A/33/PV.12 General Assembly

What is most emphatically required of us in the light of the urgency and immensity of certain of the items on the agenda of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly is above all compelling, clear and incisive speech. This new, responsible attitude must take us away from the customary conformity and ineffective rituals which keep us constantly in a closed world, a world of setbacks and resignation, as if the basic problems of our time ;"ere fossils and were based on an insurmountable fatality of the human condition. 2. Here we are dealing with the breath of life of the nations and peoples of our world. Politics deal with life. In the final analysis it does not matter whether life is larger than politics. The daily lives of peoples, international life, and the whole of human history since the beginningof time for thousands of years has shown that the life of man unfolds in the form of politics. 3. The United Nations is not a ritual institution. It must not seek anonymity behind sacrificial rites. Its very heart and soul is political, as are its historical roots. 4. If only briefly, we. must emphasize this first, most elemental and fundamental, layer of significance of the United Nations. S. Our position is that we need to save the lives of whole peoples, the lives of mankind. Death, evenwhen made into something divine, does not produce life. Everything is linked by logic and essence to life, which is a fundamental fact. 6. Whatis creative and fruitful, indispensable and superior, is life, concrete and multifaceted, which enables man to be the master and possessor of his own thinking, his own abilities, his own awareness, in his ambition to know all things so as to understand all things. . 18S NEW YO'R K 7. The profound message of the October Revolution, which has illuminated the major current of international life in an indisputable way, testifies against the falsification of the lives of men. The immense sacrifices made by that Revolution are the sacrifices which laid the foundation for a new stage of human history. 8. Today's tragedies may herald profound changes which mankind will experience in tomorrow's world in its evolution towards a higher form of life for the whole planet. 9. But, meanwhile, the imperialism that continues to be faithful to gratuitous violence, and advocates it, spreads terror, distress, misery and the logic of brute force everywhere. The international ~ituation, when read atten- tively, shows clearly that mankind in its entirety is determined to strike hard at imperialism, and that imperial- ism itself will no longer prove able to camouflage this subjective and revealing feature of our period. The political efforts of the United Nations, undertaken on behalf of the world community, are of concern to us all because we must all together try to devisea viable collective future. 10. The world is not in crisis. The paradox of these words is only an apparent one. What characterizes,today's world is a state of break-down. The world is in such a state of break-down. The world crisis,which is globalin its essential aspects, is only one symptom among many other clues which indicate the current break-down. 11. Mankind must destroy the old human order of things and prepare and herald a new era of the long history of man evenin the midst of today's state of break-down, 12. This break-down is a struggle. We endorse this struggle with all the hope and promise that it contains. No true accomplishment can take place without efforts, without tenacious struggle. 13. Today, at the dawn of the third millenium, which merges with the last quarter of the twentieth century, the world-wide sensitivity of man and the general political movement indicate that the essence of this combat for life is crystallized in the idea of a new international order bringing together the economic, social and cultural dimen- sions of the States and peoples of the world, around . notions as simple as that of the right of peoples to self-determination, fruitful co-operation among all the peoples of the earth; and, lastly, universal peace and security. 14. The world today is precisely that. Its rejuvenation is more than ever an urgent necessity among the significant problems of our time. The present crisis is not superior to A/33/PV.12 15. The adjective "revolutionary" is the only one which conveys objectively the true nature of the world set of problems as they stand today. 16. What is still lacking is additional effort. Without always being complete, the analyses of contemporary problems which are made are none the less lucid. But the precise moment of the denouement seems to recede indefinitely through a lack of temperate moral and political courage at the level of international organizations. The lives of men and peoples and mankind are not bringing forth the necessary sense of commitment. 17. Instead of endlessly recycling old ideas here in our international debates, we believe that the immense task today consists of not hiding the essential problem of political affairs fully grasped in all its scope, as the desire to found new international relations. 18. It is politics, it is revolutionary commitment, which is truly capable of better serving the profound aspirations of the world's peoples. . 19. In the name of what political philosophy known to man can one. talk about "human rights" while at the same time having' systematic recourse to powerful means of terror, to unprecedented economic "pressure and to the reinforcement of monopolies and multinational corpora- tions; all this with the aim of destabilizing regimes that have been freely chosen by their peoples, of boycotting the principle of the sovereignty of States over their natural resources and of practising the domination and the exploi- tation of man by man? 20. In the name of what political philosophy known to man can one talk of "human rights" while at the same time giving protection to South African fascism, arming and financing mercenaries, inflaming regional conflicts, ensuring for oneself all kinds of privileges and outlets, and encour- agingthe squandering of the resources of the planet? 21. In the name of what political philosophy known to man can one talk of "human rights" when one's funda- mental attitude to the major problems of decolonization, disarmament and development is, to say the least, ambig- uous-a moral attitude that deliberately clouds over and aggravates the true nature of the facts! 22. To tell the truth, it is nothing but a huge wager, this of a great new policy that is not one of arrogance and indefinite postponement but of the truly collective respon- sibilityof mankind proclaimed throughout the world and destined to prepare a radiant future for man. . 23. Humility is therefore necessary to give this policy and des.iredsense of commitment a human face, which can only be by imbuing it with dignity. 25. The world-wide political responsibility for a better future for mankind is equal for all. How can we not congratulate you, Mr. President, on your explicit dedication to such an idea, which ranks among the noble ideals of the United Nations? The hommage I pay you is evidence of the great friendship we have for your country, Colombia, and all the peoples of Latin America, which are so close to the African continent and show such solidarity with it. 26. Let me now turn to what is happening on that continent. 27. When the will of an entire people is thwarted, as is the case in Western Sahara, when the African masses of Namibia and Zimbabwe are not regarded as being capable of making their own history in the present-day world, when fascism, apartheid and racism cruelly oppress 72 per cent of the South African population, when the great Western Powers give technological and financial aid to South Africa to help it produce "its own" nuclear weapon, when struggle is spreading and becoming more deeply entrenched in southern Africa, given the gravity of this persistent situa- tion, it is necessary to break out of our habitual political restraint in order to see that the most immediate right-the right to life-is being massively and daily flouted in Africa, in Western Sahara, Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa. 28. That is why the problem of the total decolonization of Africa and the security of the peoples of Africa as a whole ranks among the prime problems of concern to the Congolese people, its progressive party, the Parti congolais du travail, its Government and its President, General Joachim Yhombi Opango. 29. In the People's ~epublic of the Congo we feel that our revolution would be incomplete if we were not to help the other peoples, particularly our brothers in southern Africa, to free themselves from objective conditions that constitute true obstacles to the affirmation of their humanity and their right to existence. . . . 30. What the Africans of southern Africa are being denied is not just liberties in the Western sense of the word, or certain rights such as the right to work and the right to culture. What is being denied is the very right to life. 31. We must therefore no longer look at apartheid from the wrong point of view. The odious system of apartheid must be fought as a system that takes the very lives of millions of men, women and children. 32. It is my duty to be more explicit because South African propaganda deflnes the immense moral imposture that is apartheid as "an attempt to protect the identity and historical and constitutional rights of the white nation by at the same time providing the black nations with the means to develop pclitically", 33. The lie implicit in such a definition is colossal. First of all, the famous "historical and constitutional rights" of the 34. We must make it clear that the whites of South Africa settled in that region of the continent after a long military conquest that involved numerous acts of resistance on the part of the indigenous blacks. That was a colonial conquest and was point for point similarto those the other European Powers formerly engaged in in Africa. 35. Apartheid is based on misrepresentation, usurpation and arbitrariness. Apartheid is the relegation of the South African blacks to land lacking resources. Apartheid is a policy of humiliation and permanent frustration. Apartheid is a specifically South African phenomenon whereby all the economic, financial, social and cultural wealth of South Africa belongs exclusively to a white minority, which thus lives off the forced and free labour of the black South African proletariat. 36. But since 16 June 1976 the awakening of Africans in the extreme south of the continent has heralded the advent of a new world. This light is that of a major conflagration, which is bursting forth from a centuries-old crisis. This glow is that of a creative dawn. The blood of the children of Soweto, the blood of Steven Biko, the blood of thousands of Africans killed by the master of South African politics, Vorster, can' only be the blood of the new alliance, the blood of liberty proclaimed, the blood of liberty achieved at last. 37. The iniquitous system that has always denied the blacks of South Africa the right to own land, the right to choose a job, their trade-union rights, the right to free movement, the right to vote, the right to good education- in a word, the right to existence-is now tottering. 38. The African demand for universal suffrage-one man, one vote-will eventually prevail. 39. The material, social and moral existence of my brothers of South Africa can only be described in tragic terms. To their courage and their struggle I pay an unbounded tribute from this rostrum of the United Nations, addressing the international political conscience of mankind, which must do everything so that on the subject of this painful problem of apartheid we finally abandon the mechanical and anodyne statements we are used to making. 40. It is laudable that on 21 March 1978 the Organization declared the commencement of International Anti- Apartheid Year. 41. Sanctions against South Africa must be extreme. Any collaboration with the South African regime must be considered a grave violation of human rights. 42. Economic, financial and military interests cannot cause us to forget the right of all human beings to Iife-~md 44. Independence for Namibia would constitute a major victory for the forces of progress over fascism and racism. The People's Republic of the Congo has always given unconditional support to the arms struggle of the South West Africa People's Organization {SWAPOJ for the national liberation of Namibia. In so doing, my country has been following the great internationalist teachings of the immortal President Marien Ngouabi, who was an indefati- gable fighter for freedom in Africa and the rest of the world. 45. The evolution of the situation in the international, political and diplomatic spheres leads us to believe that 1978 will be the great year for Namibia. All has gone well at the level of the international community and has resulted in unanimous, unprecedented support for the just cause of the Namibian people. 46. In 1966 the United Nations General Assembly decided to withdraw South Africa's mandate over Namibia [resolu- tion 2145 (XXI)]. Ten years later, at the beginning of 1976, an international Conference on the Namibian prob- lem was held in Dakar! following the general collapse of the Portuguese empire in Africa. In May 1977 another international Conference was held in Maputo,s That Con- ference gave a new dimension to the support enjoyed by the Namibian people in the world. In the same year, 1977, the General Assembly, at the thirty-second session, decided to convene a special session devoted to the question of the decolonization of Namibia. In April 1978 the General Assembly held a special session, its ninth, on Namibia. Two decisive texts of unique historical significance were adopted, namely a Declaration and a Programme of Action [resolution S-9/2J, which placed due emphasis on the essential poin.t-the independence of Namibia with its territorial integrity. 47. These great dates mark so many political and diplo- matic victories for SWAPO, the only Namibian organization recognized by the international community. 48. These great events reaffirm the essential principles which bind us together; SWAPO, militant Africa and the world community as a whole. This is an unmistakable reaffirmation of the direct responsibility of the United Nations until the accession to independence of the Namibian people, whose legitimate right to self-deter- mination and freedom is total. This is an unequivocal condemnation of South Africa for its anachronistic persist- ence in attempting to annex Walvis Bay. It is an explicit 1 Dakar International Conference on Namibia and Human Rights, held from 5 to 8 January 1976. 2 International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held in Maputo from 16 to 21 May 1977. 49. At the dawn of what one may well call the national and international birth of free Namibia, in other words) at the moment when a vast future is beginning for the- African people of Namibia) it is only loyalty to pay a tribute to our host) the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his tireless efforts. SO. 1 would say, in the interest of the history which is being made so favourably for Namibia and SWAPO that President Joachim Yhombi Opango will put no limit on the human and material resources which we in the Congo make available to emphasize, as in the past, our fullest solidarity with the brother people of Namibia. SI. The struggle for life which is being fought bitterly in South Africa and Namibia is taking place in a similar manner in Zimb~bwe. Ian Smith has succeeded in ritualiz- ing armed violence. He has created a world of brute force, dividing in order to rule. But around him as well as within him there is nothing but fear, which explains the constant escalation of violence in Zimbabwe. Ian Smith is moving ever deeper into the impasse created' by his racist and reactional)' policy. \\''hat is certain is that Ian Smith is more than ever overtaken by black despair as the colonial right in Zimbabwe nears its end. His desperate attacks on Mozam- bique and Z:ambia provethis, 52- 'The efforts of the various parties-the Patriotic Front) unitedand alert in the face of the divisive manoeuvres of Ian Smith) the Organization of African Unity [OA UJ , "inch reeognizes only-one representative of the people of Zimhah¥\'e, the international community-must necessarily be combined. They must all be aimed at establishing the Imjorit)' regime in Zimbabwe. 53. TheAngl.{rAmerican plan.3 with its undeniably absurd tipe..-u~ ",ill have served for no purpose at all. That was e\ident from an analysis of the information before us. Only the strict applkation of the relevant resolutions of the l'nite:d Na.tioos~ in particular Security Council resolution 423 (1978) of i4 March~ can guarantee the true decoloni- z.atioo ofRhodesia.. 54. De~olomz.ation is an irreversible historical and univer- S2l proeess, In. Ibis matter there are no smallpeoples and no i~ ~oples. 1he principles to which we subscribe freely in tf4s OIgmizatwn must clearly be applied generally and ooiY!eEWJy_The ~an people, the Palestinian people, the PiJerW .IUcm ~.ople and tbe people of East Timor cannot 3 S= Of/ici4! Records of IM Security Council. Thirty-second Yezu. SttppleJMnf far July', Auzzur f11Ui September1977. document Slt2393. 56. Wc also think that there are questions of which a correct settlement could have been found with a minimum of goodwill. This is particularly true of the Korean problem. It is high time that the United Nations promoted actively the peaceful reunifloatlon, without foreign inter- ference, of the great Korean fatherland. We welcome the tireless efforts made in this direction by the industrious people of the DemocraticPeople's Republic of Korea. 57. The insistence with which the Congolese delegation has spoken of decolonization in South-East Asia, the Middle East, northern and southern Africa and Latin America hardly requires a word of justification, since this whole question is directly linked to the most elementary human rights. 58. At the end of the twentieth century mankind carries within itself a great wound which humiliates and weakens it. It is this world-wide tendency to have systematic recourse to interference) brute force, institutionalized violence. racism, apartheid and the use of mercenaries to perpetuate in the world a policy of aggression and the exploitation of man by man. 59. Like disarmament, decolonization is an acute problem of today's world. 60. We must emphasize with some optimism that the tenth special session of the General Assembly, initiated by the non-aligned movement and devoted to disarmament, was one of the high points in the history of this Organization. 61. What should be consideredIs not the results-which were of necessity limited. given the balance of forces in the world and the interests involved-but the awakening of international awareness brought about by that event. The debate, which lasted for more than a month and which enabled Governments to address themselves to this vital question, reflected clearly the considerable anxiety caused throughout the world by the permanent threat of wide- spread war resulting from an excessive accumulation of weapons of all kinds. 62. Thus, thanks to the special session on disarmament, world public opinion was able to obtain a wealth of information on the incalculable dangers of over-armament. 63. The problems of decolonization and disarmament involve, in the literal sense of the word, the very foundation of tomorrow's world. The other pillar of that foundation is the problem of development, which is no less vast and complex. 64. Decnlonlaatlon, disarmament and development are therefore the three essential axes of intemationallife today. The ninth special session of the General Assembly, on Namibia, "and the tenth, on disarmament, like the recent. United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries in Buenos Aires were major events which bring us 'back to the great challenges of the present time, which is a period of break-down, of difficult transition; a period which will give birth to a new political andmental structure ~t the world level, a dynamic structure which will serve and at t.he same time preserve the lives of men on our planet. 6S. Development signifies for us the access for all peoples to historical significance and to social, economic, cultural, scientific and technical progress. 66. 'Our epoch is characterized by a truly prodigious increase in man's knowledge, and the requirements of life are becoming more and more formidable. The urgent problem is therefore to work towards the enrichment of the positive heritage of mankind. That is what we understand by development: that is, this capacity of the masses of the people on our entire planet to struggle against the narrow mercantile spirit, wastage, plunder and imposed poverty. 67. In its highest sense, development is a colossal effort by mankind as a whole, harnessed to the creation of the necessary material and cultural conditions for the building of a new world society. Here developmen, bears within it the highest moral values ofmankind. 68. International co-operation, whether horizontal or other, is more than a necessity of our time. It is not even a question of restoring health to international monetary and economic relations; even less is it a question of reducing the meterial inequalities among the nations of the world. Profound philosophy is necessary in order to see and understand that, in the last analysis, what is involved here is the great historical gulf which separates before our eyes the old order, which is definitely in a state of crisis, from the new order, whose outlines we see on the horizon of contemporary history. 69. By way of conclusion, I should like to offer to other delegations as food for thought the root-problem of the very survival of our species in the world it has so far produced. 70. I would say merely that humanity awaits the greater miracle referred to by Lenin. 72. I also have the pleasure of extending a welcome to Solomon Islands, as the one hundred and fiftieth Member of the United Nations. The admission ofSolomon Islands marks a further step towards the goal of universality to which the United Nations is committed through its Charter, 73. The United Nations has continued to be ever more involved in a number of important developments during the past year. Many of those developments reflect the key political, economic and social issues of our times. The tasks and challenges that the United Nations is expected to deal with increase continuously. That puts a great strain on its resources. We should see to it that the United Nations is adequately equipped to discharge its duties. The unique position and possibilities of the World Organization are markedly manifest in its role as a major peace-making and peace-keeping force. Success in those .endeavours strengthens the profile of the United Nations as a centre for harmonizing the action of nations for the maintenance of international peace and security, as provided for in the Charter. 74. In the assessment of my Government, the political situation in Europe has remained balanced and stable. The first review session in Belgrade of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, which concluded its work last March, gave emphasis to the significance of that Conference as a continuous process in promoting detente in Europe. It is true that many Governments had higher expectations with regard to the results of the Belgrade session than were ultimately achieved in the concluding document.s So had my Government. More important, however: the participating Governments renewed their commitment to implement fully all the provisions of the Helsinki Final Act.s The process will continue; other meetings will follow. The Belgrade session was-and should beseen as-a step forward, not 2Il end in itself. 75. Disarmament is an imperative for detente. That is true in Europe as well as in the whole world. Although the atmosphere of lessening tensions and increasing eo- operation in Europe is yet to be translated into tangible results in the military field, the talks on the reduction of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe continue. Recently some promising signs have emerged from those talks. My Government hopes that they will lead to an early agreement. On the global level, the tenth special session of the General Assembly, which was devoted to disarmament, made a positive contribution. My Government was pleased that the Final Document of the special sessionIresolution S·lO/2] was adopted by consensus. That consensus high. lighted one of the central purposes of the United Nations: the search for security through disarmament, 4 See Department of State Bulletin, vol. 78, No.2013 (April 1978), pp. 43-44. S Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, signed at Helsinki on 1 August 1975. 77. In that context, the Finnish Government has taken note with particular interest of the recent proposal by the Soviet Government concerning the conclusion of an inter- national conveutlon on the strengthening of guarantees of the security of non-nuclear States IA/33/241J. As we have emphasized 011 several occasions, we would find it just and reasonable that those States which have committed them- selves to a nuclear-weapon-free status should also receive assurances that nuclear weapons would not be used against their territories in any circumstances. We arc encouraged by the declarations made on this subject by the various nuclear-weapon States and we hope that the Soviet initia- tive will lead to arrangements for the provision of security guarantees by an nuclear-weapon Powers. 78. My Government hopes that the consensus reached at the tenth special session will be reflected in the forth- coming consideration of the disarmament items all the :agend;of this session. 79. The most tangible outcome of the special session was the decision on disarmament machinery. My Government has consistently held the view that a relatively independent negotiating body with a central position. and of limited size is the crucial clement in the multilateral disarmament machinery. We are convinced that the new Committee on Disarmament will be able to discharge its duties effectively. 80. We hope for early results from the negotiations for an agreement at the second series of the Strategic Anus Limitation Talks and ~ comprehensive test-ban treaty, as indeed is called for in the Final Document of the special session. An agreementand a comprehensive test-ban would, more than my thing else, have a positive impact on disarmament and 00 relations between the Powers con- cerned. Thus they would, we believe, strengthen detente to the benefit of alL 81. Over the past few years, developments in military 1eclmology have increasetl the importance of the regional approach to arms control anddisarrnament. Most alarm- ingly, nuclear-weapons technology has been developed-with notions oflimited nuclear war in mind. Stressing the gravity ofthose trends, the President of Finland recently developed further the idea he had first put forward in 1963 concemiag the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in northern Europe. He proposed a Nordic arms control arrangement l\fuich would aim at isolating the Nordic countries as completely as possible from the effects of nuclear strategy in general and new nuclear-weapons tech- nology in particular. 82. In Africa, ;the need for political change is more ~ than it is anywhere else. The repression of the vast m~ty of the population in southern Africa by the white 83. The Nordic Foreign Ministers have agreed on an action programme of certain economic and other measures against South Africa. At their recent meeting in Stockholm they stressed that international pressure on South Africa must be increased and they decided to consider further Nordic proposals to that effect. The most effective parts of such an action programme would, of course, be binding measures taken by the Security Council. 84. For the last 15 months the international community has mounted an intensive diplomatic effort designed to bring Namibia to independence by peaceful means. My Government, as well as the Governments of the other Nordic countries, has throughout given its support to those efforts. It has also declared itself prepared to assist the United Nations in the implementation of the plan within the framework of Security Council resolution 385 (1976), which emerged from the talks. 85. It would be tragic indeed if the Government of South Africa at this last moment closed the avenues to a peaceful settlement. It would then remain for the international community to use every means at its disposal to see to it that Namibia became independent within the terms laid down by the United Nations. Dare we still hope that the South African Government will after all be able to see what is in its own interest? 86. In Zimbabwe, the goal of independence under genuine majority rule has not been attained. The search for justice and peace must continue. A solution that excludes any party concerned would fall short of this goal. Meanwhile, all States Members of the United Nations must strictly implement the sanctions against the Salisbury regime as adopted by the Security Council. 87. In some other parts of Africa, the international community has witnessed events that have led to violence and bloodshed, ..despite laudable efforts by the OAU to briag about peacefiIlsettlements. 88. With regard to the situation in the Middle East, I should like to reiterate that Finland supports a peaceful and comprehensive solution, based on Security Council resolu- tions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), a solution which further- more must make "provision for the legitimate rights of the Palestinians, including their right to national self-deter- mination. In our opinion. many avenues may lead to peace, and in this spirit we have noted with interest the results of the recent summit meetings of the leaders of Egypt, Israel and the United States at Camp David. A fmal evaluation of these results will, of course, depend on their contribution towards a comprehensive solution acceptable to all parties. 89. The crisis situations in the Middle East and southern Africa, as well as in many other problem areas, are not only problems of nations and States and of their security and their sovereignty; in the final analysis they are all problems 90. In a broader perspective, concern about and respect for human rights-civil and political as well as economic, social and cultural-must be taken into account whenever programmes and guidelines for future action are adopted within the United Nations system. At the same time, the standard-setting work and other obligations of the United Nations, as well as the effective implementation of inter- national instruments, must be backed up by an efficient international human rights machinery. It would be a fitting tribute to ttie Universal Declaration of Human Rights, on the occasion of its thirtieth anniversary in December this year, if the General Assembly could make progress in the matter of restructuring the human rights machinery of the United Nations. 91. When I spoke from this rostrum a year ago,6 one phase of the North-South dialogue, the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation, had just ended. Today the international economic situation is very similar. Over the past year the international community has not been very successful in finding ways and means to cope with the most burning economic and social problems. It has thus failed to make significant progress towards the New International Economic Order. 92. Yet past experience has served to create a broad international consensus about the goals for the future. The central importance of economic co-operation for the whole fabric of international relations is now widely acknow- ledged. The creation of the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, or the Committee of the Whole, was considered a recognition of the need to bring together all elements of international economic co-operation for comprehensive consideration. The early experience of that Committee should be a reason for a serious examination of the decision-making capacity of the international community. 93. In a longer term perspective, there has been no lack of attempts to resolve problems of economic co-operation. High-level meetings of various groups of nations have been held frequently. One conclusion emerging from this process is that the responsibility for the management of the global economy is shared by each nation. The degree of inter- dependence between economic policies of nations is such that no lasting solution can re found without giving due attention to the policy objectives of all countries and without taking the interrelationships of these objectives fully into account. The fact that the Committee has not been successful so far should not detract from the validity . of this basic conclusion. 94. The economic and social situation of the world today contains clear and strong warning signals for us all. The severe recession in the world economy, the growing gap 95. There are a number of developments which, in the view of my Government, could serve as a basis for our attempts to put an end to the uncertainty which has prevailed in the past years in international economic and social relations. 96. First, some of the disturbing developments of the last years-such as unsatisfactory growth rates, high rates of inflation and unemployment-have plagued almost all coun- tries. This is likely to promote a broader consensus on the policy objectives and a unity of purpose in finding remedies for the present situation. 97. Secondly, interdependence has now been generally recognized as the basis of international economic and social relations. This has proved the· inadequacy of the old structures and justified the call for the New International Economic Order. 98. Thirdly, it is important that the will of the inter- national community to continue negotiations, despite temporary setbacks, has prevailed. This will is based on a full recognition of the need for continued' effective and systematic consultations at every level and on a need to review the North-South process in a comprehensive manner. 99. This session of the General Assembly must also set its sights on the fifth session of UNCTAD, which should "be seen as an event of major importance to international economic relations. The fifth session, to be held in May 1979, will take place at a time when the North-South dialogue will have reached a stage of concrete negotiations on major issues. UNCTAD has spearheaded this dialogue with its own series of negotiations in many crucial areas of international economic co-operation. The session will also take place on the threshold of the new third development decade. When it meets in Manila in 1979, UNCTAD at its fifth session must thus not only respond to developments in the current negotiations, but must also set the course for years to come. 100. I should like to refer to one problem area in the process of reshaping the world economy which in the long run will require more attention than it sometimes receives today: the protection of the environment. We must remember that future generations will have to cope with the consequences of our action or, inaction today. Full recognition of global interdependence implies that the New International Economic Order will also have to be ecolog- ically sound and based on a proper assessment of global and regional ecological factors; otherwise it will not be durable. The importance of these factors in the long term in many cases implies a reordering of priorities,as well as added emphasis on the distribution of world resources. 102. I have spoken about interdependence with reference to relations between nations in solving the problems of the world economy. We must also remind ourselves, however, that there is clear interdependence among the great political, economic and social problems of our time. Decisive progress in development towards the New Inter- national Economic Order will require that resources be freed from the arms race and that the energy and ingenuity of mankind can be diverted from political disputes to constructive work. The links between international detente, disarmamentand development are increasingly evident.

Sir, permit me to convey to you our warm congratulations on your unanimous election to the high office of President of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. In your person we welcome a distinguished statesman from Colombia, a country with which Poland maintains extensive and favour- ably developing relations of peaceful co-operation. May the present session, under your presidency, bring auspicious results and give you much personal satisfaction. 104. We also \".:J1vey our sentiments of gratitude to Mr. Lazar Mojsov, the outgoing President of the Assembly. Having presided over four sessions of the General Assembly, Mr.Mojsov hIS indeed spared no effort in seeking solutions to difficult international problems. 105. We continue to follow with appreciative recognition the tireless and dedicated work of the Secretary-General of our Organization, Mr. Kurt Waldheim. 106. We welcome to our midst the one hundred and fiftieth State Member of the United Nations. Solomon Islands. In the proclamation of the independence of Solomon Islands and its unanimous admission to this Organization we see yet another illustration of the process of full and complete decolonization which Poland helped to mimtc and of 'which. it remains a devoted champion. We wish the people of the young State from the Pacific every success in the creation of its statehood and in its economic md social advancement. 101. The more than 30-year-old history of the .United NatiOlilS has abounded in instances both of successful development of international co-operation and of its obstructioo. ForPolmd. throughout that entire period the lmintenmce and strengthening of peace have been and amt:inue to be the basic and most important cause. lOK From the YeJY first days of this Organization's existeaoe Pdand has actively joined in the work of the Usited Nations. seeing in it an important instrument for esbhIisbing inkmational peare and security. . 109_ ut me recall that, having put his signature to the Owter of the United Nations on 15 October 1945, the 110. We have remained faithful to this commitment in all our actions by developing our external relations and making our contribution to the search for solutions which will ensure peace and strengthen security, and to the develop- ment of equitable and international co-operation in all spheres. Ill. We have been fully involved in the implementation of General Assembly resolutions, in particular those of such historic importance as the Declaration on the Deepening and Consolidation of International Detente [resolution 32/155/ and the resolutions on arms reduction, disarma- ment, economic co-operation and the establishment of a New International Economic Order. We are thus making a contribution to the achievement of the purposes of the United Nations and to developing and translating the principles of its Charter into a universally prevailing reality, 112. We strive consistently to ensure that the lofty principles of the Charter find their expression and concrete application in the intensification and expansion of inter- national co-operation, the imperative of our time. 113. In view of the need to consolidate the achievements of the policy of detente and to counteract the disquieting negative tendencies, our Organization and all its Member States must intensify efforts to eliminate international tensions. Such action has to be accompanied by the awareness that peace is the supreme desire of nations. We should therefore demonstrate enough political will and maturity to strengthen peace on a global scale, to put an end once and for all to the arms race and to adopt concrete disarmament measures; for the central issue of our time is military detente, which must keep pace with the advances made in the field of political detente and thus contribute to its deepening. 114. The important decisions of the tenth special session of the General Assembly, which was devoted to disarma- ment last June have mapped out a tangible programme of action designed to curb the arms race and achieve disarma- ment. 115. We welcome, in particular, the momentous and comprehensive disarmament proposals submitted by the USSR at the special session." We also lend our full support to the new important Soviet proposal concerning the conclusion of an international convention on the strength- ening of guarantees of the security of non-nuclear States [A/33/241]. as recently put forward by the Foreign Minister of the USSR, Andrei Gromyko [8th meeting}. 116_ It is with concern that we note the attempts of certain States to revert to the conduct of international 7 See document A/S-IO/AC.l/4. 117. It has also been acknowledged that the arms race continues to be a heavy burden on States and peoples, that it absorbs resources that might otherwise be utilized for their social and economic growth and does not allow adequate assistance to be rendered to the many countries so much in need of it. 118. The Soviet-United States disarmament negotiations conducted ift the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks and at other important levels are of major consequence for the entire process of international detente and till" . -Iting of the arms race. Poland attaches great slgniV to these negotiations and gives them its full suppor' 119. Poland is,vitally interested in concluding agreements that would strengthen security in Europe. This is why. in June of this year at the Vienna disarmament negotiations, we, together with our socialist allies, submitted new proposals on the reduction of armed forces and am-laments in central Europe. To a considerable extent these proposals take account of the position of the Western States, and, we submit, they could form the groundwork on which to negotiate an agreement on the mutual reIuction of armed forces and armaments based upon the fundamental principle that the security of each party should not be diminished. 120. We continue to stress emphatically the need for the strengthening of the regime of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, both by achieving the universality of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and by stricter IAEA safeguards, while constantly developing the application of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. 121. Efforts should be intensified within the existing organs of disarmament negotiations to draft new afr.ee- ments, in particular on nuclear disarmament, new types and systems of weapons of mass destruction and on chemical weapons. 122. Poland has contributed actively to the work of the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva from the earliest days of its existence. We also pledge to continue this active involvement In the enlarged Committee on Disarmament. 123. We are looking forward to the conclusion of the negotiations among the three nuclear-weapon States with a view to the drafting of a treaty o.lthe complete and general prohibition of nuclear-weapon tests. We note witli satis- faction some progress in the negotiations on working out an international convention on the elimination of all chemical weapons. 124_ My country has always used the forum of the United Nations to submit all its important.international proposals, even those of a regional character. That was the case on 2 October 1957 when the then Minister for Foreign Affairs, 125. This year marks the sixtieth anniversary of Poland's independence, recovered after nearly 1SO years of partition and foreign occupation. The anniversary also brings to mind some reflections, the most important of which, to my mind, is the observation that, in contrast to the 20-year period between the two wars, conditions now exist for ensuring the peaceful development of Europe, including Poland. If only for this reason, and also mindful of the fact that the two world wars originated on that continent, we focus our efforts to strengthenIntemational peace and security first and foremost on our own region, Europe. 126. The process of detente, which in recent years has been developing and is being consolidated on that con- tinent, is taking the shape of concrete and advanced co-operation between States with different socio-economic systems. 127. The inviolability of tile political and territorial reality constitutes the foundation of security and peace in Europe. Any questioning of the existing and generally recognized political and territorial realities on our continent runs counter to the vital interests of peace. 128. It remains important for the historic Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe-that Magna Carta of peace in Europe-to be translated into action, for it is also the charter upon which to shape the future of Europe and an instrument for overcoming difficulties in the continent. Hence we favour a full and comprehensive implementation of all the provisions of that document by its signatories. We hope that the agreed multilateral meetings, and especially the future meeting in Madrid, will promote the positive trends of detente and all-European co-operation. 129. Poland is determined to continue to make its contribution to th,e strengthening of these positive changes in Europe. The multilateral political meetings notwith- standing, there are still many hitherto unutilized oppor- tunities in the sphere of co-operation in economics, technology, science, culture, protection of the environment and so on. For our part, we are prepared to expand co-operation with all States, given strict adherence to the principles and provisions of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. In practical terms, such co-operation is also evidenced by Poland's political dialogue and bilateral relations, which are developing favourably with many Western States. We shall continue to act in this spirit so as to serve to an ever increasing extent the general interests of peace, security and co-operation for the benefit of all. 8 See OffiCialRecords of the GeneralAssembly, Twelfth Session, PlentlryMeetingf, 697th meeting, paras. 119-151. 9 Ibid., Nineteenth Session, Plenary Meetings, 1301st meeting, paras. 37-78. 131. In favouring the policy of detente and peaceful coexistence, limiting the arms race, achieving disarmament ud developlll8 equitable international co-operation, ... PoI.lUIld. like its allies, is proceeding on the assumption that omy a policy such as this ism accordance with the interests of peace and thereby with the interests of all peoples, iRclud!i,ng also those of the developing countries and those ftlhtill8 for their independence and national and social liberation. 13~. Regrettably, there are States which actually oppose the policy of detcnte. There are States and increasingly active political circleswithin them, whichalthoughverbally dod-looB support for the policy of detente, in fact take action in the opposite direction, balancing on the brisk of "cold war". 133_ Equall) dangerous are political actions that consistof attempts to form alliances directed against other States Members of the United Nations, and in openly preaching the lne\itablht) of a new world war. creating tensions and JesabthLmg situations in certain areas of the world. Any attempts at breedingnew tensions, whether on a regional 0'"' .oM.} ~. are harmful to all nations. 134. ~t:ioou of this kind adversely affect conditions for the peaceful growth of the world, notably along the £M,t-West ~,tMy hamperefforts towardsthe elimination of ootihcts Md points of tension. hinder progress in dIAlm.ament, and are also an impediment to international ~ co-operation and to the establishment of the new ei;~order. 135. We ,L'1; in full solidarity with States that oppose ~ACies to'ioUEds. luo~~Jc domination and pressure lA ~East Ma where, following a protracted period of 9i'Vl" pcw:e h5 ~' been restored. The international cO$.uAit) sJwuJdsupport the efforts of the peopleofViet ~ -a cf other nations in the region aimed at their ~. from the ruins. of war and at their peaceful 3l~t, 13fi. h He hk.ewille coecersed over the existing hotbeds of .;mafiict .-d telI1I.ioa tbru.tenmg international security. r.. ~ ~ to thesituation in the Middle East as MJf.li ID1:fut lDsouthem Africa.. i 3'7. ~ l6dIie fMt coo!:Jict COIltiilUCS to be a perennial *'e.It ID ~~ md JeCu..-it}',,!!-9't ooly regionzlly. ~ 1ay we ~ ... :-uff.. that tile road to peace in the Middle Eat laB tNouP a comptd1ewve implomentatioo ofthe pr~ of tile ..,.y.n:.~'D IeJOlutions of the General ,w -aW) at tiN ~ Couaci1.and not through deals of • tepKIt.Bt aaw..e- Aa)' dutioB shoold comprise the I'CUim ~. Al'Iharri~ occupied by Israel, theexercise ex thetlIltt to mdepeadcat statehood of the Arab people of 138. The national liberation struggle of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia enjoys both the support and the sympathy of Poland. A plan has been prepared thisyear to solve, through the United Nations, the acute problem of Namibia for which our Organization bears direct responsi- bility, a responsibility that has devolved upon it asalegacy of the League of Nations. The current plan for the independence of Namibia still contains, we submit, too many unclear elements allowing for divergent interpre- tations. In keeping with its anti-colonial stand; Poland declares itself in favour of the broadest protection of the rights and interestsof the peopleof Namibia and in support of the full implementation of its right to self-determination, in conformity with the resolution adopted at the ninth special session of the General AssemblyIresolution 8-9/2J. 139. Racism and racial discrimination, still afflicting the world, are a threat to peace and hamper peaceful co- operation among States. We therefore place considerable emphasis on the resultsof the World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, recently concluded in Geneva. 140. We are in support of bringing the process of decolonization to its completion and at the same time ensuring to the liberated States conditions for full and genuine participation in international life, free from neo- colonial restrictions and exploitation. Indeed, their full participation in international exchanges, on the basis of the just pn.rciples of the new economicorder, is the paramount means for the authentic strengthening of their statehood and the acceleration of their development. 141. The continuance of discriminatory practicesin inter- national trade exchanges and resort to protectionism are phenomena that adversely affect the climate of inter- national relations and the general level of co-operation. On our part, we believe that, rather than through protec- tionlsm. a considersble and lasting improvement of the world economic" situation and in particular that of the developing countries. ccn be effected through comprehen- sive and mutually advantageous economic co-operation based on partnership in development and on the restructur- ing of international economic relations according to just j)r.Unciples_ " 142_ It is generally acknowledged that international security, co-operation and mutual confidence are closely related with one another. Measures contributing to the growth of reciprocil trust and serving better understanding between nations occupy an important place h1 the process of ensuring peace and creating more favourable conditions for international co-operation. 143. Among these measures. we attribute a .peclalrole of the extent of the concern that States demonstrate for the preparation of their societies for life in peace, friendship and respect for other nations. 146. We are confident that conditions are now ripe for the General Assembly a.t its present session to discuss the subject of the preparation of societies for life in peace, a question of such great importance for the building of mutual confidence. 147. W,th this in mind, the Polish delegation will be submitting a draft declaration on the subject.! 1 This document will provide a comprehensive approach to, and an elaboration of, the accomplishments of the United Nations up to now in cultivating among societies the lofty ideals of peace and fostering relations based on mutual respect and understanding. We shall propose to invite all States to guide themselves in their activities by the recognition "of the supreme importance and necessity of establishing, maintaining and strengthening a just and lasting peace, with due regard for the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law. 148. In the declaration we shall propose, in particular, to urge all States to act with perseverance and consistency to ensure that educational curricula and procedures, instruc- tion and upbringing in the family, at school and in public life, as well as the relevant activities of the mass media, are compatible with the task of the preparation for life in peace of all societies, including in particular the younger genera- tions. "Ever will the republics be a mirror of the education of their young citizens", said one of the most enlightened of Polish thinkerss Stanislaw Staszic. 149. We shall also call for the elimination from school curricula and mass media material advocating racial hatred, chauvinism, intolerance, injustice and the glorification of violence and war. We regard it as particularly important that international relations should not be disrupted by propaganda campaigns launched in one country against the other. 150. In proposing to bring the question of the preparation for life in .peace before the General Assembly for consid- eration and include it in the work of the United Nations, 10Ibid., Twenty-ninth Session, Plenary Meetings, 2264th meet- ing. 11 Subsequently circulated as document A!C.l/33/2,annex. 151. I am also glad to note that an earlier Polish initiative concerning a convention on the rights of the child1 2 has received the support of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights and the Economic and Social Council. We are confident that the adoption by the General Assembly of a convention on the rights of the child will be one of the important events marking the observances of the Inter- national Year of the Child in 1979. 152. Before us lie 12 weeks of work of the current session of the General Assembly at which it will consider 129 items on its agenda. I sincerely hope that this session will succeed in achieving marked progress in resolving many difficult international problems. The Polish delegation will actively participate in all efforts with that end in view. Acting in conformity wnh the spirit and the letter ofthe Charter of the United Nations, we shall make a constructive contri- bu.tion to the proceedings of the session, thus facilitating the attainment of the noble purposes of our Organization.

It gives me great pleasure to congratulate the Foreign Minister of Colombia on his election as President of the General Assembly. He is the representative of a country with which Austria feels linked by manifold close relations of friendship and co-operation. His experience of many years in foreign affairs is the best guarantee of successful work in the coming months. 154. At the same time I should once more like to convey to his predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, our thanks and high appreciation. His tact, political understanding and tireless personal efforts in conducting the work of the thirty- second G::-«eral Assembly and the three special sessions left their m&r··.~, the activities of our Organization. 155. The first resolution of this session of the General Assembly concerned the admission of Solomon Islands as . the one hundred and fiftieth Member of the United Nations. We most cordially welcorie the representatives of our new Member State. Their presence is fresh proof of our Organization's claim to universality. I should like to add my sincere hope that next year we .shall be able to welcome additional new members including, in particular, an inde- pendent Namibia and an independent Zimbabwe. 156. Humanity has not yet ~~arned how to resolve its problems and conflicts and how to avoid clashes of interest. The longing forpeace and security is deeply rooted in man's nature. Thin Organization was created as an in- strument to achieve that goal. 12 See Ofllcial Records of the Economic and Social Council, 1978, Supplement No. 4, chap. XIX. 158. Everyday experience and the evolution of science show that people and social systems can change, and indeed do change. However, such changes take much more time than the Utopians and impatient social critics would want us to believe. To suppose that man is infinitely malleable and ductile is just as untrue as to believe that his behaviour is predestined by nature and that he is incapable of adapting to new insights. 159. For generations torture was accepted, even as a legitimate means of criminal procedure. Only in the last century has it been legally abolished. We should take this example as proof that the pessimistic outlook about the development of our civilization and culture that is so popular nowadays is not justified, but is merely a con- fession of lack of courage and imagination. 160. The recourse to force, nowadays technically sophis- ticated; is a declaration of bankruptcy of man's ingenuity. With courage and determination man should be able to find and utilize alternatives to the use of force in settling unavoidable conflicts. I believe in man's creative potential. It is one of the priority tasks of this Organization to mobilize this potential. 161. It is the duty of the United Nations to replace the recourse to the use of force-a crude method of solving conflicts-By a different and more refined system for coping with international problems. 162. In responding to this challenge, the United Nations has established a system for peace-keeping operations. These measures have proved to be effective under specific circumstances. We believe that there is much scope for their further development and for the widening of their field of application. We have therefore listened with great interest to the proposals for strengthening the United Nations machinery for peace-keeping operations which have been put forward from this rostrum by the Foreign Minister of Norway [tith meeting], 163. Further efforts within the United Nations system to d,~yisel in addition to peace-keeping operations, alternative and complementary methods for the peaceful settlement of disputes are. however, necessary. In this regard the proposal for the establishment of a university of peace submitted to the Assembly yesterday by the President of Costa Rica fIlth meeting, paras. 106-119) deserves our special in- terest. 164. In a world which still regards force as a resort for settling conflicts in a. world which is armed to an unprecedented degree. no effort should be spared' to avoid conflicts. The policy of ditente has proved an effective means of achieving this goal. In recent years the relations between the most heaviiy armed States of the world and 166. It cannot be denied that the Belgrade review session of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, which was held pursuant to that Final Act, has not fulfilled all these hopes. However, it was possible to conclude the Conference with a pledge by all participants fully to implement the Final Act of Helsinki. 167. As a neutral State at the crossroads between East and West, Austria has always perceived its role to be that of serving as a balancing and stabilizing element in the international community by promotirr; this process of detente. 168. I have spoken of the process of detente between East and West. But detente is not a regional problem. It should be placed in a world-wide context. As I see it, the process of detente between East and West must be reflected throughout the world. It is inseparable from the vital challenges our world faces. Its continuation and expansion seems impossible in this interdependent world without the introduction of genuine disarmament measures. In addition, detente will not achieve its goal unless effective steps are taken towards a just international economic order. 169. Efforts to halt the continuing arms race have increased at all levels over the years, and some-but only limited-success has been achieved. But, in recent years we have failed to see significant results. The nuclear and conventional arms race has reached such proportions and has developed such a dynamic of its own that each small step towards arms limitation is by far offset by greater advances in arms technology. The longer we delay effective measures the harder it will become to control these developments. 170. The essential questions in the field of disarmament today lie in the area of qualitative developments. We must ask ourselves, therefore, whether the community of States can be successful in its endeavours to halt and reverse the arms race if it continues to concern itself mainly with quantitative restrictions. 171. - The tenth special session of the General Assembly, which was devoted to disarmament, was of significance for the struggle for disarmament and arms limitation. It gave a number of smaller States, including Austria, the oppor- tunity to express their profound concern over devel- opments beyond their control. 172. We certainly recognize the importance of the con- sensus reached on the basis of the Final Document. 174. In international economic relations we face two possibilities: national egoism and crises connected there- with or with the reconciliation of interests. If we opt for the second alternative, which indeed seems the only acceptable one, then we have to find new forms of co-operation. 175. Therefore it is urgent that agreement be reached at the forthcoming debate in the plenary General Assembly on the functions and the mandate' of the Committee Estab- lished under General Assembly Resolution 32/174. The continuation of the North-South dialogue in the United Nations is vital, and the Committee must be in a position to carry out the important tasks assigned to it. 176. In this connexion I should like to refer to the proposals put forward by my country concerning the establishment of a multilateral financing mechanism to promote a massive transfer of resources to developing countries.i 3 The implementation of this intiative would enable those countries to achieve an accelerated devel- opment of their infrastructures. We note with satisfaction the increasing interest in this new development scheme. The basic idea of this initiative might provide the terms of reference for a mandate for the Secretary-General to examine and recommend the most appropriate measures for its realization. 177. The preparations for the fifth session of UNCTAD, which will take place in May 1979 in Manila at the generous invitation of the Phiiippines Government, also warrant our special attention.• We welcome the decision taken a few weeks ago to resume in November of this year the negotiations on a common fund within the framework of UNCTAD.l4 In my opinion, concrete progress in this field 178. Science and technology also play an extremely important role in the promotion of growth and devel- opment within the framework of a new international economic order. 179. The United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, which is to be held in Vienna in August 1979, is an excellent opportunity for steps to be taken in this field. Austria is doing its utmost to contribute to the success of the Conference and to ensure the best possible organization of this very important international meeting. I am confident that the General Assembly will give its special attention to the preparation of the Conference. 180. Austria's commitment to the protection of human rights, including the fight against apartheid, is well known. Speaking of human rights, I have in mind political and civil rights as well as fundamental social, economic and cultural rights, which are indivisible. In supporting the cause of human rights it is our primary objective to help the individual. At the same time, we believe that we thus contribute also zo the maintenance of world peace. Only in a world in which human rights are protected-and I mean all human rights-only in such a world will peace be guaranteed. It is not least for this reason that respect for human rights is today acknowledged to bean inter- nationally recognized principle, enjoying equal status with other recognized principles governing international re- lations. 181. Today, the scope and the content of human rights have been largely consolidated and codified. Of course, this fact should not preclude further development in specific fields, such as the campaigns against torture and the death penalty, which we firmly support. Now the time has come to intensify our efforts to achieve the effective imple- mentation of human rights. In this respect effective procedures and institutions, and also education, play an important role. The International Congress on the Teaching of Human Rights, held .inViennafrom 12 to 16 September 1978, at the invitation of UNESCO, endorsed this view and proposed, inter alia, the establishment of a voluntary fuad for the furtherance of knowledge in the field of human rights through education and information. The fact that we are celebrating this year the thirtieth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights offers a very sound reason for translating that proposal into reality. 182. I should like to emphasize Austria's readiness to support the establishment of such a fund and urge all interested parties to endorse the proposal. 183. Last year in the General Assembly, Austria put forward a proposal! 5 designed to increase the security of international civilaviation. That initiarive culminated in the General Assembly's appeal to all States that have not yet 184. In this connexion permit me to make some basic remarks concerning terrorism. Austria has and has always had, great sympathy for allthose who are denied funda- mental rights. It is the task of the international community to help the oppressed to obtain their rights and Austria will continue to share this responsibility. The use of force is not an appropriate way to secure these rights. Not least f-or this reason, we believe that there can be no justification for terrorism. As a member of the Ad Hoc Committee on International Terrorism, my country has repeatedly urged that concrete measures be taken as speedily as possible to eradicate this dangerous threat to mankind. 185. I should now like to refer to conflict areas considered by this Assembly. 186. The efforts to solve the Middle East problem have taken a new and, we hope, positive turn at the Camp David talks. However, we are well aware that those talks have left certain essential questions unresolved. Further intensive efforts and negotiations and the involvement of all the parties concerned will be necessary for the peaceful solution. of this burning problem, a problem which, if it persists, will remain a threat to world peace. We recognize the will of the partners in the Camp David talks to achieve peace. This goodwill has generated new hope. Of course, jlus hope will only prove justified if negotiations are conducted in a spirit of mutual understanding and with an open mind. A successful outcome of these negotiations would require the faithful application of the letter and spirit of Security Council resolution 242 (1967). 187. In .Lebanon thousands of innocent people have lost their lives and homes, a tragic situation which still continues. These events remind us of the urgent need to establish a lasting peace in the whole region. 188. My country is also particularly concerned about the fate of Cyprus. It is therefore with disappointment that we have noted that the intercommunal talks have still not produced any result. I appeal to the parties to the conflict to continue to use the good offices of the Secretary-General and to give him every support in his quest for a lasting solution that wil1 guarantee individual safety and the security of the communities. 189. After a period of guarded optimism about devel- opments in southern Africa prompted by progress on the question of Namibia, we must acknowledge serious .>eth1cks which endanger a peaceful development in that area. Year after year in this body we have striven to guide Namibia one step further along the road to independence. This year we had thought we could register progress, and cherished the hope that as early as next year Namibia would be a 16 Convention on Offences and Certain Other Acts Committed on Board Aircraft, signed at Tokyo, on 14 September 1963.. 17 Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Seizure of Aircraft, signed at The Hague on 16 December 1970. 18 Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Civil Aviation, signed at Montreal on 23 September 1971. 190. We have always advocated that conflicts be resolved by peaceful means, by negotiation between all the parties concerned. Therefore, the developments in Zimbabwe, with the increasing escalation of violence, fill us with the deepest concern. It is imperative that an effort be made, at the eleventh hour as it were, to work out a solution with the participation of all the parties, In the difficult years that lie behind us, the leaders of the front-line States have displayed the wisdom of great statesmen. They and the other parties striving to achieve a peaceful solution carry great reponsibility in this increasingly difficult situation. 191. United Nations peace-keeping operations are today acknowledged to be the most important means to pave the way for the peaceful settlement of conflicts. As a neutral State, Austria views her participation in these operations as an opportunity for effectively contributing to "he at- tainment of the purposes of the United Nations. It is in the light of this consideration that Austria has declared its readiness to take part in a United Nations operation in Namibia, which I hope is still a real possibility. 192. In the field of peace-keeping, the Secretary-General deserves our special recognition for his tireless efforts to facilitate peaceful solutions in Cyprus, in the Middle East and in Namibia. 193. Our thanks also go to the troops who, often in difficult conditions, have 'performed their duty splendidly under the United Nations flag.'I offer a reverent tribute to the memory of all those soldiers who lost their lives in performing their duty in the service of the United Nations. 194. Many nations participate in these United Nations operations either directly or with support measures, there- by helping to. enhance the Organization's image and credibility throughout the world. However, the current state of the financing of the peace-keeping operations is a matter for concern. I should like to call on all Member States to make their contributions to the United Nations peace-keeping operations. 195. In conclusion, permit me to say a few words about two questions of particular and immediate importance to my country. 197. The other issue of special concern to Austria is to ensure optimal use of the Donaupark Centre in Vienna. The construction of this Centre is a visible expression of Austria's active engagement in the work of the United Nations. The· Centre will be inaugurated in August 1979 and will. serve as permanent headquarters for IAEA and UNlDO as well as those units of the United Nations system which, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 31/194, will move to Vienna. It will be up to this General Assembly to adopt, on the basis of this resolution, the final steps to be taken to ensure optimal use of the Donaupark Centre. We are therefore looking forward with interest to the report of the Secretary-General which will be before this Assembly under item 103 of the agenda. 198. Austria is confident that its considerable efforts resulting in the construction of the centre and its rent-free offer to the United Nations will find their recognition in a decision which will guarantee its full utilization by the United Nations system, thus ensuring considerable organ-. izational benefits for the United Nations. 199. On the agenda of this General Assembly are a great number of very difficult problems which await an urgent solution. I have attempted to elaborate on some of these issues. We see in the United Nations a most valuable and indeed indispensable instrument to meet the great and often interconnected challenges with which the inter- national community is confronted. The General Assembly is probably the only forum where the co-operative efforts of all Member States can unite in order to fmd an adequate response to these challenges. Austria will continue making its contribution :0 these joint efforts.

The presence of Latin America, in the person of the former of'oreign Minister of Colombia, Indalecio Lievano, in the presidency of this thirty-third session of the General Assembly is a reason for special pleasure for my delegation. We see in this distinguished public figure of a brotherly and neighbourly nation of Peru an enlightened representative of the values which our region has contributed and continues to contribute to the inter- national community. My delegation would offer to Pres- ident Lievano-and we would ask you, Sir, to convey these wishes to him-our assurances of our loyal and enthusiastic co-operation for the proper discharge of the important business of this major international forum. 201. We also extend our greetings to Mr. Lazar Mojsovof Yugoslavia and express to him our appreciation of the manner in which he conducted a particularly difficult stage of the work of the General Assembly. 203. On the three occasions on which I have had the opportunity to address this forum of international consul- tation, I have described the permanent support given by Peru to the most noble efforts of the world Organization. This support is a natural reflection of the profound peaceful, diplomatic and pluralistic vocation which derives from our history and international position. The real autonomy of our foreign policy is fully expressed in the most pressing circumstances of the contemporary world, and therefore Peru reiterates its commitment to struggle, from a non-aligned political, conceptual and moral position for a world in which the democratization of international relations will .pass from being a mere slogan to being an axiom determining diplomatic conduct. 204. This is the significance of our full identification with the forces of liberation which are struggling to eliminate the stubborn remnants of colonialism, nee-colonialism and racial discrimination. It is also a reason for our efforts to contribute to the rule of order and international justice which my country has beenpursuing for the attainment of a new international economic order, together with the establishment of an irreversible process of general and complete disarmament. 205. These are decisive turning-points for our inter- national future. In their specific and adequate concreti- zation lies the collective hope of a world which, although it is coming closer to universality in its relations-as the welcome admission of Solomon Islands to our Organization. proves-and also closer to a certain level of ideo-political tolerance, has still not found the way SUitably to harmonize its inevitable and necessary interdependence. 206. I wish, with some anxiety, to refer to a subject which I find essential in the effort to achieve these aims which, although to some they may seem to be ideals or remote notions, are in fact an indispensable minimum if the present generation is to halt and reverse such destructive trends as those which are now eroding the very survival of our civilizations. 207. To the danger inherent in the unbridled arms race, the massive squandering of resources, thoughtless pollution, hunger and poverty in the third world and the resurgence of repugnant forms of international and internal violence, the decline of standards, the apathy and prematuredisil- lusionment of our youth is added and superimposed the present stage of international dialogue in the economic sphere. 208. For this reason my delegation shares with many others the frustration at what appears to be the definitive stagnation of the North-South dialogue, due to the de facto paralysis of the so-called Committee of the Whole, or the 209. My country, which is passing through a situation of particular gravity, as I shaU explain shortly, finds re- grettable the absence within this sphere of international relations of a climate propitious to the efforts of precisely those countries which have risked most in order to set a suitable pace of integrated develcpment. This permanent frustration is experienced in the deterioration of the prices of our exports, in the enormous magnitude of an external indebtedness which, far from facilitating the motive forces of our development, is distorting them even further, and is a transfer of technology and financial resources that is inadequate compared with our real needs. AU this produces inevitable disagreements between the monetary organ- izations and our Governments, when it is a matter of deciding on the best terms for carrying out the adjustments needed because of the chronic balance-of-payments situ- ation. 210. In Peru we have overcome the stage of what was undoubtedly misunderstanding with these international organs thanks to a new flexibility of criteria, which, although positive, has been long in coming !U1d has been achieved only at great cost to the country, a fact which must be regarded as a specific symptom of the present still inequitable world economic structure. Even if my country were not experiencing these delicate situations, we would with the same determination call for the establishment of a frank and effective dialogue. If the nations cannot cope with the most critical aspects of their proclaimed inter- dependence by means of civilized formulas for a con- structive dialogue, how will it be possible to find a solution to the acute contradictions, inequalities and injustices which are characteristic of such independence and inter- dependence? 211. Thus we make a new, urgent appeal to the developed States to find the political will to overcome the situation. Let us not accumulate new and more critical frustrations in a relationship which is already difficult. That would be of benefit to no one, and we must avoid them in the light of an interdependence which must be healthy and ad- vantageous for all concerned. This Assembly is well aware of the importance of what is at stake, and that is why it has decided to bear its proper responsibility in this crucial aspect of International relations. 212. In the opinion of my Government, the latest Con- ference of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, recently held in Belgrade, has confirmed the vi;gour and relevance of the non-aligned movement as an altemativeof enormous potential in the international sphere, but this reaffirmation ofits unquestionable strength has not taken place without the emergence of certain problems and pressures wmch tend to recur sporadically within the non-aligned movement and which are attrib- utable to the leal for disturbance and division with which the poles of power seek to weaken its critical capacity, its 214. In keeping with this integrated view, my Government has ratified the International Covenants on Human Rights and the concomitant Optional Protocol/see resolution 2200 A (XXI), annex}. It has also ratified at national level the American Convention on Human Rights, also known as the Pact of San Jose. 2 0 At the same time it continues firmly with its internal efforts at development and its struggle to establish a new international economic order. 215. We cannot hide OUt justified concern in view of the political situation that may be observed at the beginning of this session of the General Assembly in connexion with such delicate matters as Africa and the Middle East. We have seen in respect of southern Africa the important steps taken for the independence of Namibia on the occasion of the ninth special session, which was devoted to this matter, through a number of measures which still await final implementation and which, in the circumstances of which we are all aware, require for that implementation the persistent pressure of this Assembly and the international community as a whole, in particular that of the members of the Security Council, which has assumed this particular responsibility. 216. My country hopes also that the independence of Zimbabwe will speedily and peacefully be achieved in keeping with the decision to be adopted by its people, with the effective participation of all sectors of the population. 217. Peru, an ancient nation, a racial melting-pot, a country at a crossroads, profoundly rejects all forms of segregationist, discriminatory, racist and other practices which some nations carry out. In keeping with this sentiment, which is profoundly rooted in our national being, my Government has just adopted and incorporated into the legislation the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of, the Crime of Apartheid {resolution 3068 (XXVATII)] and we support and share in the efforts of the international community to eradicate this particularly aberrant form of discrimination and exploi- tation. 218. Peru, which has been following with understandable interest and concern the problem of the Middle East and the Palestinian question, both of which have caused such grief, will always support the quest for peace with justice, within the spirit and letter of Security Council resolutions 20 See American Convention on Human Rights, "Pact of San Jose, Costa Rica", Treaty Series No. 36 (Washington, D.e., Organi- zation of American States, 1970). . 220. Within the framework of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, held in Geneva earlier this year, progress has been made which reaffirms the ambitious nature of the broad agreement envisaged by the international community to arrive at an agreem.», that will be satisfactory to all States. This effort deserves full support, which we have shown throughout the years in the forums where my country has spoken of the right of States to exploit the resources in the zones off their coasts. The advanced guard position taken by Peru in 1947 has now been seen to be consolidated and supported by the alignment of a large majority of nations in favour of this principle. 221. On the other hand we cannot fail to express our profound concern and alarm about the imminent adoption of unilateral legislative measures on the exploitation of the natural resources of the sea-bed beyond national juris- diction, measures which. would run counter to the principle that that zone and its resources are the common heritage of mankind. Such measures are clearly not in keeping with emerging international law. 222. It is important to emphasize the new political assessment of the phenomenon of the arms race and the new path that was agreed on for negotiations on disarma- ment at the last special session of the General Assembly. This initial .step regrettably lacks specific details for immediate action but it includes an operative framework for handling this complex question and for its gradual solution by future decisions. As it has repeated in recent years, Peru is prepared to give its support to the objectives proposed for the forthcoming stages in the handling of this problem. 223. At the regional "level, it is satisfying to note the progress towards the political and juridical improvement of the regime for military denuclearization of Latin America. The Treaty for the Prohibition of NuclearWeapons in Latin America (Treaty of Tlatelolco), which incorporates this positive desire, is an example of what the regionalpolitical willcan achievein questions.of disarmament. 22~. While Latin America is in the van in the establish- ment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone, it has renewed its efforts for the attainment of political agreements on the limitation of conventional weapons at the regional level. The pronouncement subscribed to on 22 June of this year by the Foreign Ministers signing the Declaration of Ayacucho.s i on the occasion of the last session of the General Assembly of the Organization of American States, offers the possibility that all the countries of the region will endorse those purposes, and opens up new ways for the implementation of this initiative taken by Peru. 225. It is my intention to deal in some detail with certain essential aspects of Peru's present political circumstances, 21 See document A/S-I0/AC.l/34. 227. Three years ago the second phase of the Revolution- ary Government emerged as an institutional attempt to resolve certain fundamental problems of the process of transformation which was begun a decade ago. As is well known, this was an attempt to bring about complex and diverse changes in the economic and social structure, with a view to attaining a process of development with a lofty sense of social justice. The conduct of the process was not always perfectly attuned to growing national participation, but it undoubtedly proceeded from a majority sentiment in favour of change. The complex situation that had been inherited obliged the Government to specify the conceptual and nationalist autonomy which is at the heart of the Peruvian process, to narrow the gap between theory and practice and to readjust certain processes and consolidate basic reforms. All of this occurred, and is continuing, in the context of inexorable pressure on the economic and financial structure, brought about by internal factors, a certain lack of precision in the conduct of economicpolicy and the negative presence of external factors characteristic of the unjust structure of international economic relations, which caused an excess of expenditures over the amount produced and consequent enormous indebtedness. 228. In the light of this reality, in a statement three years ago the Government stated the need to attain a national consensus on the basis of a responsible historic commit- ment by the armed forces and the civilian population, on which, to use the words of President Morales Berrmidez, "the viability of Peru as a truly democratic society depends". 229. Three years later, in .strict fulfilment of the scheme for the democratic transfer of power in our country, in free elections and with exemplary popular participation, there has been elected a Constituent Assembly combiningall the trends of political opinion in the country, with the delicate task of drafting, with full autonomy, the fundamental charter of the Republic, which will govern its system of civic life in the immediate future. This is the most important fact of Peru today. not only becauseit expresses the' hope of finding more stable channels for the future of the Republic but because it confirms that the people and the armed forces are imbued with an explicit democratic vocation, never expressed so overwhelmingly and trench- antly as today. 230. That vocation and that hope mark a real and profound link between the Government and the majority sectors of the population. They are an expression of that link. The quest for a permanent understanding between the 231. In the past few weeks we have laid the basis for .the stabilization of our financial situation. The Government is beginning to confront the second major objective of this phase of historic transition. After certain corrective meas- ures, at the cost of enormous austerity, an agreement has been reached with IMF to put our finances on a sound footing for a period ending in 1980. At the same time, agreement has been reached with our creditors in the international financial community on a programme of restructuring our external debt to alleviate the amounts and deadlines during that same period. These acts, which are now well advanced and represent a re?t,~stic and technical scheme, imply an equitable distribution of the inevitable shortages and consequently a policy of fmancial health, meeting the criterion of social justice. They will make it possible not only to rescue the productive forces in our vast resources, ~hich are now blunted by the grave recession, but to bring about a climate of confidence and stability necessary for a selective and pragmatic revival. 232. It is therefore clear that it is not just the converging political and economic processes which will decide the cutting of the Gordian knot at this rather burdensome moment in Peru's destiny; much will depend on the awareness that may develop among the urban community of the grave and special nature of these two problems. If the urban population's reply is in accordance with the significance of these matters I have been trying to describe here, a positive outcome will soon emerge. That is why, as President Morales Berrmidez has reiterated clearly, if the fundamental task of drafting the new constitution can be completed before the target year, it will be possible to advance the preparations and hold the general elections ahead of schedule, even before 1980. I think this solemn announcement is clear evidence that the outcome depends, in essence, on the predominant national will, w"ich cannot fail to take into account the inescapable requirements of this critical moment in Peru's history. 233. I believe there will prevail shortly in Peru an awareness of the need for shared sacrifice, in keeping with the lucidity and maturity of our ancient and noble people which it has demonstrated so often in the most critical moments of its turbulent yet rich history. 235. Our subcontinent has reached a stage of maturity in which fruitful dialogue and the deliberate and responsible quest for rapprochement have acquired undoubted impor- tance. 236. Proof of this, and a reason for distinct satisfaction, is the negotiations which two sister countries, El Salvador and Honduras, have been conducting so auspiciously with, as mediator, a distinguished Peruvian, Mr. Jose Luis Busta- mante Rivero, a former President of Peru and former President of the International Court of Justice. May I express here my most fervent desire that those negotiations will be successful and culminate in an instrument that will settle and overcome existing disagreements, as an expres- sion of the desire for peace characteristic of Latin America. 237. At the same time, I voice my firm hope that in those areas of the region now convulsed by turbulence the rule of peace will be restored under the auspices of freedom, justice and respect for human rights. 238. Our country approaches its problems with a sense of destiny and with open and broad understanding. The signing of the Amazon Pact2 2 opens anew chapter and sets a precedent for future similar instruments which could lead to a qualitatively new step forward in an approach to the most delicate international matters from a positive view- point of realism and co-operation. 239. At the same time, my country continues to be receptive to the quest for constructive solutions that would make it possible to remove elements of tension which still persist in other areas, through the proper channels and in accordance witn the juridical traditions of my continent. 240. In keeping with this approach and this tradition, Latin America will continue to contribute within this world framework to the, attainment of the great objectives of the Organization, without blurring the. contours of its person- ality, which has been clearly outlined in the legal instru- ments in which the faith and hope of our own destiny are enshrined. 22 Amazon Co-operation Treaty, signed at Brasilia on 3 July 1978.