A/33/PV.20 General Assembly

Mr. President, I cannot begin my statement without first extending to you the warm congrat- ulations of the Mauritanian delegation on your election al. President of the thirty-third session of the General As- sembly. Familiar as I am with your experience and your human and intellectual qualities, I am convinced that our proceedings will be conducted in the objective and busi- ness-like manner necessary for work such as that of the Uniced Nations. 2. I wish also to express to your predecessor, Mr. Mojsov of Yugoslavia, our esteem and our appreciation of "the remarkable manner in which he conducted the proceedings of the past session. On this occasion I wish also to pay a tribute to the exceptional qualities of our Secretary- General Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whose constant efforts and , . . vision provide invaluable leadership for our Organization. 3. The United Nations was intended, as our Secretary- General so aptly put it [see A/33/1, sect. Ill, among other things to be the guarantor of justice and peace most especially for small countries which otherwise would have no recourse in a world dominated exclusively by power politics. In addition, our Organization, Jor all its short- comings, has become, in this modem era, when the interdependence of nations must be understood by every- one without any' distinction as to race or ideology, a necessity without which the proper conduct of inter- national affairs would be inconceivable. 4. For all these reasons Mauritania, which is a peace-loving country, whose goal has always been to serve the cause of rapprochement and understanding, is deeply devoted to all the principles of the Charter, which we have all signed, and to the objectives that we have all set for ourselves in this Organization. Thus it is that my country has come before this Assembly, through me, to promise loyalty to our Organization in the most solemn manner possible. NEW YOlK J. Because we belong to Africa, a continent where economic injustice and political domination are stilt very burning problems, our country is in a very good position to assess the importance of those principles, especially the principles which make of peace, freedom and economic development the priority issuesofour day. 6. To this collective effort to attain these priority goals, my Government is determined to make its contribution, a modest one perhaps, but sincere and disinterested none the less. 7. The success of this common undertaking here in the United Nations clearly depends on the establishment of peace wherever it is in danger. After all, how can one conceive of the full exercise of political freedoms and economic rights without peace, on which any effort to bring about economic development and social, political or cultural advancement depends? 8. It is only natural, then, that the Mauritanian people, the Military Committee for National Recovery an~ thf.l Mauritanian Government, each assuming its part cf the joint responsibility for seeking peace, should have set tI their goal the achievement of concord and understanding among peoples, especially the peoples of the western Maghreb subregion, to which we are proud to belong. 9. That is why Mauritania decided, immediately after 10 July 1978, to embark on dynamic action for peace and mvolve therein the Organization of African Unity [OAUI, the League of Arab States and the United Nations. 10. We want a comprehensive peace, because only the voluntary and sincere commitment of all the parties to the dispute can bring about a final settlement of this distressing fratricidal conflict 11. In that part of the world a state of tension has prevailed for nearly three years now, dividingcountries and peoples which are brothers and which, because of their history, geography and common destiny, must live toge~er forever in a state of interdependence. These same countnes and these same peoples have fought, side by side and hand in hand during the colonial era but now they are, regrettabiy, fighting each another, thereby endangering the stability of the subregion, jeopardizing their own economic development and damaging the cohesiveness of the OAU and the Arab League. Such an abnormal situation, to say the very least, cannot continue without seriously jeop- ardizing any possibility of rmding viable solutions for the problems ofthe subregion. 12. If we all really and sincerely want peace and stability in our subregion, then this is no time for recriminations or 13-. This- position of our people, the Military Committee for- National Recovery and the Mauritanian Government is based on our firm belief that our country, which enjoys freedom and: sovereignty, should play only a balancing role in the' interests:ofthe.stability ofour subregion. 14.. The- incalculable effort that has:been made, the waste of human and material resources, our ingenuity, our courage, our fighting spirit must henceforth be directed to producing concord among our peoples, to promoting their development in all areas and to achieving all their aspi- rations, That is the firm belief <c the Mauritaman people and: its: Government. Our people, the Military Committee for National Recovery and our Govemment believe.that in this way we. are moving. with history and the force oflogic. We. refuse to consider any possibility fur the people of the western Magnreb but their living together as, they have: for centuries in cultural and social symbiosis and in their profoundsimilarity within. an enriching: differentiation. t5'. In a ward, my country, through me, wishes solemnly to reiterate its desire for peace: and invites its partners to join it in devoting our efforts: to the attainment ofthis goal. Hi. The. OAU and the: United Nations can, ofCOUIRe, make a.positille: contribution to this end. The: GAU has already apRoin~d a "committee. of wise men", an ad hoc Corn- IDit~~ QfaeadS'ofStat~ofcountrie£members ofthe OAU, [s.f!([ Aj33/Z3S and: Corr.I, annex If, AHG/Res:9Z (XV)} which, we: are convinced, will fulfil the. hopes that it has aroused, The: United. Nations can also play. a useful role by avoi~ allY.thing: whicli might harden positions. and make the:taskoftw; "committee ofwise men" anymore difficult than it is. Mauritania is: determined to cc-operate 10yally with. all parties an« .,ill not reject out of hand any teS~nsibl~ proposal which might lead to a settlement of. thj£ unfurtunate: conflict, that: is: tu say, a comprehensive. ~ttiement ~tabll:l: to all the:parties concerned, 1/. l have; dwelt on the: question of the: Sahara and the t!msLQR in. our- subregion precisely because these are pf..Qh1f:nn£ which directly concern my country. My dele- gatiki1 is QQ lass:aware:ofthe:&rarity,of'the.many iinportant ~c: and. pnlltical, questions which we shall be tackllng,:in the, CQUts~ ofthis, session: fur example, the one of:tllit Middk East; southern Africa. and the new inter- natio.ml economic order; Mauritania's positi-m has not ch:r~on.~y. ofthose: three questions. It remains what it has:..aiwaY..s:.been~.<tfirm position based on real solidarity and a:.c.o.mnlQJtd.es.tiny'. 1~... Eitst:ofa34we: m:e: at.one with. the Palestinian people r~too:" by the: Palestine' Liberation Organization, a ~~ driven from their-homeS"deprived oftheirproperty, and:: ~. refugees living. on international charity. We: are aWr,a1:o:mtwith ~ Arm countries neighbo.uring:Palestine wliidt+. with:. the, p.asSa&e' of: times, have seen their lands ~~~and.taeir ':~J.Vere.~¥1ty diminished as a consequence 19~ That situation, which is anachronistic to saythe least, must come to an end, and in this respect the United Nations-in particular the major Powers-has- a respon- sibility to shoulder and a role to play. My country has followed with interest the efforts of the Western countries members of the Security Council in connexion with Namibia. But the South African regime, by challenging the national unity and territorial integrity of Namibia by its claims to Wal.vis Bay, has demonstrated its bad faith and its determination to oppose' a united and really independent Namibia. 20. Finally" Mauritania shares common interests with all the. developing. countries members of theGroup oiT], Our common interests. are based on a consmondesire for greater justice and equity in international economic relations. With the creation of the Committee Established Under General Assembly; Resolution 32/174" known as the Committee of the Whole, at the last regular session of the Assembly•. it seemed that some tangible progress would be possible in the efforts that began w.ith the adoption of the Declaration and Programme of Action. on the New International Economic Order [resaTutions3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)f. However, we: must say that we are disappointed that that Committee is today still husy with organizing its work and defining its task. Once the General AssembLy has redefined its mandate, we hope that the Committee will find itselfin a position to start negotiations on the majorissues on its agenda. 21. Similarly" the results of negotiations elsewhere in the United Nations hardly encourage much optimism. The common fund far commodities has: yet to see the light of day and the' ministerial session of the Trade and Develop. menr Board devoted to the q1i'l.IDOn of indebtednesst has not yet fulfilled, the, expectations of the developing coun- tries. In contrast to that fienerally gloomy picture, the fourth session of the. World Food Council> represents a positive achievement, 21. We might, add to' the common problems of the developing. countries the problem of the countries of the Sahelian region, the solution of which requires a major effort by the: international community. I am, of course, referring, fo the; w,idesptead drought thathas lasted for the past 10 years. in our, countries, Th~ Generaf Assembly a.tits last regular session and. the Bconomic CJIlQ Social Council at its:summer session showed an understanding, of the gravity of this: n~w situation and of its repercussions on the 1 The third (Ministerial}part of the ninth special session of the Trade and- Development Board' was he14 in Geneva from 6 to 11 March 197&. For the report; On' tn~ session, see-document A/3'J/15, part two. 2 Held from 12 to 14 June 1978:in MexicoCity. 23. Mauritania, for its part, is determined to bring about a radical and lasting solution to that and all other problems, regardless of their nature, on the basis of a comprehensive inventory, a sound and realistic management of its own resources, and a policy guaranteeing the freedom of foreign investment in all sectors of our national life. 24. That, then, was the message that I wished to deliver to this Assembly on behalf of the Mauritanian people. It is a message of peace and understanding, those two funda- mental objectives in the United Nations Charter, to which my country remains profoundly devoted.

Allow me first to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the important post of President of the General Assembly. 26. I wish also to take this opportunity to welcome the Stare of Solomon Islands to our Organization. 27. The events whieh have occurred since the last session of the General Assembly attest that llie situation in the world remains serious and complex, and fraught with threats and dangers to freedom, independence and the sovereignty ofvarious peoples and countries. 28. Today we see increased aggressiveness on the part of the super-Powers, constant intensification of their expan- sionist and hegemonist policy, and their feverish prepara- tions for wars and -aggression, Their fierce rivalry to divide and redivide the world and to ensure for themselves zones of influence, markets and sources of raw materials, has increased. Innumerous parts of the world hotbeds of tension and conflict, wars and aggressionexist and are being created. 29. Events such as those occurring in the Middle East, in Africa and in South-East Asia prove that ancient and modern imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism will stop at no crime to regain their lost positions, and to prevent peoples from devoting themselves to strengthening their political independence, and their independent econ- omicand social progress. 30. The American imperialists, the Soviet social- imperialists and. otherimperiallsts are trying to submit peoples of sovereign countries to their domination, to make them subscribe to their doctrines of bondage, and to make them renounce their freedom, their national independence and their liberation struggle. In order to achieve these ends they stop at no action-however reprehensible it may be, and however much it may run counter to the norms of 31. While they have recourse to pressure and violence, the super-Powers are waging an intense propaganda campaign to delude world public opinion, and to pass off their aggressive stratagems as actions serving the cause of peace, the settlement of major international problems and the defence of the interests of other countries. They are not lost for words to express their desire to see "harmony and understanding established", "detente", and "general and complete disarmament", "to avert nuclear wars", and to see the world becoming a mosaic of "zones of peace and denuclearized zones", and so on. 32. The consequences of the policy and aggressive activ- ities of the imperialist super-Powers are obvious in many parts of the world. Much has been said about detente and peace and security in Europe. But the facts show that Europe is not a continent of solved problems, tranquillity and stability. In Europe the dangerous confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union and their aggressive political and military blocs of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Warsaw Treaty Organization continue as hitherto, In Eurcpe the two super-Powers have massed considerable military forces and have further strengthened their military bases and their nuclear arsenals. They continually organize offensive manoeuvres and make feverish preparations for war. The American imperialists and the Soviet social-imperialists use every political, eco- nomic and military means to strengthen their positions in their respective zones of influence and to undermine the positions of their adversaries. The accusations they level at each other concerning the non-observation of the so-called "spirit of Helsinki" decisions and the deadlock in the Vienna negotiations and deals are attempts to justify the maintenance of their influence and their hegemonistic policies. The status quo established by the United States and the Soviet Union has harmed and is harming very seriously the sovereignty of the peoples and States of Europe. 33. Today in Europe otherimperialist.forces which show much zeal in fanning the flames of conflict in that continent are seeking.ever more overtly to gain a foothold. They are doing their utmost to increase the possibilities of conflict and war in Europe between the two super-Powers, between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Warsaw Treaty Organization, to give rise to as many confused situations as possible in Europe. 34. The Albanian Government has long expressed its view that detente and the establishment of genuine peace in Europe are attainable not through illusions and hopes based on the promises of the imperialists and the social impe- rialists, but only by unmasking and countering resolutely their misleading diplomatic manoeuvres. In order that genuine steps may be taken towards the establishment of peace in Europe, first and foremost the military bases and the foreign troops. stationed in various countries of that continent must be withdrawn and the aggressive military blocs headed byzhe super-Powers must be dismantled. 35. The imperialist Powers have always striven to create and maintain a tense situation in the Balkan peninsula and 36. The most recent events show that the imperialists, far from having renounced their plans in the Balkans, are stepping up their provocative actions to turn that region into a "powder keg," an armed camp and a bridge-head for the~ warlike strategies. It is to this end that the various visitsby delegationshave been made at the highestpossible level by the imperialist Powers to variousBalkancountries. It goes without saying that whoever goes along with the game of the super-Powers in the Balkans is harming the interests of his own people and at the sane time creating dangers for other peoples. 37. The People's Soci&~:rst Republic of Albania has always taken principled and constructive attitudes on problems wluch concern genuine peace and security in the Balkans. By its actions it has shown its will to contribute to improving the situation in that zone. It is and always has been in favour of good-neighbourly relations, and has declared that it will never allow any evil or danger to neighbouringStates to come by way ofits territory. 38_ The Albanian Government holds that the Balkan pe.opl,,~ .31"e capable of acting resolutely to bar the way to any lntersenticn, to any intrigue by the imperialistPowers. It considers that the interests of peace and security in the Balkans require that the BalkanStates act responsibly, that they not allow themselves to be involvedin the dangerous plans of those who do not wish them well. The leader of the Albanianpeople, ComradeEnver Hoxha, once said: "The Balkans have never in themselves been a 'powder keg'. They were made so in the past by foreigners and imperialists, who held all the detonators and who wish to . maintain that situation even today. The Balkan peoples are in duty bound to cut all the fuses with the sword, so that peace- and security may be firmly established in the Balkans. It goes without saying that our peoples need friends. But they must never become the tools of foreigners to the detriment of the interests ofany people orofall our peoplesjointly." 43. This year has been marked by a sharp increase of 39. As a Mediterranean country, the People's Socialist tension in 'the African continent. The African peoples, Republic of Albania has always attentively followed the which have after a long struggle, arduous efforts and many compIexsituation which. has been created in the Mediter- sacrifices broken the chains of centuries-old colonial domi- ranean by the aggressive aims and activities of the United nation and now aspire to consolidate their independence StatesofAmericaand the Soviet Union and~in particular by and national sovereignty, are now confronting difficult the presence of their naviesin that sea.The situation in the. political, economic and military situations brought about Mediterranean would "change for the better-which would.. ". '9Y the interference of the super-Powers and imperialist contribute to the maintenance ofpeace in the region-were" 'Powers in Africa. The imperialist super-Powers stir up the Mediterranean countries to take specific measures . disputes and conflicts among the African countries and asamst the. presence of the navies ot the United States of incite among them hostility that has its roots in the America and the Soviet Union, to forbid the establishment problems which they have inherited from colonial dorni- of .American and Soviet military bases on their territories, nation. ,Africa is flooded by arms, countless advisers, and to refu~port facilitiesto the warships and aircorridors specialists and military instructors from the Westcpld the to the military aircraft of the two super-Powers, The East, who seek to induce the Africans to fight ,among concessionsbeinggranted to one or the other super-Power, themselves for the benefit of foreigners.The hotbedsof war 41.. The effects of the imperialist-Zionist aggression and the rivalry of the United States of America and the Soviet Union in the Middle East continue to weigh ever more heavily on the Arab peoples, first and foremost the Palestinian people. The Israeli Zionists have until now enjoyed numerous advantages from the constant military, political and economic support they have received from the American imperialists and frcm the anti-Arab manoeuvres of the super-Powers. The tragic events in Lebanon show that they have stepped up even further their aggressive actions againstthe Arab peop'es and countries. Ufe and the facts have confirmed the warningsgivenby the true friends of the Arab peopleswith regard to the danger and the grave consequences of the numerous plots hatched by the imperialists for years on end to sabotage the liberation struggle of the Arab peoples, to divide them and to draw them into the trap of so-called political settlements, of conferences and mediations of the imperialists, which can only lead to the sacrifice of thefundamental rights of the Arab peoples, first and foremost the Palestinianpeople. The imperialists strive to impose humiliating conditions on the Arab States and partial solutions to the Middle East -problem. But as long as its legitimate rights are denied to the Palestinian people, aslong as Israeli troops occupy even one inch of Arab land, peace in that world trouble-spot cannot be assured. 42. We are conddent that, whatever the difficulties, the - Arab peoples, whose energy is great, willfmally attain their rights, thanks to their resolute struggle and their unity. The people and the. Government of Albania havesupported and will alwayssupport with determination the just causeof the Palestinianpeople and the other fraternal Arab peoples. 44. But the African peoples can no longer allow the imperialist Powers to act as they see fit in Africa. They can no longer allow.them to oppress the peoples, to pillage and to establish the borders of a State according to their whim. Their struggle to defend their sovereign rights against the interference and intrigues of the imperialist Powers and to wipe out colonialism, neo-colonialism and racism enjoys the sympathy and support of the whole of progressive world opinion. 45. The victories which the African peoples have won thus far in their struggle for liberation and the consolidatlon of their national independence, the struggle of the peoples of Azania, Zimbabwe and Namibia against apartheid and the racist regimes, the efforts of freedom-loving countries of Africa to exercise complete sovereignty over their natural wealth for their own free and independent development prove that the process of great changes which has begun in Africa cannot be stopped. 46. The Albanian people and the Government of the People's Socialist Republic of Albania express their com- plete solidarity with the African peoples in their just struggle asainst brutal intervention by the imperialist Powers in Africa. They staunchly support the struggle of the peoples of Azania, Zimbabwe and Namibia against the racist rcSgimes in South Africa and Southern Rhodesia, the existence of which continues to inflict a serious wound on Africa. 47. A serious situation fraught with dangerous conse- quences has been created once again in South-East Asia. The armed conflict between Viet Nam and Cambodia is saddening, especially to freedom-loving peoples who for years followed with great admiration. ami supported the heroic struggle for national liberation waged by the peoples of those countries, shoulder to shoulder, against American imperialism and its lackeys. The conflict between these two countries is stirred up by the imperialist Powers which, in order to intensify their expansionist policy, continue their interference and their plots to prevent those peoples from liVing in peace,developing and advancing on the road to progress. 48. The Albanian people. and its Government, sincere friends of the Vietnamese and Cambodian peoples, have followed with sadness the development of events 'and are grieved at the grave consequences of the fratricidal war between those two peoples. They have expressed and still express their conviction that the bloodshed~ be stopped. 49. But unfortunately we note that the conflict in South-East Asia, instead of progressing towards a solution in a spirit of friendship and mutual understanding, is tending to worsen. The Vietnamese people who have waged a heroic war and have made a great contribution to the peoples' struggle, have now become the target of open blackmail and pressure from outside, which horrifies honest people. No one has the right to interfere in their internal affairs and to dictate to them what they should do internally. 50. As a result of the American occupation of South Korea the situation in the Korean peninsula remains complicated. The Albanian people supports the just de- mand of the Korean people for the withdrawal of the United States troops from South Korea and for the independent reunification of the country. 51. In the turbulent situation which prevails in the world today, the peoples are confronted by the imperative task of fighting resolutely to foil the plans of the imperialist super-Powers and reactionary forces designed to cause a new world conflagration. 52. The danger of that war breaking out remains real. The super-Powers and the imperialist Powers by their various .policies are heading for war. It :¥ould be an illusion to think that the military balance between the super-Powers elim- inates the possibility of another war breaking out. The world cannot escape that danger by leaving it to the imperialists to settle problems of war and peace as they see fit. 53. The demagogic words and slogans of the impen."li.st Powers do not bring about disarmament; they mask armament. The tenth special session of the General As- sembly showed once more that the super-Powers are not thinking about disarmament at all but are striving by all means in their power to increase and improve weapons of all kinds, speed up the 8.l.&ns race and increase their inilitary budgets. Weapons are not being reduced or eliminated and war cannot be avoided by pinning hopes on the discussions and bargaining of the super-Powers, such as the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks and many other negotiations ar- i'a~~ by the United States and th" Soviet Union, or by decisions such as those taken at Helsinki,4 or by resolutions and documents, which ~Ye often adopted under the pressure and the manipulation of the imperialist super-Powers. 54. Peoples and sovereign States which want peace and genuine security support genuine and effective disarmament and hate imperialist war. Their interest demands that they struggle resolutely against the aggressive policies and plans, the armament and preparations for war and the deceitful demagogy of the super-Powers. 55. The imperialists, social-imperialists and other reaction- aries greatly fear the intensification in breadth and depth of 62. The People's Socialist Republic of Albania has always staunchly supported the just struggles of the peoples for their national and social liberation, the right of sovereign peoples and countries to live freely and independently, to develop, to make progress in conformity with their own legitimate will and aspirations. 56. The strengthening of the unity and solidarity of people is of major importance today. The peoples need a genuine and healthy unity, directed against their enemies, not a: false unity in line with the stratagems and slogans invented.by the imperialists and the opportunists. 57. The super-Powers have now intensified io the maxi- mum degree their efforts to createa l'sychosis according to which no people and no country can guarantee its freedom and. independence except under the umbrella and the tutelage of a large State. The American imperialists, who have always played and still play the role of the interna- tional policeman and who spread the policy of oppression and exploitation to the four corners of the world, have spreac\ the idea that they alone'can guarantee independence and progress for other countries, and that, if other States rely on them, they can feel themselves sheltered from the danger of the Sovietsocial-imperialists, or the Warsaw Pact, or any other dangers. The Soviet sociel-imperialists, for then- part, endeavour to pave the way for their policy of expansion, domination and diktat, by offering to defend countries against the danger of American imperialism and of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. They trumpet the slogan of the "anti-imperialist front" under their guidance. 58. Accepting the "protective umbrellas" of the super- Powers is tantamount to accepting the elimination of the freedom, independence and national sovereignty of one's own country, and accepting.bondage. 59. We are opposed to the imperialist and social-irnpe- riWtsuper·Powers which engage in. various forms of neo~olonialism.. exploit and. oppress peoples, deny them . f~eedom 3C.d. independence, and pit them one against the other in bloody conflicts to satisfy their own rapacious Interests, Among the fallacious means used. to ensure exploitation and domination we find a certain theory of .'tll.~. three woads''', the authors of which preach to the prol~tatiat and the oppressed peoples that they should ent.er incto monstrous alliances withtheimperialists aJidthe capita&ts.They do so.to justify their hegemonisticdesigns, which they camouflage by the alleged need to flght one of the super-Powers, . W. Th~ policy of our party and our State is and always will be directed against any hostile action which would endanger the freedom, independence and sovereignty of the peoples,We expose, as we have always exposed, all enemies of ~ people and. their reac.tionary ideological ideas and eJtpamionist actions. whether overt or covert. The policy of OUt Government is to support the aspirations of peoples and.to combat policies of oppression and exploitation no matte;: whQ practisesite. 61. The pCQples of the world must be vigilant..because a tragic game is being played out behind the backs of us all, 63. The Albanian people and Government are vigorously opposed to any reactionary concept, any concept of enslavement, which the imperialist Powers seek to impose in international relations in order to force the small peoples and countries to submit to the diktat and policies of the big Powers, and they reject that concept. In our view, all countries and peoples, whether large or small, have their contribution to make to the development of human society. The weight of that contribution cannot be meas- ured by geographical size or the size of the population of the State concerned but, flrst and foremost, by the path it is following, the ideas it holds and the positive or negative role which it plays in international relations. 64. We consider that international policy should not be the preserve of the large States. To us it is inadmissible that other countries should be denied the right to hold and openly express their points of view and their positions on major political problems of concern to peoples and to mankind as a whole, and to participate actively in finding solutions to those problems. 65. The Albanian Government has always pursued a [ust policy of principle in its relations with other countries. It has always been, and still is, in favour of the development of normal and friendly relations with all countries which respect the principles of equality, sovereignty and 110n· interference in the internal affairs of others. Faithful to that policy, the People's Socialist Republic of Albania has constantly maintained, developed and extended good normal relations with an ever growing Dumber of States. It has rejected the attempts made by various imperialist and chauvinist Powers to exploit relations or agreements as a means of pressure to. dictate their will and impose their positions and viewson Albania. 66. With the same- determination, the Albanian Govern- ment has rejected the efforts of the Chinese leadership to dictate to socialist Albania its own policy and its big-Power attitudes. As the Assembly knows, on 7 July last the Government of the People's Republic of China engaged in an overtly hostile- act against socialist Albania and the Albanian people by cutting off aid and credits which it was conunitted to supply under the terms of official bilateral agreements. That was an arbitrary and a perfidious ·act by the Chinese Government, a flagrant violation of the obligations it has assumed on the basis of official agree- ments and the most elementary rules of relations between sovereign States and laws governing international relations. The real reasons for those agreements being rescinded were not purely technical, as the Chinese Government claims, but were profoundly political and ideological. The only reason for the.Chinese Government's decision to violate the agreements concluded and extend ideological differences to 68. The People's Socialist Republic of Albania has de- clared that no imperialist Power whatsoever should whet its appetite or cherish illusions by thinking that Albania, under the pressure of international circumstances, may change its course and rely on one super-Power or another. Anyone who thinks that a so-called vacuum has been created in Albania and dreams of filling it is greatly mistaken and will suffer defeat. There has never been and will never be in our country any vacuum waiting to be filled by the imperialists or social-imperialists. 69. In its free and completely independent homeland.the Albanian people, under the leadership of the Labour Party, with Comrade Enver Hoxha at its head, is working selflessly to build a completely socialist society and to defend the freedom and independence of its country. Albania has seen uninterrupted development in all fields and is a country of progress, social justic-e and work for all. 70. The Albanian people will continue to advance with determination along the path of socialism, relying on its own forces. Self-reliance ~oes not mean that we are in favour of autarchy or introversion. On the contrary, we have always been and still are in favour of extending international co-operation. We favour the development of trade and cultural relations and relations in other fields with .different States on the basis of the recognized principles that govern relations between sovereign States. 71. We base the defence of our country not on political expediency or on the various aggress.ve military alliances but on the strength of our people, which is prepared as one man to defend with determination its achievements and its socialist homeland. 72. In the future, too, the Albanian people and the People's Socialist Republic of Albania will strengthen their solidarity with freedom-loving peoples and with the demo- cratic and progressive countries. They will staunchly sup- port the. struggle of the peoples for national liberation against the old and the new imperialism and against reaction. 73. During the work of this session of the General Assembly the Albanian delegation will spare no effort to make its modest contribution to the discussion of the problems on the agenda, in the interest of the cause of the peoples and ofinternational peace and security. 75. The weight of the responsibility vested in you, Mr. President, is exemplified by the gravity of the situation in the world today, which is fraught with momentous consequences-more than at any time in the past-con- ceming peace or war in various parts of the civilizedworld, coexistence or destructive confrontation between blocs, and the achievement of economic justice or the continu- ation of unjust encroachments at the intemationallevel on the rights of the poor peoples of the world. 76. In spite of the clouds on the international political horizon, the international community puts its hopes in your wisdom and experience, your profound knowledge of international problems and your skilful guidance of OIJr . work, so that we may OV(!fCOme the intricate problems and conclude the work of our current session with results'that will dispel the dark clouds on the horizon and open up new prospects of hope, peace, justice and well-being for all mankind. 77. I must not omit to express also on this occasion to your predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, Deputy Federal Secre- tary for Foreign Affairs of Yugoslavia, our recognition and appreciation of his wise guidance of the work of our last regular session and the three special sessions held this year. 78. Allow me also to pay a tribute and to bid a warm welcome to Solomon Islands, which has just joined the United Nations. We hope that that country will contribute, with us, to the creation of a better world ofpeace, security and prosperity. . 79. I should like also to express our thanks to the Secretary-General for hisvaluable efforts at the head of our Organization. I am thinking in particular of the many initiatives which he has taken in the past year in the service of peace, justice and the promotion of the principles of the Charter. 80'. Since our last session the world has remained in the throes of political, social and economic interactions with various negative and positive effects. Unfortunately, those interactions have failed to satisfy the aspirations of man- kind or even its minimum expectations that the inter- national community would come closer to the security and peace which generations have sought unceasingly since the dawn of history. 81. Since the beginning ofthis century, and particularly in' recent years, man has reached the zenith of brilliant 82. However, unfortunately, twentieth-century man has been unable to achieve any victory or progress in the field of fnternational relations and has been unable to changethe nature of relations between the States and nations or to enhance those relations at the level ofinternational justice. The characteristics which marked relations between primi- tive nations and peoplesbased on the logic of might and the exploitation of man by man still prevail. Wars are still regarded as an acceptable means of resolving international conflicts, and aggression and the logic of coercion and oppression are still political instruments which are brought to bear on nations to make them follow a specificpolitical or ideological line. Proclivities to hegemony and political blackmail still remain as disgraceful blemishes on the face of human civilization and diminish the value of what progress it has made. 83. What is perhaps worst is the fact that man is employing his scientific achievements to bring all mankind to the brink of the abyss of collective annihilation and to place within the reach of some the means of destroying the world through the invention of the most lethal, the most cru!hing and the most destructive instruments of war, unchecked by his civilized conscience and undeterred by any ideals ofprogressfor science. 84, It is indeed regrettable that our hope for the attain- ment of a genuineera ofinternational harmony and detente is being dashed by misgivings about the return of certain manifestations of the cold war in East-West relations. 8S. Similarly, it is regrettable that the achievement of genuine world disarmament is still not practicable and that we are still as far from it as we were at the beginningof the negotiations on disarmament 16 years ago, despite all the efforts expended to that end and despite the tenth special session convened some months ago at the highest inter- national level. 86. The African continent, to which Morocco has the honour to belong, is, by reason of the very nature of its recent political history and its subjection until recent decades to the forces of colonial exploitation, a living example of the tumultuous political interactions taking place in our present-day world, for the forces ofhegemony, domination and exploitation are still assailing it, and this young continent hasnot yet been able to enjoy the benefits of its independence and liberation from the bonds of colonialism. 87_ While the great Powershave reached agreement among themselves-or made a show of such mutual agreement-to follow what is called the policy of detp."~.:e, the ideological and political struggle of' which the African continent is the theatre are no more than a speciesofcold war between the two major camps, with all the bitter political conflicts, the collapse of the security of interests, the heated flare-ups and the wars by proxy that that war entails. 88_ DUring the past year Africa has witnessed what no other continent has w~tnessed with regard to foreign 89. This foreign intervention is being perpetrated in the name of certain ideologies or slogans;but the first task in Africa is to liberate Pretoria and Salisbury from the despotic racist cliques, which do not acknowledge the humanity of Africans, refuse to recognize their status as human beingsand trample their dignity under foot. 90. The true liberation of Africa must inevitably come in Pretoria, Salisbury and Namibia before anywhere else in Africa. 91. What Africa needs most today, after the successionof the long, oppressive eras of exploitation, colonial pillage and alien subjugation it has suffered, is to be left to tend its wounds, to build its homelands and to developits indepen- dence, not to become a seat of war, cold or hot, and not to have its territory transformed into a set of strategic points fought over by the great Powers. 92. The time has come for the international community to proclaim that Africa belongsto the Africansand to demand that all parties, of whatever colour or creed, desist from imposingtheir tutelage on it on the pretext of any sloganor in any guise. All must recognize that Africa itself, with its rich human resources, is capable of confronting and resolving the problems of Africa within a genuine African framework. 93_ Morocco, placingits faith in its character as an African country and loyal to the historical role it has played in the African arena, especially since the dawning of its indepen- dence, and seeking the higher interest of the continent and the people of Africa, calls upon the peoples of the United Nations to strive for the achievement of the following goals: first, the exclusionof the African continent from the scope of the escalations of the cold war between the East and West, to spare it the evileffects of the strugglebetween the great Powers and their world rivalry for the gaining of strategic, political and economic advantages; secondly, the prohibition of outside intervention, from whatever source and from whatever motives, in African affairs and African disputes, as called for by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OATJ at its fifteenth ordinary session held in Khartoum.last July; thirdly, the immediate withdrawal of all non-African forces from the African continent; fourthly, encouragement of the solution of-all African problems by purely African means; fifthly, the promotion and development of means of economic and technical co-operation between African States; and sixthly, assistance to Africa in eliminating and liquidating the racist regimes in Rhodesia, South Africa and Namibia through positive aid consisting of the provision of all types of assistance to the joint African effort to liberate those countries, including support for the front-line States in 94. There is no doubt that the world has now become aware of the despotic, inhumane and racist character of the regimes in Zimbabwe and South Africa through the negotiations which took place :~etween the leaders of those two reglmes and the parties concerned with solving the problems of Namibia and Zimbabwe, inasmuch as futile dialogue and blind bigotry gave the rulers of Pretoria and Salisbury another opportunity to convince those Western States that needed convincing ofthe disdain of those rulers for fundamental human values and of their persistence in violating the rights 0 f Africans. 95. In Namibia itself, the South West Africa People's Organization /SWAPOI demonstrated after a bitter struggle its political maturity and its appreciation of the historic national responsibility which it bears when it decided to accept, on behalf of the people of Namibia, the democratic process proposed by the fiveWestern States in the Security Council as a basis for the settlement of the Namibian question.s thereby enabling the international conununity, as represented by the Security Council, to arrive at the desired solution. 96. However, the racist regime in South Africa disavowed, as is its wont, the promises which it had made regarding its agreement to that process and exploited this interval to strengthen its military position in the region and to take measures to ensure that it would be able to misrepresent . the wnI of the Namibian people. 97~ The Kingdom of Morocco believes that no progress can be made towards the solution of the Namibian problem except on the basis,of respect for the territorial integrity of Namibia, which is incomplete unless Wclvis Bay is regarded as an inseparable part of Namibian territory, in accordance with Security Council resolution 431 (1978) 'on this subject, and except on the basis' of agreement with the legitimate representatives of the Namibian people, namely, the leaders of SWAPO, all that to take place under actual United Nations supervision. 98. In addition, Morocco declares its support for Security Council resolution 432 (1978), which indicated a starting- point for the democratic process which could, given goodwill on the part of the leaders in Pretoria, put an end to the state of tension in the region by according the people of Namibia their inalienable right to freedom, indepen- dence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within the framework of a united Namibian State. 99. The Kingdom of Morocco will, as it has in the past, stand by the struggle of the Namibian people until they achieve their final victory. Morocco has always demon- strated . its readiness to participate in the efforts expended at the African and the international levels to -create appropriate circumstances to increase opportunities for 100. Morocco assured the Secretary-General ofour Orpn- ization a few days ago that His Majesty King Hassan 11 of Morocco is prepared to provide such troops as the United Nations may request to rally to the flagofthe international Organization in order to perform their African and inter- national duty to put an end to the racist-colonial presence in Namlbfa and to enable the sister people of that country to have self-determination and exercise its right to indepen- dence and sovereignty. . 101. In Zimbabwe the obduracy and. efforts at deception of lan Smith's regime! have gone to the extreme in an attempt to avoid that country's entry into the era of majority rule. We believe that the Zimbabwe crimcannot be resolved without the active participation of the Patriotic Front, which we hope will keep its ranks united in order to extirpate the seat of racism from its country, eradicate discrimination on grounds of colour, raise the voice of the African majc;1ltyana affmn its established right to in'~pen­ dence and sovereignty under a just and democratic regimeo 102. Morocco calls upon the States of the world to come , to the assistance of militant Zin.t.abwe and to support the front-line States in southern Africa and help them to resist the aggression directed against them by lan Smith's r6gime, and to stand fast against the campaigns of terrcrization and intimidation. 103. The past year has been marked also by the convening of a meeting unique in the history of the United Nations, the tenth spe~ial session of the Genew Assembly devoted to disarmament. That gathering took place in response to the request of the group of non-aligned States, which had expressed their collective international desire for a halt to the terrible arms race and for an endeavour to achieve general and complete disarmament throughout the world. 104. The mere fact of the convening of that special session and then the determiitation ofthe role and responsibility of the United Nations in the field of disarmament constituted definite progress towards the achievement ofdisarmament, although we were, and still-alas-are,very far from attaining that lofty goal which we must reach if we wish to save mankind from the evils of nuclear suicide and collective annihilation. 105. The session was at all events able to establish the baSis and the machinery which will enable the intematio~ conununity, provided that it makes good use of them. to make a fresh start in the search for a solution to the problems of disarmament. 106. We welcomed the adoption of that wise resolution which states the. necessity of establishing a deliberative body open to all Member .States, giving them an oppor- tunity to make their voice heard on the problems of disarmament [see resolution 8-10/2, chap. IV, para.llB/. Without question, the establishment of close ties bet.ween _ 108. We also were pleased that the special session reaf- firmed the priority which must be accorded to the subject of nuclear disarmament, the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and the right of those States which by their accession to the 1968 Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, have of their own free will renounced the acquisition of nuclear weapons to obtain firm guarantees of security and to avail themselves fully of the peaceful use of nuclear power. Nor did the special session neglect the subject of the problems relating to conventional disarma- ment and its repercussions on the peace and security of States. The special session emphasized, further, the close link between disarmament and the problems of devel- opment. 109. Morocco, as a member of the Committee on Disarma- ment concerned with negotiation, will spare no effort in the endeavour to implement the recommendations of the special session. It appeals to the States of the world, and in particular those possessing nuclear weapons, to co-operate in this laudable endeavour in order that. those recom- mendations may be translated into genuine action which will prepare the way for the world conference on disarma- ment and the forthcoming special session devoted to disarmament, with a view to achieving positive results that willturn .into reality mankind's aspirations to life in a world in which peace and security prevail. . 115. Thereafter, the political situation in the Maghreb region witnessed a new development..marked by tension arising from aggression plotted against Morocco and Mauritania and armed, financed and directed by a neigh- bcuring State for the purpose of encroaching on Morocco's territorial integrity. 110. With regard to Morocco's position on the subject of control over the proliferation ofnuclear weapons, I wish to recall that, when the Government of the Kingdom of Morocco decided to undertake.the necessary studies for the construction of a nuclear centre designed to meet the country's increasing needs for (·;.,ctric power, and' since the considerable phosphate reserves in Morocco make it pos- sible to produce uranium, His Majesty the King proposed to the United Nations that a special committee be established to ascertain that uranium was not enriched and processed for use for military purposes, thereby proclaiming Morocco's voluntary resolve to respect the right of annual or biannual control. 111. With regard to the question of disarmament and the halting of the arms race in the Maghreb region, Morocco was among the first to be concerned with this goal and to endeavour to place it within a binding contractual frame- work in order that this region may devote itself to constructive work in: the field of economic development and social well-being. "Firstly, to ensure that both Morocco and Algeria renounce any increase in their armed forces, in order to avert the hazards of an armsrace in North Africa; "Secondly, to undertake, on the spot and by appropri- ate means, supervision of the quantity and quality of weapons acquired by Morocco and Algeria and to specify the amount necessary for the preservation of security in both countries." 113. Nevertheless, tension in the region of north-west Africa has again become exacerbated recently, since both Morocco and Mauritania regained, more than two years ago, their Saharan provinces. On 14 November 1975, an agreement was signed at Madrid between Morocco and Mauritania on the one hand and Spain on the other,« whereby full sovereignty in the region which was known as Western Sahara was restored to Morocco and Mauritania. That agreement put an end to all Spain's responsibility in the area and Morocco achieved its full territorial integrity with regard to its Saharan region with the completion of the implementation of the provisions of this agreement. Thus the colonial presence was removed from that usurped portion of Moroccan territory. 114. It should be recalled here that this agreement was signed on the basis of urgent-recommendations by the Security Council and endorsed by the General Assembly less than a month afte: its signing, which demonstrates its close links with the views on law and legality held by .ur Organization. 116. Morocco, hi rejecting the logic of hegemony and the tendency of expansion at the expense of its territorial integrity, wonders, with others, what right a country has to guarantee what it calls respect for principles while at the same time interfering in the internal affairs of other States and organizing flagrant "aggres~lon in violation of all international principles and conventions, which condemn aggression and violation of the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of States, 117. Affirming forcefully that -the recovery of its ter- ritorial integrity is an irreversible process which cannot be negotiated or made the subject of dialogue, Morocco declares that now as in the past it keeps an open mind on the subject of any fruitful co-operation on the question of the Maghreb. "Firstly, this solution must not encroach on a single inch ofMoroccan territory; 126. In this connexion, we cannot but condemn the blatant 'Violation of the letter and spirit of that appeal by Algeria which, in the course of one month, launched two attacks on Moroccan territory carried out by units of the Algerian regular army.-The flrst took place on 27 August 1978 and was directed against a point in the heart of Moroccan territory in the Tata region. Morocco sent a note to the Algerian authorities protesting that act, which constitutes a breach of the principle of the inviolability of its national sovereignty and its territorial integrity. The second took place only four days ago, on 30 September 1978, and was directed against the village of HassiTilemsi in Tantan province. His Majesty King Hassan 11 subse- quently sent a letter of protest to the President of Algeria condemning that blatant act of aggression, which is likely . to increase the causes of tension in the region and hamper the search for a peaceful solution to this problem. "Secondly, this solution must not create alien bound- ariesbetween Morocco and Mauritania." U9. Morocco has more than once shown its goodwill and positive readiness to alleviate the causes of tension in the area. Within the framework of respect for its sovereignty and territorial integrity, Morocco sincerely co-operated with the African endeavour being made by our regional organization to that end. It wHI be recalledthat the United Nations Charter gives priority to regional organizations, such as the OAD, in the search for solutions and the reduction of tensions in the area under consideration. 120. The recent Assembly of Heads of State and Govern- ment of the OAU, held in Khartoum last July decided to establish a "committee of wise men" composed of certain African Heads of State to study the subject of tension in the Maghreb region, inasmuch as the primary responsibility for putting an end to that state of tension lieswith Africa. 121. Morocco was the first State to declare officially its acceptance of the first steps initiated to that end by President Gaafar Mohamed Nimeiri, ActingChairman of the OAD Assembly. . 122. The joint communique published on 18 September by Morocco and Mauritania at the conclusion of the visit of the Head of State of Mauritania to Morocco specified the position of our two countries. That communique says,inter alia: "The two parties welcome their excellent cc-operation and the effectiveness of the agreements concluded be- tween the two countries. "Aware of the permanence of the relations between the two countries, the two Heads of State affirm their resolve to strive to remove tension and to restore peace and tranquillity to the Maghreb region on the basisof mutual respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of . both countries. "The two HeadsofState have expressed their hope that within a short period of time the 'Committee of Wise Men' will be established, as was decided at the recent summit of the Organization of African Unity, and we wishsuccessto their mission." - 123. This clearly demonstrates the urgent desire of Morocco and Mauritania to see the cause of tension 124. In order to achieve that, Morocco now places full confidence in our OAU, which is directing its attention to a careful study of ways and means of fmding a solution that willput art end to the causesof tension in the region. 125. The recent sessionof the Assemblvheld at Khartoum made a solemn appeal to all States in·thearea to refrain from any action likely to hamper the search for a fair and peaceful solution to that problem. 127. Morocco's membership in the Arab family automa- tically makes it a deeply involved party in an issue which. has been with the United Nations sirice its early days. By this I mean the question of Palestine. That issue still constitutes a model of international bigotry and injustice, and has involved the uprooting and expulsion of an entire people from their territory, followed by attempts to liquidate their political and physical existence. 128. The Israeli policy of expansion thereafter increased the dimensions of that problem and multiplied its dangers when in 1967 Israel occupied the rest of the territory of Palestine and the territories of two other Arab States. thus exacerbatingthe explosivesituation in the MiddleEast. 129. The Kingdom.of Morocco, which condemns the logic of aggression, injustice and coercion, has maintained a clear' and unequivocal position on the question of Pale-tine and the Middle East. This is a fundamental position based on the unanimous Arab resolutions of the historic seventh Conference of Arab Heads of State or Government, held at Rabat ill 1974. Morocco regards itselfas a guardian and custodian of those resolutions, which affirm that the bases for a solution of the Middle East question rest on essential conditions without which the achievement ofpeacethere is not possible, the first of these being Israel's complete withdrawal from all Arab territories occupied in 1967, including the HolyCity of Jerusalem. 130. Morocco believes that the Palestinian problem lies at the very heart of the Middle East crisis, and that no acceptable solution can be reached there until that problem is resolved by according the Palestinian people-represented 131. In addition, Morocco stresses that the solution to these problems-as stipulated in the resolutions of the Rabat Conference-must be a general and comprehensive solution in order to guarantee that it will lead to the establishment of a general and comprehensive peace in all parts of the region and will remove all hotbeds of tension from the Middle East. . . 132. As for the sister State of Lebanon, which was the Dower of the Arab countries and a centre for fraternization and coexistence between sects and creeds, and which has been linked with Morocco by human and cultural ties since the dawn of history, it is now-following the blatant Israeli aggression to which it has been exposed and the occupation of parts of its territory-become, more thar at any time in the past, a target for intervention in its internal affairs and the violation of its sovereignty, Morocco calls upon the peoples of the world, which have expressed more than once their solidarity with the Lebanese people, to continue their endeavours to preserve the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon so that it might treat its injuries, dress its wounds and regain the human and cultural role which has distinguishedits history . 133. Morocco's strategic geographical position at the cross-roads of continents, civilizationsand the waters of the ocean and the sea has made it a distinctive centre in the international arena. Because of this, throughout its long history Morocco, as a Mediterranean State, has been instrumental in affecting political circumstances around the Mediterranean, the cradle of most of the world's civiliza- tions, and has, in its turn, been influenced by the events taking place in the Mediterranean. 134. This situation remains in the give-and-takestage, in a state of influencing and of being influenced, as it has been in the past. Thus Morocco has become a party directly or indirectly involved and has been forced to remain on the . alert for any occurrences. 135. In addition to the chronic crisisthat has prevailedon our eastern coast for more than 30 years, namely the Middle East crisis which I have mentioned earlier, the Cypriot problem is still a major source of tension in the Mediterranean. The Kingdom of Morocco hopes iD this connexion that the Turkish and Greek communities in Cyprus will be able to devise a just and lasting solution to this problem through negotiations which will take into account the higher interests and legitimate rights of those two communities within an independent non-alignedState. 136. We wish to express once again the hope that the agreements reached at· the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe will succeed in removing from the Mediterranean the rivalry between the two.super-Powers,so that that sea will become an area ofpeace and co-operation among coastal States. 137.' In the economic field, the setting of the sun on the age of colonialism denotes the w~r~4's entry into a new era --- ..4. o. -:- 00> .":..0 . ;;....~ .. . ... -. .-.. . "" .. 138. The actual economic relations between the countries of the South and those of the North has never been viewed as a whole. On the contrary, bilateral relations come about as a result of the pressure of economic situations which have grown up throughout the world. That means that relations as a whole are determined by the historical weight of colonialism. Throughout the world there are relation- ships based on or revolving around the capitals of former colonial States, or around certain new centres noted for their economic strength. 139. I do not think that there is any need to demonstrate the futility of this unjust system. It is an.obstacle to the development of the poorest countries. All the difficulties of the developing countries, such as chronic deficits in the balance of payments, inflation arid debt problems and technological backwardness are but the direct result of a system rendered obsolete by time. 140. The replacement of this system and the transition from it to another stage requires of us not only a new way of looking at those relations, but also, rust and foremost, a new and honest awareness on the part of the industriaiized countries. 141. The sixth and seventh special sessionsof the General Assembly made it quite clear what tasks must be under- taken and what goals must be achieved for the establish- ment of a new international "economic order. Unfortu- nately, achievements to date in this area give us no grounds for gratification. The terms of trade have continued to deteriorate. Developing countries have not escaped the detrimental consequences of the inflation which has beset the industrialized countries and, with one or two excep- tions, those industrialized countries have not responded to the decision of the General Assembly that they should devote 0.7 per cent of their gross "llational product to development assistance. This proves that the industrialized countries have not yet realized the true meaning of the concept'ofinternational interdependence. 142. It is henceforth no longer possible for us to continue in a situation where relations between industrialized coun- tries and developing countries are governed by the law of the exploitation of the weak by the strong, alaw based on egotistical and short-sightedconsiderations. 143. When the General Assembly, at the thirty-second session, decided to set up the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, or the Committee of the Whole; and assigned to it 11 specific task in anticipation of the conveningof the 1980 specialsession, we hoped that a frank and fruitful dialogue between the States of North and South would immediately be initiated. But the dilatori- ness and the reluctance of the industrialized countries has disappointed our hopes and brought us back to the bitter reality. This reality is that the political will which must exist on the part of the industrialized countries and which is an essential prerequisite for the establishment of a new international economic order has not yet emerged. That is 144. We are beset by apprehensions lest the appointed time for the 1980 special session should come- without our having made any progress towards the establishment of the new international economic order, This makes it imperative for us to realize here and now the grave dangers which bode ill for mankind if we fail to implement the measures called for at the sixth and seventh special sessions. Economic issues must be accorded pre-eminence if we wish to.advance towards the attainment of an era of justice, equity and peace for mankind. . 145. In view of the special geographical location of our country, lying as it does on the coasts of the Mediterranean and the Atlantic Ocean, it is natural for us to accord special attention to the development and to the future of the law of the sea. 146. The codification of the new law of the sea is one of the most important tasks and responsibilities with which the United Nations has been entrusted. NegQtiationson the new law for the seas and oceans began eight years ago when at its twenty-fifth session the General Assemblystressed the necessity of establishing that body oflaw and laid down the fundamental principles on which it should be based {resolution 2749 (XXV)]. Within the framework of those fundamental principles, which have long since attained the force of universal customary norms, the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Se~ has held seven successive sessions. Needless to say, the hopes and expecta- tions which the international community has placed in this diplomatic endeavour do not admit of any hesitancy or procrastination, nor do they admit of any precipitate individual action that might frustrate the efforts expended to arriveat the comprehensive agreement sought. 147. There is no longer any cause for precipitate action, for diplcrtatic negotiations gained fresh momentum at the last session of the Conference, held in Geneva in the spring of 1978, and, moreover, world requirements of the sea-bed minerals intended for exploitation can currently be met by the output of minerals available on land, especially since the recent discovery of a considerable reserve of them in North America. 148. At all events, at this critical juncture, we can only reiterate our conviction .that the application of the concept of the common heritage of mankind to the international zones of the sea-bed may be regarded as one of the most outstanding and noble steps taken by the General Assembly since the founding of the United Nations in its fulfilment of the purposes of the Charter. 149. It would be unwise for any State to underestimate the role of full adherence to this lofty principle in safeguarding the stability of the new .law of the sea. Naturally, this stability can be established only on sound bases of complementarity, co-operation and justice, in the interest ofthe international community as awhole. 150. Human happiness, respect for man's humanity and the safeguarding of human rights has been the clear'goalof 151. It is perhaps a good augury that in a few weeks we shall be celebrating the thirtieth anniversary of the adop- tion of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights-these rights for the respect and reverence of which Morocco is distinguished in the world community and without which human dignity, happiness and freedom of expression and association cannot be fully attained. 152. The first prerequisite for human happiness is the guaranteeing of all man's economic and fmancial needs within a broad framework of political freedom,whereby he lives far from want and fear and vistas open up before him for creativity and originality and for the advancement of human civilization. 1S:3.This requires us to set to work Seriously-and immediately-to effect the national and international economic and political changes in our world that will ensure the achievement of this goal. So let us make the initial work easier. Let us all choose-of.our own free will-the path of co-operation and-fruitful dialogue. Let us cast aside ephemeral egotistical interests and regard our .participation in this valuable human endeavour with com- prehensive and far-sighted vision, so that mankind can live on this small planet in, peace,security, justice, happiness and prosperity.

I should like first of all, through you Sir, to congratulate Mr. Lievano on his election to the high office of the presidency of the General Assembly. His election is not only a recognition by the Assembly of his great knowledge and experience in inter- national relations but also a tribute to the prominent role played by his country inworld affairs. 155. I should also like. to extend my gratitude to Mr.Lazar Mojsov, the outgoing President of the General Assembly, for the effective manner in which he guided the Assembly during its regular and special sessions of the past 12 months. The Iranian delegation was gratified to have enjoyed with Mr. Mojsov, with whose country Iran enjoys friendly relations, the closest co-operation during his tenure of office. 156. I wish also once again to express our deep apprecia- . tion to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his dedication and untiring devotion to fmding solutions for the various problems facing the United Nations. I should also like to note that we enjoyed having the Secretary- General in Iran during the early part of this year, when he had consttuctlse and useful discussions with him. 157. I welcome into the community of nations the State of Solomon Islands, which has taken its rightful place among the. Members of the United Nations. We are confident that the membership of Solomon Islands will add 159. Many of the issues on the agenda of this session of the General Assembly were considered in those previous sessions, but they still remain unresolved. This lack of progress, coupled with rising expectations and frustrations, as well as the increasingly frequent recourse to violence, urgently calls for a new effort for the solution of these problems. I wish therefore to address myself briefly to some of these issues before us. 160. The question of the Middle East remains uppermost in our mind. The suffering with which the people of the area have long been afflicted hss given rise to a situation which is naturally of great concern to us. We have accordingly followed with great interest the recent develop- ments which have taken place with regard to the Arab- Israeli conflict. If the long-cherished hopes and aspirations for a comprehensive peace with justice are to' be realized, Israel must withdraw from all the territories it has occupied in compliance with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), as well as other relevant United Nations resolutions, in particular those dealing with the Holy City ofJerusalem, to which the whole Islamic world attaches the utmost importance. Similarly, no lasting peace could be established Without taking fully into account the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. We earnestly hope that a comprehensive peace with justice on a durable basis will soon prevail in the Middle East. 161. Another disquieting problem is the situation in Cyprus and the persistent tension which continues' to frustrate international efforts aimed at bringing peace and tranquillity to that country. We still believe that a just and long-lasting solution of this problem can and" must be achieved by negotiations between the two ethnic com- munities of Cyprus, with a view to preserving the territorial integrity and the independence of the country, taking into account the legitimate interests of the two communities. 162. The Indian Ocean is another area of particular concern to us. The United Nations Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean is continuing its task with a view to ensunng that that area will be established as a zone of peace. As a bordering State, Iran will continue its efforts within and outside the United Nations system to contribute to the achievement of that objective and will assist in keeping the zone free from great-Power rivalry. The Persian Gulf, which extends through the narrow straits ofHorrnuz into the Indian Ocea, is ofvital importance to Iran. In fact, all the States bordering the Persian Gulf attach singular importance to its security.' As this strategic waterway represents a major lifeline to the area it is imperative that responsibility for the maintenance of its security remain 163. The universal aspiration to free the world from the fear of war and the terror of nuclear weapons is the foundation on which the United Nations was established and has impelled us to search for a means to achieve a climate of peace and security through disarmament. With the holding of the tenth special session of the General Assembly, devoted to disarmament, a special effort, involv- ing participation by all the Members, was made to bring us closer to the objectives of disarmament. 164. Unfortunately the results of the special session fell far short of the hopes and expectations that had been aroused. Nor did they reflect the monumental efforts and preparations which had preceded its convening. However, our immediate disappointment must be tempered by an appreciation of some positive steps. A major thrust of the session was to stimulate thought and interest in vital and principal areas of disarmament. The Final Document of the session {resolution S-lO/2/, adopted by consensus, reflects a fair measure of achievement in that and other important areas. Agreement has been reached on setting up new machinery for deliberations and negotiations on disarma- ment. We now seem to possess the essential elements of a new international strategy for disarmament which we hope can be made a reality through collective efforts, goodwill and p~rseverance. 165. The fears and anxieties as well as the hopes and expectations which led to the convening of the special session are still with us. The world still lives under the ominous shadow of enormous stockpiles of the ultimate weapon. The factors and forces that help perpetuate the arms race are still at work. 166. If we are to Save present and future generations from extinction, the universal message is loud and clear: in the disarmament process obviously first things should come first and disarmament should start with the halting arid reversing of the nuclear arms race. 167. My country and, may I say, the majority of States Members of the United Nations have held all along that nuclear Powers, in particular the super-Powers, have primary and particular responsibility for the-promotion of genuine disarmament. Those States can and should break the self-perpetuating cycle of the arms race by adopting concrete and tangible measures, so that other States can feel more secure and encouraged to follow the road to the utlimate ~oal of general and complete disarmament. 168,. Another problem which is a source of serious 'concern to the International community is the spread of international terrorism. It is our firm belief that resort to acts' of violence, which is causing the loss of innocent lives, jeopardizing fundamental human rights, and threatening the very fabric of organized societies, must be brought to an end. Here I should like to stress once more that my Government has always been in favour of international co-operation against terrorism. In that context, we have 169. Concerning southern Africa, some positive develop- ments have taken place during the past few months. The convening by the General Assembly of the ninth special session on Namibia and the endorsement by the Security Council in its resolution 435 (1978) of an independence plan for that Territory represent a step forward in the direction of the transfer of sovereign power to the people of Namibia. In that connexion, I must reaffirm that the territorial integrity of Namibia should be protected in accordance with the relevant United Nations resolutions. 170. My Government has remained steadfastly opposed to apartheid, a policy under which the people of South Africa continue to languish. We have joined with others to condemn policies of apartheid, which troubles the con- science of man by its indignity and violation of human rights. The Government of Iran, in pursuance of its policy towards apartheid, has decided, in accordance with the relevant decisions of the General Assembly, to carry out appropriate measures, including dissemination of infor- mation, in observance of International Anti-Apartheid Year. Thus once again we wish to demonstrate by word as well as by deed OUi solidarity with the oppressed people of South Africa. 171. In Zimbabwe, unfortunately, the confrontation between the illegal minority regime and the freedom fighters continues to cause heavy loss of life. We hope that the accord on Namibia will assure a brighter prospect for a peaceful settlement of the Rhodesian problem and the early transfer of sovereign power to the majority in Zimbabwe. 172. In the field of development and international economic co-operation, we believe that the world economy is still prey to the same fundamental difficulties as those that confronted it a year ago, when we last reviewed the situation in this Assembly, and that the persisting un- certainties surrounding the economies of both developed and developing countries continue to frustrate the attempts aimed at resolving divergent views and policies on those issues. The policy framework adopted by the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly for the establishment ofa New International Economic Order is still far from materializing. 173. The dialogue commenced at the Conference on International Economic Co-operation and followed up in other forums has fallen short of the needs and aspirations of the developing countries. Moreover, the prospects for the ongoing negotiations are not entirely bright. It is indeed discouraging that the developing countries as a whole are now realizing a rate of growth in total output less than the rate they achieved in the early days of the 19708; that the rate of growth in their agricultural products is still little 7 See "International Terrorism: Joint Statement, July 17,1978", Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents (Washington, D.e., Government Printing Office, 1978), vol. 14, No. 29, pp. 1308-1309. 174. The slow-down trends have affected the developing oil-exporting countries more than others. For them, the decline in the growth of export earnings has been 'accom- panied by a continued erosion of their purchasing power. 175. The decline in the value of export earnings has affected other developing countries also. IQ spite of some increase in their export earnings as a whole and an improvement in their balance of payments during the past two years, the long-term prospects for their sustained upward movement are still dim. A number of those countries are still suffering from deteriorating terms of trade. The servicing of external debts is also weakening their economies. 176. The present trends, if unchecked, are bound to have a disruptive effect on the growth and prosperity of the developing countries, with all the consequences that would attend such disruption; therefore there is an urgent need for closer co-operation between the developed and developing countries. As long as the world is divided into a house of fortune and a house of need, global development is not genuine and cannot last long. Indices of growth or improvement are essentially meaningless. 177. In the field of human rights, a particularly interesting and positive development may be discerned today within the international community. On the one hand, there is increasingly unanimous agreement to condemn categori- cally the most flagrant. violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms of the individual. On the other hand, it is recognized that massive violations of human rights affect not only individuals but also entire peoples, as in the case of those suffering from apartheid, colonialism and foreign domination. 178. The realization of all human rights and fundamental freedoms for everyone is a long process, a long road filled with pitfalls but one which my country, despite recent and unfortunate events, is determined to continue to travel unrelentingly. Under the guidance of my enlightened sovereign, we have started a chapter in our history in which measures are being taken to ensure full protection of freedom of expression within the Constitution and the law of the land. 179. In the international arena, Iran will continue with unflagging determination to support all sincere efforts to promote and ensure fundamental freedoms. 180. In conclusion, I should like to reiterate our basic position that peace and security, at both the international and the national level, can be obtained primarily through