying to find common ground and, in elaborating and refining our proposals, we have had to take account of the strong views of those of the parties who wish to reduce the powers of the proposed resident commissioner. After the Geneva Conference 1 7 we thought that the inability of the parties to agree on a form of power-sharing could be quickly circumvented only by givingpowers to the resident commissioner. Events have shown that judgement to be wise. Wenever sought those powers for ourselves; they were 16 Ibid., Thirty-second Year, Supplement for July, August and September 1977, document S/12393. 17 Conference on Southern Rhodesia, convened at Geneva on 28 October 1976. 14~~. We now must agree on: the balance of representation on the council and the decision-making procedure; the appointemnt of a resident commissioner and the length of time he should remain; the timing of elections and the timing of independence; the details of the proposals put forward by the resident commissioner designate for the Zimbabwe national army and already explained in the presence of General Prem Chand to all the parties; the establishment of a unified command of all armies; the tlme-table for a cease-fire; and the structure of the Ur.ited Nations Zimbabwe force. ISO. We have presented some of these proposals to the parties in the form of options. We have not issued ultimatums. The detail is negotiable, but, If the parties continue to argue over the structure of a settlement, then-let us" be clear-the war will continue, and the bloodshed will increase; and neither the United Kingdom nor the United States will be able to prevent a fight to the finish, J51. All these preparations have been done in the belief that it is necessary to prepare the ground for final 152. This is a critical moment: if we are to prevent the escalation which could take all parties over the brink, then the voice of the international community must make itself heard in support of a negotiated solution and of our proposals. More insistent still is the voice of the people of Zimbabwe themselves, weary of war and seeking a just peace. They want a settlement; they want an all-party conference; they want majority rule; and above all they want peace. 153. That is our commitment. We are actively preparing the ground now for round-table talks. I hope we can in the near future issue invitations to all the parties to come to negotiate a final settlement for an independent Zimbabwe. I hope that all of us as Members of the United Nations will do everything in our power to make such a meeting a success. The next few months in southern Africa are critical for us all, and the United Nations has, in my view, a major role to play.