A/33/PV.13 General Assembly

9.  General debate 1. Mr. O'KENNEDY (Ireland): Mr. President, I wish to offer you the sincere congratulations of my delegation on your unanimous election to the presidency of our Assembly. Your election is a tribute to your country, Colombia, and also a reflection of the knowledge which delegations have of your valuable contributions to this Assembly and to important international conferences. We are confident that this experience and the fruits of your impressive career will allow you to follow the exemplary presidency of Mr. Lazar Mojsov of YugoslaVia with dis· tinction and success. 2. May I also extend a very wann welcome to the one hundred and fiftieth Member of the United Nations- Solomon Islands. We are especially pleased that the right of the peoples of Solomon Islands to self-detennination and independence has been achieved peacefully and with the full co-operation of the United Kingdom as the adminis· tering Power. 3. We begin another session of the General Assembly with a full agenda. The list of problems before us this year is long-as long as ever it has been. In all, we will debate almost 130 questions before this session closes in December. 4. It is evident from one look at this fonnidabie list of complex international issues that the Secretary·General is right to say, as he does in his report on tile work of the Organization, that global order is increasingly indispensable and that we need a sense of human solidarity which will find expression in a strong family of international insti· tutions [see A/33/1, sect. If. S. Will the work done here over the next three months show real evidence of this sense of human solidarity? Will NEW YORK our debates and resolutions advance us further towards that glohai order which the Secretary·General says is now indispensable? These seem to me to be the fundamental questions underlying virtually all the individual problems on our agenda. 6. At the centre of many, if not all, of these issues is an injustice or conflict arising from the political or economic dominance of one group, of one country or of one interest, and the consequent exclusion or suppression of another. Such situations are by their nature unstable. In a world where all major problems are now interrelated and interact on one another, injustice leading to instability in anyone area can be a danger to us all. 7. Clearly, efforts to maintain domination in human relations today are dangerous and wrong. Instead, we need, in every area of international life, to try to replace domination by participation and co-operation. In this way we can hope to create patiently and by stages li more just and a more stable world order. In doing this, we will need to use to the full all the possibilities offered by this great Organization and the family of international institutions, of which it is the core. 8. It is clear, of course, that this cannot be achieved all at once-and perhaps in a complex world it will never be wholly achieved. The Secretary-General has done well to warn us that there are many issues where, at best, we may be able to contain and defuse the problem and allow time for a settlement to evolve. 9. Many of these problems do not yield immediately to settlement because they have roots which go deep into history. But though the past constrains us in these cases, it does not wholly deternline the choices now open to us. How we face these inherited problems in our day will decide what the next generation to ours will inherit in its turn. We can pass on or add to the burden which we have inherited, or, instead, we can begin to lift this burden-even if it takes years to remove it completely. 10. Some here, of course, carry greater responsibility than others for the origin of particular problems; and some will have to do more than others to contribute towards a solution. The contribution which each of us can make in any particular case will depend on our capacity and on our degree of involvement. But since we have a world Organi- zation where these issues are debated and voted on, all of us have some responsibility, and all of us need to do what we can to contribute towards a settlement. 11. I would summarize as follows the principles which will guide my country on the issues before us in the United Nations. A/33/PV.13 13. Secondly, we reject relations based on domination by anyone group over any other. Our aim, instead, ill to see participation and co-operation take the place of domination in every area of human life, and we have tried to act accordingly ourselves. 14. Thirdly, we accept that peoples have a right to see Ito their own security, but not in ways which seriously threaten or endanger the security of others and contribute to the insecurity of an. 15. Fourthly, we want to see the resources of our planet shared more equitably and with due regard to the need for conservation where they are limited. The conspicuous waste which is a feature of some of the more advanced societies not only should not but cannot be repeated on a world scale. 16. Fifthly, we believe that peoples of diverse outlook and culture must be free to develop in accordance with their own traditi?ns and their own understanding of their own needs. The structure of relations between communities and nations should be such as to help and promote this, and any structures or practices which inhibit or prevent it must be changed. But there can be no unifonn model for develop- ment, and the international community should not try to impose one. Instead, it should promote conditions in which each people can develop, in its diversity, to its full potential. 17. Sixthly, our concero and our sense of human soli- darity is directed not to States only but to people as individual human persons. We believe that there are certain minimum requirements for human dignity which cut across cultural differences and national- boundaries, and which men and women everywhere are entitled to expect as of right. In a world of such diversity it will take much patient discussion and growth of undclrslanding in various bodies to develop fuller agreement on these rights and on how they are best given effect. But, in my view, we have already gone well beyond the stage where anyone of us could claim that the denial within our borders of a basic minimum of individual human dignity is a wholly private matter and not a legitimate concern of the whole international community. 18. Seventhly, we believe that progress can be made towards a better world order and a greater sense of human solidarity and interdependence where States of a particular region with a common outlook come together in a regional grouping 01' organization, provided that they also show a sense of wider solidarity and concern extending beyond their own group to humanity as a whole. 19. Ireland is one of the nine member States of the European Economic Community and this helps us' to extend and deepen our relations with other countries and groups. The common viewpoint of the nine States on many of the issues on the agenda was expressed here two days ago 21. This, in broad outline, is the approach which the Irish delegation will tuke to the complex of issues before us at this Assembly. Some of these are global issues of direct concern to all of us. Some are problems of instability and conflict in particular regions which also present wider dangers. I turn now to indicate in more concrete terms our viewpoint on some of these specific issues. 22. This year, for the first time, the General Assembly held a special session on disarmament, its tenth. The session was attended by many Heads ofGovernment, including my Prime Minister, Mr. Lynch, who set out very fully the views of the Irish Government.l One good result of the session was the establishment of new negotiating and deliberative bodies with wider participation. We hope that this will breathe new life into disarmament negotiations. 23. We welcome the positive outcome of the special session. But we believe that its success will be measured only by the extent to which States translate into concrete measures the principles and programme they accepted in the Final Document {resolution S-J0/2/. All countries, and especially the nuclear Powers, must show the political will to take real steps towards disarmament, and to escape from the vicious cycle of competition which, instead of contrib- uting to their own security, is in fact adding to the insecurity of all. All nations claim that their armaments and military power are purely for their own security. They ask others to accept this on trust. But the military strength so acquired can arouse distrust in others and can be an instrument for the domination of others or for intervention elsewhere. Military strength does not even have to be used; its mere existence gives power to those who control it, which others less powerful may have to respect. 24. The major Powers must accept that ever-increasing armaments, which they claim are purely for defence or basic security, promote such distrust and insecurity in others that they feel obliged in turn to build up their own military capacity. Some non-nuclear States feel that even the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons is discriminatqry and is designed to perpetuate the dominant position of the nuclear Powers. As representative of Ireland, a small country whose Foreign Minister first proposed such a treaty in a draft resolution presented to this Assembly as far back as 1958,2 I cannot agree. But I do agree that the 30. The Secretary-General's call to all of us to show a greater sense of human solidarity applies here with parti- cular force. The developed world must learn to accept major changes because it is dangerous and wrong that the international economic system should grossly undervalue the productive output which the countries of the poorer two-thirds of the world have to offer. The developing countries, on the other hand, must accept that change will have to be carefully made. The system may be unfair, even perhaps grossly unfair, but it cannot be dismantled all at once without the gravest damage to all. What is re.::,uired is a genuine and urgent commitment to reform and a willing· ness to co-operate and negotiate the major reforms which are needed. 25. Apart from the particular problem posed by nuclear weapons, we have witnessed in the years since the Second World War an ever-increasing build-up and spread of so-called conventional weapons. The million~ of dead and maimed in the many conflicts fought with conventional weapons remind us that it is not just nuclear weapons whose spread and use must be prevented. Moreover, it is a scandal that countries whose people live in poverty should be encouraged to buy arms and trained to use them against their neighbours, whose people, though just as poor, have been similarly armed and trained. The suffering of the poor and the innocent should be alleviated by the financial resources of the wealthy and powerful rather than aggra- vated by their destructive resources. 31. The developed countries are not themselves all of a piece. There are countries like my own which, prosperous as they are in proportion to the third world, are under- developed in many ways in comparison with their neigh- bours. As we rightly seek to develop our own economiee for the benefit of our own people, we may have to face some difficult choices. In some industries we may fmd ourselves in competition with the more successful developing countries as they seek to industrialize, and we may have to weigh our international moral obligations very directly in the balance against the immediate economic interests of our own people. However, it must surely be recognized that it would not be equitable that within the developed world the main burden of the restructuring which is necessary should fall on the weaker part of it. 26. But although we 3hould aim to divert resources from armaments to development, the poorer countries of the world simply cannot afford to wait until disarmament has been achieved. It is questionable whether even diversion of the whole of the world's expenditure on arms, vast as it is, would be enough to meet what is urgently required. 27. The figures are startling. One quarter of the popula- tion of the earth controls 80 per cent of its h..~ome and consumes 80 per cent of its protein. In contrast, 40 per cent of the world's population are so poor that they hardly even enter the world's economy as purchasers at all. The poorer countries have only 7 per cent of the world's industry, and more than half the output even of that industry comes from five countries only. 32. Some industrially developed countries have in fact opted out of their obligations. If we as a small and less prosperous country with limited resources, which was itself the subject of economic exploitation for so long, accept our responsibility, we cannot agree that other more powerful and technologically advanced countries should refuse to do so. 28. To the developed countries this huge disparity may once have seemed to be due entirely to the superior skills or abilities of their own peoples. It is clear, however, that, on the contrary, this disparity is in very large part due to distorted economic relations which have evolved over the centuries. Apart from the,special case of oil, a study has shown that the 12 major primary products, which brought the developing countries about 80 per cent of their export earnings, brought them a total income of $30 billion. Those same commodities, when processed in the developed world, were worth $200 billion, nearly seven times what the developing countries earned by the sale of the raw materials. 33. The developing countries, on the other hand, will, I hope, be wise enough to see that their aim cannot and should not be to recreate throughout the world that profligate waste of resources which is a feature of present- day industriaJi~d societies. As I said earlier, the help which I believe these developing countries need is help to create conditions in their own societies which will be consistent with the!r own aims and their own traditions; and which, I hope', will show a greater respect than the industrialized world has yet shown for the natural limits of the resources and the environment of our small planet. 29. There is no evidence that either God or nature has determined once and for all the relationship which should exist between the price of goods processed ormanufactured in the developed world and the price which the primary- producing countries get for the raw materials. What has determined the relationship is the emergence of a serious structural imbalance in the world economy, Which had its origin in the position of dominance which the developed 34. Economic and social development is but one aspect of the wider question of the achievement of human rights based on the acceptance of the dignity and worth of the human person. 35. This year we celebrate the thirtieth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. 36. Of course. those who drafted the Declaration knew that it was only a beginning and that much further work would be needed to develop in more detailed and specific form the general principles which it set out. In the intervening 30 years a great deal of work has been tackled and a body of international law and practice on human rights has been built up. 37. I should like to comment on just one aspect of recent hum!lll rights deliberations in the United Nations system. 38. There is now wide agreement that situations which demonstrate a consistent pattem of gross violations of human rights are a proper matter for international concern and are not within the exclusive domestic jurisdiction of States. This agreement is reflected in the large majorities of the General Assembly In recent years in condemning human rights violations ill Chile and southern Africa. We welcome this general agreement and would like to see it apply consistently to the human rights problems everywhere. 39. There are obviously other countries where civil au- thorities deliberately and constantly repress basic rights, even in defiance of their own publicly expressed and freely accepted international commitments. These failures threaten the process of detente and relaxation of world tensions. in the interests of world peace. They must also adversely affect the confidence and support of international pub)': opinion, which is a highly important factor in this process. 40. At the United Nations we are now at the stage where it is necessary to take every step open to us to establish and confirm the international will to investigate consistent patterns of gross human rights violations. An important advance in this area occurred this year when agreement was finally reached between the Government of Chile and the Ad Hoc Working Group on the Situation of Human Rights in Chile for the visit of members of the Working Group to Chile in pursuance of General Assembly resolutions. We await the report of that Group. On .the other hand, the racist regime in South Africa continues to ignore our consistent condemnations of apartheid and massive vio- lations of human rights in that region. My country utterly abhors and rejects racism, and my delegation will play its full part in our deliberations on this matter. 41. I said earlier that our aim was to strengthen the United Nations so that it can become a better instrument for the maintenance of peace and the promotion of justice. We have always considered that if there is a role for other nations in local or regional conflicts it is ideally exercised not by direct intervention, but on behalf of the intema- tional community as a whole as part of a United Nations peace-keeping operation. 43. In keeping with our policy. Ireland in May of this year sent a battalion to serve with UNIFlL. and we have recently agreed to augment that force. We felt it our duty. and indeed are proud, to contribute in a practical way to making the United Nations more effective as an instrument in the cause of peace and to help a troubled country. In its first ~!x months UNIFIL has indeed achieved a great deal, and in this context I should like to congratulate the Secretary-General and the Force Commander, Major-General E. A. Erskine, for their conduct of this operation, which called f~r a high degree of courage, judgement and resourcefulness. The Force has succeeded in exerting its control over most of its area of operation and has contributed to the achievement of peace and stability for many of the people of that area. The Secretary-General has, however, rightly pointed out that much remains to be done. It is vital that UNIFIL be enabled to operate freely throughout its entire area of operations, and that the Lebanese Government should re-establish its authority in southern Lebanon. 44_ It is a cause of grave concern to my Government that certain armed elements, supported from outside Lebanon, continue to restrict the freedom of movement and the full deployment of UNIFIL and likewise to resist the deploy- ment within Lebanon of properly constituted elements of the Lebanese army. I would therefore appeal to all States with influence in the area to ensure that all parties give their full co-operation to UNIFIL so as to enable it to discharge its mandate and contribute generally to peace in the Middle East. 45.. In common with other members of the European Cummunity we· continue to support the sovereignty, mdependence and territorial integrity of the Lebanon. The Lebanese situation is in itself inextricably linked with the over-all problems of the Middle East, and a satisfactory solution of Lebanon's problems reqUires progress towards a general settlement in the Middle East.' . 46. Since the situation in the Middle East was last debated in this ASilemhly there have been important developments. Some of them seem to offer hope of progress towards a stable and comprehensive. peace in that area. Others again remind us just how complex and intractable the pr~blems of that region are. . 47. Along with ou~ partners in the European Community we commended. the courageous initiative taken by the President of Egypt, Mr. EI-Sadat last year, and more recently the important step taken at Camp David by the President of the United States, Mr. Carter, President EI-Sadat and the Prime Minister of Israel, Mr. Begin. 49. In our view such a settlement should start from Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and should also take full account of the principles which the member States of the Community, Including Ireland, set out In the statement on the Middle East made by their Heads of Government and Foreign Ministers at the European Council meeting In London on 29 June 1977. In particular, as we have made clear, there should be accept- ance of the rights of all States in the area to live within secure, recognized and adequately guaranteed boundaries; and there must be respect for the legitimate rights of the Palestinians, which would include their right to participate in the determination of their own future and would take into account also their right to a homeland. I sincerely hope that what has been done may become a beginning on the difficult road toward such a settlement. 50. I have recently had the opportunity to learn :it first hand in Africa the views of some African leaders, both in regard to the development of their own countries and in regard to wider political issues. It was made clear to me that the desire of Africans today is to create their own structures of society best fitted for African needs, drawing on and developing their own traditions, while accepting what seems valuable from outside. Africans wish, in other words, to be masters of their own destiny, and look to others to co·operate with them in this task, both economic- ally and politically. 51. It is also plain that the wish of African States to assert their own individuality has not lessened their willingness to work together in the Organization of African Unity IOAUJ and to co-operate at the world level in the United Nations. The high hopes for African unity and the OAU may not always have been fulfilled. It is not realistic to expect that all of Africa's problems, whether indigenous to the con- tinent or bequeathed by colonial rule, can be easily or quickly overcome, but we support the desire of African States to seek African solutions for African problems. We in Europe know only too well how long it takes to create structures to enable us to pursue common interests and concerns together, despite all that we havf in common, and indeed those structures that we have are as yet only partial. 52. The unfinished business in southern Africa remains one of the most likely causes of serious international tension today. The damage to Africa's development and the diversion of resources that stem from these unresolved issues are very great. The injustice of domination by one human group over another, the consequent instability and the dangers inherent in delay in resolving such issues are nowhere more evident than in southern Africa. 53. The folly of the white minority regime in Rhodesia in trying to maintain its rule by excluding the majOljty from any effective participation in government is clear for all to see. The consequences of allowing a situation to drift for too long, and a lack of zeal in carrying policies through, are 54. In Namibia, we have in the past year had cause to hope that, in contrast, concerted action by the inter- national community and by some of its members in particular, would lead to a just and internationally accepta· ble solution. The five Western members of the Security Council demonstrated by their efforts their commitment to peaceful change and acceptance of a responsibility to ensure the exercise of self-determination in Namibia. The Presidents of the front-line States, accepting the good faith behind these efforts, worked unceasingly to ensure their success. The South West Africa People's Organization /SWAPOj put aside its justifiable suspicions of South Africa. South Africa appeared to demonstrate a new realism. It is n grievous clicappointment then that South Africa has drawn back by rejecting the Secretary-General's detailed proposals3 • I am convinced that pressure on South Africa to change its mind must be maintained and that the South African Government should be left in no doubt as to the very serious consequences that will ensue if it further resists the will of the international community on this issue, in which the United Nations has a very particular involve- ment. 55. The root of the problems in southern Africa lies of course in South Africa itself, in the policies of systematic racial discrimination of apartheid. I do not propose to spell out in detail my views on the apartheid system, which I outlined to this Assembly last year.4 I would simply say in summary that it is criminal because it condemns millions of peoFle to a second-class existence within their owr. country, to the destruction of their social and family life and to oppression when they resist; it is hugely wasteful because it deprives the country of the talents of many of its most gifted citizens; it is disastrous because it is bound to fail; and it is tragic because the descendants of those who successfully fought for self-determination against the then colonial Power now deny it to their fellows and claim to be acting in the name of Christianity and as defenders of Western civilization. I believe that we who hold these values have a special responsibility to reject this claim. The reality is that it is white South Africa that, in claiming to defend these values, does them the greatest outrage. 56. The problem we face is that those who hold power in South Africa and their supporters refuse to see the reality of the world around them. How do we get them to open their eyes'? Unfortunately I can see no sign that they are prepared to make the fundamental changes in policy that are required to avert disaster or, indeed, even to take the 57. In the meantime the world also has a responsibility to show its concern in a practical way for those who suffer under the apartheid system and to support the United Nations funds for this purpose, particularly in this Inter- national Anti-Apartheid Year. The South African Govern- ment should, as this Assembly has so often requested, release those imprisoned solely for opposition to its apartheid laws-such as, for example, the young Christian workers recently arrested-and it should refrain from actions, such as the proposed execution of Solomon Mahlangu, which can only serve further to embitter the situation. 58. Finally, I should like to report to this Assembly, as successive Irish Foreign Ministers have done, on a problem of direct concern to us: that of Northern Ireland. I think it is important because for this Organization to maintain its credibility each of us must be ready to accept, in the case of problems which involve our own direct interests, the standards of conduct which we want to see applied to problems in which we are not directly involved. 59. This year, I am pleased to be able to bring to this Assembly a message of greater hope about Northern Ireland It is true that it is violence generally which makes headlines. in the world press. But it i3 important to look beyond the headlines to the fact that, in Northern heland, violence is now clearly seen as futile, and that it is rejected and repudiated by all except a tiny minority. 60. There are signs of new thinking on the part of all of those concerned with this problem-within Northern Ireland itself, in the island ofIreland as a whole, and in the United Kingdom, with which, on this difficult subject, my GOvernment has regular and close consultation. The new thinking and the hope to which I referred derive in part from progress and new developments in Ireland. Today the Republic has one of the' fastest growing economies in Western Europe. The problems of inflation and unemploy- ment are being brought under control. 61. Now that both parts of the island are within the Europtlan Economic Community, we have become more conscious than ever of the extent to which the problems ..d opportunities: we: face are similar in both parts of the island. There is a new mood which recognizes that on many questions-we have common interests which are best pursued in common. My Government would like to· ensure that them is: a clear awareness_ abroad of this new mood and of the:ne,w possibilities-in Ireland. 62. I ~tressed at theoutset ofthis statementmy beliefthat mationsbasedon:domination orfear of domination by any one: group: over-anyothermust be replaced "by participation 63. We have always believed that it would be in the interests of all of the people of Ireland and of good relations between the Irish and United Kingdom Govern- ments if the people of Ireland were to come together by consent, by negotiation and under agreed structures. Without taking from the rights Qf the majority in Northern Ireland, we would hope to persuade the United Kingdom Government also of this point of view, so that a should indicate its interest in the unity of Ireland by agreement, in independence, and in a harmonious relationship between the two islands. 64. As we move into a new era of confidence and opportunity, both within Ireland and internationally, I am cc~vinced that we will be able to reassess the relationships ant' attitudes which we have inherited from history an(l. whkh in the past have be~n a source of tension and conflict. 65. This reconciliation that we hope to see in the island of Ireland would release new energies and open up new opportunities in a new and changing international economic environment. Our belief is that we can share a bright and hopeful future in Ireland and that in so sh2."'ing we would all be enriched and be a~le to play a fuller part inter- nationally. " 66. Here before our brother nations, I want to tell our brother Irishmen of old traditions--that we respect their past and have confidence in their future. 67. While the problems of Northern Ireland have been acute they can scarcely compare with the terrible human problems that have persisted elsewhere. I know that many people from all parts of Ireland are engaged in unselfish service-in develophg countries~ It seems essential, then, that we should fmd new political understanding to encourage that service. 68. The voice of my Government is heard in the European Community, at these United Nations.. and in our relations with these developing countries. We believe that the voice of Ireland will be all th~ more persuasive when, as we hope, it speaks on behalf of the people of the whole island of Ireland with their agreement and consent. 69. Mr..KUSUMAATMAD~A(Indonesia): Mr. President, the annals of United Nations history show a long list of distinguished representatives of the Latin American group of nations who have made important contributions to the progress and development of our Organization. The current session of the Assembly has now, by electing you as its President, added another eminent name to that already impressive list. Your election, Sir, is indeed a manifestation of our high esteem for your outstanding qualities as a statesman and scholar, and this Assembly should indeed 70. With one regular session of the General Assembly and no less than three special sessions, the past year has indeed been a highly active and demanding one, not only for the Members of the Organization but particularly so for the outgoing President, Mr. Lazar Mojsov of Yugoslavia, who has discharged his responsibilities with great skill, patience and leadership, and has contributed substantially to what· ever has been achieved during the past year. Mr. Mojsov's contributions will long be remembered with great apprecia· tion by all who participated in those sessions. 71. As we enter the final decades of this century, we find ourselves at a crucial juncture in history. This is a time of rapid and often baffling changes, coupled with ~trenuous efforts for adjustment. It is a time of anxiety and disorientation, on the one hand, and opportunity and hope, on the other. In the midst of all this upheaval, the United Nations has not remained static; it has grown in size and complexity, and expanded its activities. 72. The growth of the United Nations towards universality was given additional emphasis by the accession of Solomon ISlands to membership in our Organization. Indonesia would like to congratulate the people of Solomon Isllmds once again on the attainment of their independence and warmly welcome them to membership In the United Nations. Solomon Islands is one of our close neighbours In the south-west Pacific and we look forward to mutually fruitful co-operation between our two countries within and outside the United Nations system. 73. In the face of the rapidly changing world situation and the ever-increasing political and economic problems that the Organization is called upon to solve, the present machinery of the United Nations has often proved less than adequate. While recogI';zing the short-eomings of our Organization, I would be the last to say that it is nothing but a list of unsolved problems; nobody can deny that the United Nations has its problems, but it is far from being a failure. Apart from its role in peace-keeping in various parts of the world, mention must be made of the numerous achievements of the United Nations in the field of peace-building, especially its operational activities for development. None the less the fact remains that it is time to undertake concerted and comprehensive efforts towards adapting the United Nations to the 'increasingly heavy demands placed upon it. 74. As we begin the work of another session we find ourselves confronted by many lingering problems and the sudden re-emergence of old issues long thought to have been resolved. The general feeling that 1978 could be a year of progress in such crucial areas as the Middle East, southern Africa, the inlplementation of the New Inter- national Economic Order, and negotiations on the law of the sea has not been fully realized as yet. Although some progress has been made, further delay in solving those and other problems not only makes rmding solutions to them more difficult, but could also create serious consequences for the international community. 76. The resurgence of a situation of conflict and tension in South·East Asia is a matter of grave concern to the region, which for more than one generation has heen plagued by terrible bloodshed and immense suffering caused by a war Inflicted upon it by outside Powers. After a short-lived peace another conflict has now emerged, this time between sume countries in the region itself. It is in the interests of all nations in the region that peace should soon be restored so tliat they can devote their efforts to the task of national reconstruction and development. 77. It is my Government's sincere hopp, that all the nations in South-East Asia will soon be able to join hands in building a stable and peaceful region, in an atmosphere of peace, free from foreign interference and free from great- Power rivalry, so as to allow their peoples to progress together in freedom, dignity and common prosperity. 78. The South-East Asian scene is fortunately charac- terized not only by conflict but by other more propitious developments li:s well. The efforts of the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEANJ to establish a firm foundation for common action to accelerate economic growth, social progress and cultural development L'l its member COJntries have met with a large measure of success. ASEAN can now cu with justification that it has become a constructive force in the region_ It has emerged as a dynamic entity which strives for peace, prosperity and stability, capable of opening new horizons for South-East Asia and the world at large. 79. The most important objective of ASEAN is the attainment and preservation of peace and stability in the area as a prerequisite for a continued and unhampered process of development in the region. It is within that framework that ASEAN member countries have reaffirmed their determination to continue their efforts towards establishing a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in South-East Asia. "fhey have extended their hands L1. friendship and for mutually beneficial co-operation to their neighbours in the region. 80. The Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace was an important step in our efforts to reduce great-Power rivalry and tension in the various regions of the world. Since its adoption in 1971 [resolution 2832 (XXVI)I the Declaration has received growi!ii..sup- 81. The tenth special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament drew international attention to the problems of disarmament and reflected the desire of the international community to undertake measures through the United Nations to halt the arms race and to initiate the process of genuine disarmament. 82. As the Final Document of that session {resolution S-lO/2j makes clear, mankind is confronted with a choice; either we halt the arms race and proceed to disarmament or we face total annihilation. It is nuclear weapons that pose the greatest danger to mankind and to the survival of civilization. Therefore, the immediate goal is the .:essation of the nuclear-arms race and the beginning of effective measures aimed at nuclear disarmament. Efforts must be intensified at the current negotiations to achieve the complete cessation of the testing of nuclear weapons. The resolution of these issues by the newly-constituted Com- mittee on Disarmament, with the participation of all nuclear Powers, would contribute significantly towards solving other issues of nuclear disarmament and arms control. At the same time that ·.yould pave the way towards establishing control of conventional arms which have lately become increasingly sophisticated and lethal and approach the destructive capacity of nuclear weapOl1S. 83. In considering questions related to disarmament, we ~.hould be mindful not onl:;' of the physical and spatial aspects of the problem, but also of motivational ones. It will be necessary also to focus our attention on the' fundamental issues concerning the resolution of human conflicts. Through such an integrated approach, the process of disarmament can be dealt with in several of its aspects. 84. The situation prevailing in the Middle East still remains dangerous and highly explosive, posing'a serious threat to international peace' and security. That state of affairs is due to the persistence of lsrael in its flagrant" denial of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people as recognized by the United Nations. 8S. It is my Government's established position that the question of Palestine constitutes the core of the Middle East problem. There can be no just and lasting peace in the Middle East unless the Palestinian people can exercise their legitimate rights, including the right to return to their homeland and their right to self-determination and to establish a national State. In that respect, my delegation strongly supports the recommendations of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People {see A/33/35]. It is regrettable that the Security Council did not endorse them. 86. An additional problem of concern to many members of the international community is the status of the Holy City of Jerusalem, as well as the status of the holy shrines in Palestine. Because of its significance to three major world religions, Israel must respect the religious lUid historical status of the Holy City as well as its special characteristics. Jerusalem must be restored to Arab Islamic custody. 88. The situation in Namibia continues to warrant our grave concern. Our hope that at last the Namihiar. question was within sight of a peaceful solution appear~ to have been premature. South Africa's rejection of the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia is another in a long series of condemnable acts by the Pretoria regime aimed at frustrating the achievement of genuine independence by the people of Nmnibia. My delegation condemns this act of South Africa aimed at nullifying the progress made by the United Nations so that it can continue its domination and exploitation of the T€iiritory. Indonesia will continue to support the· struggle of the N.wibian people, of which SWAPO is the authentic representative, for sovereignty and independence within the entire Territory of South West Africa, including Walvis Bay. 89. Equally disturbing is the worsening situation in Zim- babwe, where the illegal Smith regime remains adamant in the face of the changing realities in that territory. It is in this light that I reiterate Indonesia's suppo_i for Security Council resolution 423 (l978)-endorsed by the OAU, the front-line States and the Patriotic Front-condemning the so-called internal settlement. The settlement of the problem of Zimbabwe should be based on the relevant Ut:tited Nations resolutions, which provide for free and impartial elections on the basis of universal suffrage, United Nations supervision of such elections and the participation in them of all groups. In this context I should like to call upon the international community to tighten and expand existing economic sanctions in force against the Smith regime. I should also like to remind the international community that the struggle in Zimbabwe has forced thousands of people in that Territory to flee to the jiurrounding States, a fact that has created fmancial hardships for the States bordering Zimbabwe. 90. Thp. situation in.South Africa has continued to worsen as the apartheid regime in Pretoria has continued to carry out its policy of institutionalized racism. Indonesia would like to reaffirm on';e again its support for the people of South Africa in tl-.;ir fight for their right to self-determina- tion and ?g!!ir.", apartheid. Indonesia supports any and all positive ster~ directed at the isolation of the Pretoria regiJ'le-ir particular, arms and economic embargoes. My delegation calls upon South Africa to cease all persecution of opponents of its apartheid policy. Furthermore, Indonesia would like to reaffirm its support for the United Nations Trust Fund for South"Africa. . . 91. The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea constitutes one of the most delicate and complex international endeavpurs yet undertaken. The Conference's mandate is to lay down a new and just international legal order of the oceans to be contained in one comprehensive convention. Indonesia, as an archipelagic State, situated at the cross·roads between two continents and two oceans, 93. My delegation wishes to express its full support for the statement made by the Chairman of the Group of 77 during the last session of the Conference concerning unilateral legislation on the exploitation of deep sea·bed resources,s because such an attempt would only jeopardize the conclusion of the convention as a whole. 94. As the work of the Conference on the Law of the Sea is nearing its final stages, the time has now come to give more serious attention to the problems relating to outer space. In the context of rapidly developing technology, the peaceful uses of outer space have assumed growing impor· tance against the background of increased activities and continued advances in the exploration of outer space. Several of these activities have extended the frontiers of spaCe. This has resulted in a numoer of problems with far·reaching implications for the international community. Among them is the question of geostationary orbits, which ar~ of great importance not only to space Powers but also to the equatorial and other States. While progress has been achieved in some areas, agreement on other outstanding issues has continued to elude us. Indonesia regards inter· national co-operation as the only way to promote the peaceful uses of space and space technology and an enhanced role for the Unite~ Nations as the focal·point of such co·operation. 95. It has become a trwsm that the changes and portents that beset the world's political sphere will affect in an equal manner the world's economic scene. In view of the interrelationship and interplay of major global problems, there can be no lasting peace so long as economic imbalances and injustices prevail. The challenge of redress- ing these injustices has become a task of urgent relevance, since it will have a critical bearing on the fate of mankind. 96. The world has come to realize that the demands of equity and justice require fundamental changes in the international economic system to asSUre the developing countries of fuller participation in international economic activity and an equitable share of its benefits. This perception found its expression in the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order adopted at the sixth special session of the General Assembly {resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S- VI)]. For more than four years the inter- national community has been engaged in negotiations concerning the fundamental restructuring of international economic relations. These negotiations have produced only 97. We are witnessing a slowing down in world economic activities and world trade along with the re-emergence of protectionist policies in some major industrialized coun· tries. These inward·looking policies have rendered the process of negotiation more difficult and made the attain· ment of the goals of nego 'ations set out at the seventh special session elusive. 98. It was therefore with a particular sense of disappoint· ment and genuine concern that we noted the failure of the resumed session of the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, also known as the Committee of the Whole, to agree on the mandate and the functions of the Committee, which has precluded its finalizing its work in the area of the transfer of resources. My delegation would like to reaffirm the importance it attaches to the involvement of the United Nations system in the negotiations on economic issues of a global nature and the need for providing them with a central body which would serve as a negotiating body for the adoption of guidelines on central policy issues and the achievement of agreement on the resolution of fundamental and crucial issues related to international e!:onomic relations. It is our earnest hope that the General Assembly will be in a position to confirm in iUl unambiguous manner the right of the Committee to negotiate with a view to reaching agreements without in any way pre-empting the functions of other United Nations bodies. The supremacy of the United Nations ,system in regard to all negotiations relating to the establishment of the New International Economic Order should also be affirmed. 99. We are heartened to note that this con,::ern is shared by a large number of countries in the United {·,jations. We are on the threshold of important negotiations which will have a critical bearing on our endeavours towards the successful creation of a more just and equitable world economEc order. The UNCTAD negotiating conference on the common fund6 will be resumed shortly,. and the multilateral trade negotiations have reached their final stages. It is of vital importance.that these negotiations be concluded successfully in order to bring about a substantial improvement in the international trade of fue developing countries. The successful conclusion of these negotiations would not only facilitate the work of the forthcoming fifth session of UNCTAD in Manila in May 1979 but would also have a very positive impact on its outcome and on the North·South dialogue in general. 100. Other important tasks that immediately lie alnead of us are, among others, the preparation of the forthcoming United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, to be held in Vienna in 1979, and the further preparation and elaboration of the new international development strategy which will. impinge on our efforts to realize the New International. Economic Order. While much 6 United Nations Negotiating .Conference on a Common Fund under the Integrated Programme for Commodities. 101. It is our strong belief that the United Nations is, with all its present inadequacies, still the only Organization which can bring peace, prosperity and progress in our present-day imperfect world. For this purpose the entire membership of the United Nations should unite its efforts towards making the Organization a more effective vehicle for the pursuit of our common purposes and for keeping alive our faith in a better future for mankind.