A/33/PV.21 General Assembly

Mr. President, the Pakistan delegation congratulates you most warmly on your election to preside over this session of the General Assembly. We are confident that your mature understanding of the role of the United Nations in the contemporary age willenable you to steer the proceedings of this thirty-third session to a successful conclusion. 2. We also congratulate Mr. Lazar Mojsov, who handled with great skill and ability the deliberations of the thirty-second session and the three special sessions, includ- ing the tenth special session devoted to disarmament. 3. Solomon Islands is the fast among the new Member States to be admitted to the world Organization this year. We warmly welcome it in our midst and pledge our goodwill, friendship and co-operation to the new State. 4. In his report on the work of the Organization for 1978 [AIJ3/1J, the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, has summed up the activities of the United Nations since the thirty-second session. His deep insights into the political, economic and moral imperatives confronting the inter- national community have enriched our understanding of .' their nature and .ma8nitude. I take this opportunity of reaffit:rning the full confidence of. i'py Government in his leadership of the world .o~~iza~on.~ . v • ~... .... .: .,~•• S. Since last year the. world has' become a more troubled place: new areas of global tension have emerged .a~ a result of the exacerbation of relations between the two: leading military Powers; disputes among.States and internal con- flicts are being resolved through.extemal 'iJi't~rVehtion and recourse to the use of force; the arm's race continues unabated and now encompasses most of the regions of the world; the world economy remains in the grip of an endemic crisis; the rich Nations are in the. midst of a protracted recession; most of the poor are onjh.e brink of NEW YOlK economic disaster; international co-operation is at an ebb; and pressing global problems have not moved any closer to solution. These are the daunting challenges which over- shadow the current Assembly session. 6. Let me dwell for a moment on Pakistan's endeavours in the past year to promote peace and co-operation. 7. The process of normalization of relations with our neighbour, India, has been maintained. We shall continue our endeavours. to .promote good neighbourly relations by addressing ourselves to the underlying eauses which in the past have impaired bilateral relations. Welook forward to a just and honourable solution of the Jammu and Kashmir dispute in the spirit of the Simla Agreement of 2 July 19721 on the basis of tl.e relevant resolutions of the United Nations. Such a solution would open new vistas of co-operation between Pakistan and India and make an immense contribution to the strengthening of peace and stability in Asia and the world. 8. Sincere efforts have been made to promote friendly relations with Afghanistan on the basis of the five principles of peaceful coexistence. The President of Pakistan, Mr. Zia- ul-Haq, was the first Head of State to visit Kabul after the new Afghan Government assumed power. 9. Co-operation with fraternal countries, namely, Iran, Turkey, Saudi Arabia and other Arab States, and Bangla- desh, in the political, economic and other areas has been further developed. 10. Bonds of enduring friendship with China have been reinforced with the opening of new routes of trade and access. 11. Relations with the United States have been pursued in the spirit of traditional friendship and co-operation. 12. Economic co-operation with the Soviet Union has been enlarged and State relations continue to be developed on the basis of the principles of peaceful coexistence. 13. Association with the non-aligned movement last July has added a further dimension to our consistent solidarity with the collective endeavours of the non-aligned countries for peace, justice and progress in the world. 14. The conflict in the Middle East continues to be a cause for deep anxiety to the international community. We have closely followed the personal involvement of the President 1 Agreement on Bilateral Relations between the Government of India and the Go'lernment of Pakistan. See United Nations. Treilty Series, vot. 858, No. 12308. 15. For some years now, there has been a consensus in this Organization, based on Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) as well as resolution 3236 (XXIX) of the General Assembly, that the pre- requisites for a just and lasting peace in the Middle East remain: first, Israeli withdrawal from all the occupied Arab territories, including the Holy City of Jerusalem; and secondly, the fulfilment of the national and legitimate rights of the Palestinian people including their right to establish an independent State in Palestine. No compre- hensive settlement can ignore these imperatives. 16. The restoration of the Holy City of Jerusalem to Arab sovereignty must form an integral part of any compre- hensive settlement. It will be recalled that following the initiative of Pakistan, the Security Council adopted resolu- tion 267 (1969), under which the principle of inadmis- sibility of the acquisition of territory by military conquest was made applicable to the Holy City of Jerusalem. We note that the United States continues to recognize Arab Jerusalem as occupied territory, as stated by Mr. Yost in the Security Council on 1 July 1969.3 The General Assembly in resolutions 2253 (ES-V) of 4 July 1.967 and 2254 (ES·V) of 14 July 1967 declared as null and void the measures taken by Israel to annex the Holy City of Jerusalem. 17. What is the kind of peace that the international community envisages for Palestine? As far back as the First World War the call went out from a great Power for a peace without annexations and indernnities, a peace based on the principle of the self-determination of peoples. What fol- lowed however was a sort of Carthaginian peace, which sowed the dragon's teeth. 18. During the Second World War a great war leader proclaimed the following principle: "In war-resolution: in defeat-defiance; in victory-magnanimity; in peace- goodwill". We would appeal to the peace-makersto eschew a punitive peace of annexation and occupation and opt for a settlement in a spirit of magnanimity and goodwill. 19. Immediate steps need to be taken to maintain the momentum for the achievement of a just and compre- hensive settlement on the basis of the relevant United Nations resolutions and the participation of all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization, which has been recognized by the international community as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. Since the Second Islamic Conference of Kings and Heads of State and -Government, held at Lahore in 1974, the Palestine Liberation Organization stands on an equal 20. We therefore support thecoovening of a special session of the Assembly to resolve the Palestine question, which is the core of the Middle East conflict. And in regard to the claims of the Palestine Liberation Organization to be legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, let us also recall what was said at a historic moment of peace- keeping by an eminent statesman. At the Conference for . the Conclusion and Signature of the Peace Treaty with Japan in 1951 he said: "Fellowship is not the mood of peoples who are denied fellowship."4 Regard for justice rarely animates those who have been made to suffer such cruel wrongs that their suffering has a bearing on the present peace. 21. The restoration of normality in Lebanon and the preservation of Lebanon's territorial integrity are inextri- cably linked with a comprehensive solution of the Middle East conflict. We view with deep anguish the continuing tragedy of that country, whose body lies bleeding and is being tom apart by fratricidal strife. We extend our full support to UNIFIL. 22. Cyprus continues to be another source of concern for international peace. We note with regret that there has been no resumption of the talks between the two communities, despite the commitment by the leadership of the Turkish community to a spirit of conciliation and flexibility in the negotiations. We believe that the resolution of this problem should be possible through negotiations between the two communities on a basis of equality and within the guideliness agreed upon between late Archbishop Makarios and Mr. Denktas, with the participation of the Secretary- General, Mr.Kurt Waldheim, and within the framework of an independent, sovereign, non-aligned, bicommunal and bizonal federation of Cyprus. The statement of the Turkish Foreign Minister in the General Assembly the other day [19th meeting] has further convinced us that the present opportunity for peace-makingshould not be lost. 23. Peace is also imperilled in southern Africa. We appreciate the 'sustained mediatory efforts of the five Western Powers in evolving the agreement on Namibia's transition to independence under the. control and super- vision of the United Nations. We also commend the flexibility and statesmanship demonstrated by the President of SWAPO, Mr. Sam Nujoma, in accepting the five-Power plan.e . - ~ 24. Pakistan strongly condemns South Africa's repudia- tion of its earlier agreement to abide by the provisions of 25. It is deplorable that even 30 years after the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights the inter- national community has not succeeded in eliminating the abhorrent practice of apartheid in South Africa. Pretoria remains adamant in refusing to dismantle the structure of racism. The- economic collaboration of certain States encourages South Africa in its obduracy. The threat to peace posed by South Africa's policies would assume a graver dimension if it were to realize its ambition of acquiring nuclear weapons capability. It is time the Security Council enforced the demand in its resolution 418 (1977) that all States sever economic, military and other links with South Africa and adopt effective measures to prevent the racist regime from acquiring nuclear weapons. 26. In Zimbabwe the so-called "internal settlement" stands exposed as a device to prolong white minority rule. The Smith regime, after some prevarication, has reverted to brutal repression of the people of Zimbabwe and has resumed armed attacks on the freedom fighters and neighbouring States. These desperate acts cannot sustain the white minority in power. The path of wisdom lies in a peaceful and immediate transfer of power to the majority of the people of Zimbabwe, led by the Patriotic Front. What is to be gained by delaying the inevitable by a few months, at the cost of a bloody -racial conflict in Zimbabwe, which would destroy all hopes of a multiracial society? 27. Disarmament is central to the quest for intemational peace and security. Only a few months ago the tenth special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament adopted by consensus a detailed plan of work for compre- hensive 'disarmament and established new negotiating machinery, which promises to ensure the participation of all the nuclear-weapon Powers in the disarmament negotia- tions and deliberations. The Final Document of the tenth special session [resolution 8-10/2J accords the highest priority to nuclear disarmament, together with certain . measures of reduction of armed forces and conventional armaments. Altogether it constitutes a considerable achieve- ment, which would have been greater if there had been a higher degree of involvement of the leading military Powers, particularly in regard to the immediate measures that can be taken in conventional disarmament and in strengthening the non-proliferation regime. 28. In the special session we proposed that the most immediate consideration be given to the conclusion of an agreement at the current second series of Strategic Arms Limitation Talks and to the comprehensive test-ban treaty by the three nuclear Powers presently engaged in negotia- tions to halt underground nuclear weapons tests. We also 29. These suggestions are fully in accord with the Decla- ration and Programme of Action contained in the Final Document [ibid., sects. 11 and I1IJ. I hope that at the current session the General Assembly will fmd it possible to reach consensus on these priority measures and to com- mend them to the two major nuclear Powers, which bear special responsibility for nuclear disarmament by reason of having accumulated the largest nuclear stockpiles, and that it will also commend them to the members of the two opposing military blocs. 30. Suggestions have been made for an immediate ban an the deployment of other types of nuclear weapons, such as the neutron bomb and the SS-20 limited-range mobile missile. We see no reason why these measures, as well as the proposal to prohibit the flight tests of new strategic delivery vehicles, should not also be given the highest priority in the negotiations on nuclear disarmament. 31. The two super-Powers are pledged to conclude an agreement at the third series of Strategic Arms Limitation Talks immediately following the conclusion of one at the second series in order to effect further major reductions of their nuclear weapons and delivery systems. We consider that the prohibition of the use, or threat of the use, of nuclear weapons should also be concluded as soon as possible after the third series. 32. The strengthening of the non-proliferation regime is a matter of great urgency. Webelieve that the twin objectives of nuclear non-proliferation and the development of the peaceful uses of nuclear technology can and should be reconciled. The inalienable right of all States to develop and acquire nuclear technology for peaceful purposes, without discrimination, was upheld by the previous session of the General Assembly [resolution 32/87 FJ and the special session devoted to disarmament. However, we regret that the restrictive and- discriminatory policies adopted by some supplier States have remained'unchanged. We very much hope that international co-operation in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy will be promoted. This would be an important contribution towards evolving the consensus to be jointly developed by the nuclear-weapon and non- nuclear-weapon States on ways and means of preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons. 33. We firmly believe that if the non-proliferation regime is to be fully developed and truly strengthened it must be complemented and reinforced by security guarantees of both a negative and a positive character to non-nuclear States, thus striking a more equitable balance in the rights and obligations of nuclear and non-nuclear-weapon States. 34. For several years Pakistan has called for agreement among the nuclear-weapon Powers on negative security assurances to non-nuclear-weapon States. A few years ago we submitted a formula on the subject which was adopted 35. Pakistan has consistently maintained that security guarantees to non-nuclear States should be given multi- lateral form, and should not be put forward as bilateral transactions. Therefore' we note with special interest the proposal of the Soviet Union on the conclusion of an international convention on the strengtheningof guarantees of the security of non-nuclear States [see A/33/241]. Although the Soviet proposal, in content, remains highly qualified and would need to be appropriately amended in order to elicit the support of the other nuclear-weapon Powers and the acceptance of the non-nuclear-weapon States, it constitutes an important response to the concerns and preoccupations of the latter group of States. Hence we hope that the new item [item 128J will receive serious consideration at this session and be remitted to the new Committee on Disarmament for negotiation. At the same time, I would recall the formula adopted by the General Assembly on Pakistan's initiative in resolution 31/189 C, ' which would extend negative security guarantees to all non-nuclear-weapon States which are not parties to the nuclear security arrangements of certain nuclear-weapon Powers. 36. I also put forward at the tenth specialsessionthe idea of positive security guaranteess in order to strengthen the credibility of the positive, though highly qualified and conditional, security assurances extended to non-nuclear- weapon States by the three nuclear-weapon Powers in Security Council resolution 255 (1968). Those assurances by the three nuclear-weapon Powers are embodied in their unilateral declarations of intention to come to the assist- ance of a non-nuclearState victim of nuclear aggression., 37. Non-nuclear States rightly fear that unilateral and bilateral positive security assurances would. turn them into protectorates of the guarantor nuclear Power or Powers; but multilateral positive guarantees within the framework of ArticI~ 51 of the Charter of the United Nations, which recognizes the right of States to individual and collective self-defence, would in no way constitute an infririgementof their sovereignty and independence, inasmuch as the nuclear umbrella provided would be integral to the universalcollective Security system expressly envisaged by the Charter. 38. The establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones cons- titutes.a most effectivemeasure of disarmamentand also of non-proliferation. Pakistan's proposal for such a zone in south Asia9 will ensure against the spreading of nuclear aDDS in the region and promote the security ofthe regional 1 See OfJicilll Records of the General Assembly, Thirty-first SnIio", Altllexe" cenda items 34 to 50 and 116, document A/31/386, para. 10~ 8 Ibid.. Tenth-SpecidSessio", PleNUYMeetilrgs, 7th meeting, 39. In a broader regional context, peace and security would be promoted through the creation of zones of peace, such as the Indian Ocean, South-East Asia, the Mediter- ranean and other regions. Such zones would, of course, need to take into account the interrelated aspects of eliminating the military presence of, and threat from, external Powers and the maintenaace of security amongthe regional States. In this context, we welcomethe meetingof the littoral and hinterland States of the Indian Ocean,to be . held in July next year, as a first step towards the conference to be convened to establish the zone of peacein the Indian Ocean. 40. The roots of the disparity between the developed and the developing countries lie in the present economic system, which serves the interests of the industrialized nations. The hopes and expectations aroused by the call for the New International Economic Order are nowhere near fulfilment. 41. The developed countries have been able to adjust to the impact of the increase in the price of oil. The brunt of these adjustment measures-that is, growing trade restric- tions, slackening demand, persistent inflation and exchange fluctuations-has been borne by the developing countries. Their balance-of-payments deficits have tripled; their external debts have doubled; and they have been forced to reduceeconomicgrowth. 42. Trade and the transfer of resourcesare the twin pillars on which development co-operation is based. The present volume of the transfer of resources to the developing countries is neither adequate nor certain and has been declining during the last three years. The level of official development assistance flows has stagnated at lessthan half the target of 0.7 per cent of the grossnational product and has declined in 1977 to a new low of 0.31 per cent. Only three developed countries have achieved or exceeded this target, and the major donors are lagging the furthest behind. o.fficiai Jevelopment assistance should be doubled during the next two years to achieve the 0.7 per cent target, as decided, by' 1980. Secondly, agreement should. be reached on the 'proposal for a massive transfer of resources to the developing countries to stimulate the world eco- nomy. 43. Debt-servicing liabilities are a major drain on the resources of many developing countries. The UNCTAD agreement in March this year [see A/33/15, part two, annex IJ, for retroactive readjustment of the terms of past official loans to the poorest countries is the least that could have been done in this regard. We thank Sweden, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom for granting general relief to several poorer countries, including my own. It is a matter of concern, however, that the major creditor countries have not implemented this agreement evenin the case of Pakistan, whose debt burden is one of the heaviest amongthe developing countries. 45. The external trade of the developing countries, instead of sustaining their development, has so far contributed to the deterioration in their economic conditions. Their terms of trade have registered a steady decline. The share of the developing countries in world trade, despite the increase in oil prices, has declined from 25 per cent in 1950 to 17 per cent in 1975. 46. The developing countries are important markets for the industrialized countries. They absorb 25 per cent of the total exports of the advanced countries and 40 per cent of the exports of the European Economic Community. The United States sells more to the developing countries than to the community, 1apan and the socialist countries put together. It is ironic that, despite this evident inter- dependence, as the GATT report for 19771 0 indicates, the exports of the developing countries have been a special target of protectionist measures in the advanced countries. In 1977 alone protectionism led to a contraction in world trade by $30 billion to $50 billion. 47.. In the multilateral trade negotiations, contrary to the principles of the Tokyo Declaration.r- the developing countries have been virtually excluded from the main bargaining in the fmal phase. For the developing countries the balance-sheet of these negotiatior..~ might well be negative. The current multilateral trade negotiations should be concluded as scheduled by the end of the year. But this should not result Insetting aside the trade problems of the developing countries indefmitely. The Tokyo round of multilateral trade negotiations should be immediately fol- lowed by another third round-a "third-world round"-of negotiations devoted primarily to the problems of trade between the developed and the developing countries. 48. We hope that agreement will soon be reached for the establishment of an effective common fund for com- modities including a substantial "second window". Concur- rently, it is necessary to examine the idea of a global trade .compensation scheme to meet the shortfalls in the exports of developing countries due to deterioration in trade terms. c outcome, I would venture to suggest that the work of the Committee might be resumed on the basis of an under- standing along:theS:e.lines. . ' _.> .' - .9. 49. It is ultimately through industrialization that the developing countries can attain a satisfactory measure:,pf , self-reliance and economic prosperity. We support the: , . <,' • ': . proposal for a specific programme for industrial develop- -, 53. In anf~:.;~._·;:we attach more importance to the ment for the third United Nations development decade and substance 'ol;:.th~:·d.ialogue than to the mechanisms through would su&'!est that UNIDO and UNCTAD may be author- which it is p*"sued. During the forthcoming months, both ized to prepare a study on this subject. The system of sides will have ample opportunities to address the funda- mental issues-for e~apipl~.during the current Assembly, at the fifth session .~)r~.CJ:AD, in the preparations for the :~ • 10 GAITActivities in 1977 (Sales No. GAIT 1978/2). 11 See GAIT, &lIic Instruments and Selected Documr:<ts. Twentieth Supplemem (Sales No. GA'IT/1974-1), p. 19. SO. We hope that the United Nations Conference on Science an~ Technology for Development, to be held in Vienna next year, will result in an increase in the level of support to science and technology in the developing countries and an appropriate augmentation of research in the industrial world relating to the problems of the developing nations. 51. It is in the interest of the developed and developing countries to take concerted action to restructure world economic relations on a more equitable basis. Yet, the record of the development dialogue thus far has been very disappointing. The dialogue is now in a state of impasse. 52. Pakistan sponsored the creation of the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, of the Committee of the Whole, in the wake of the incon- clusive Paris Conference on Internctional Economic Co- operation, to facilitate agreement on outstanding issues relating to the New International Economic Order. How- ever, it has become apparent that the developed countries are not prepared to negotiate in the Committee on the concrete issues of transfer of resources, industrialization, food production and so forth. The Committee was obliged to suspend its work last month, in the wake of the failure to reach agreement on its mandate, despite the persevering efforts of its Chairman. It is not in the interests of either the developed or developing countries to allow the impasse to continue. In this context we have noted the statement made here by the Secretary of State of the United States Mr. Vance, on 29 September and his view that "sufficient procedural agreement now exists to resume. substantive work" in the Committee {14th, meeting para. 127j. My delegation considers that there is general agreement that the Committee will negotiate with a view to its adopting guidelines on central policy issues, as well as achieving agreement on the resolution of fundamental or crucial issues underlying problems relating to international eco- nomic co-operation, as far as possible on the basis of consensus, without prejudice, however, to the rules of procedure of the General Assembly. Obviously, there is no procedural device by which the Committee cm bepre- vented from considering any issue related to its mandate. At the same time, it would be the part of wisdom not to insist on consideration by the Committee ofthose issues on which there is an absence of broad agreement. This is the course we wish to follow. We know that consulations are contemplated on this issue. Without prejudice to their '... '. : '.. ~.. ". 55. Pakistan hopes that by next year the third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea will find it possible to resolve the major outstanding issues and to adopt a convention. We are most concerned at the unilateral legislation being contemplated by some advanced countries for the exploitation of the sea-bed beyond national jurisdiction. This will jeopardize the negotiations on the law of the sea and create a chaotic situation with far-reaching political and economic consequences of a most negative character. 56. In concluding, I should like to make a few brief observations on the reflections of the Secretary-General in the introduction to his annual report on the work of the Organization on the imperative need to struggle for the establishment of a world order based on the central principles of the Charter of the United Nations {see AI33/l. sect. Ill-for example, the non-use of force, the peaceful settlement of disputes on the basis of justice and international law, and equal rights of nations large and small-in the place of great Power rivalry, the struggle for hegemony and power politics. I fully endorse the Secre- tary-General's plea for the replacement of systems of political· and economic domination by a more democratic international order based on the recognition of inter- dependence and equal partnership. 57. The appeal is neither Utopian nor VISIonary. The mtemational system ofpeace and security and of economic relations envisaged by the United Nations Charter was' the product, nor of the imagination of poets, philosophers and dreamers, but of the minds of great war leaders and statemen of the most powerful nations of the world who, with their unrivalled experience of war and peace, had twice in their lifetime seen the suffering and disaster brought about .by the untrammelled pursuit of power politics and rivalry for spheres of influence. It is these men who decided to opt for a more civilized international order under the aegis ofthe United Nations. 58. The time has come for all of us to seize the opportunity now presented to us to make a small beginning towards the establishment of a universal collective security system in the nuclear era through guarantees for the security of non-nuclear States and for the realization of the great promise of the New International Economic Order.

13 First of all, I wish to congratulate you warmly, Sir, as a prominent Colombian statesman, on your election to the lofty and 61. I sincerely thank the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, and his associates for the devotion and wisdom which they have displayed in their multifarious activities on behalf of the international community and for their tireless efforts to further the implementation of the General Assembly resolution on assistance for the reconstruction of Viet Nam{resolution 32/3/. 62. The Vietnamese delegation welcomes Solomon Islands on the occasion of its admission as the one hundred and fiftieth Member of the United Nations. 63. During the year that has elapsed since the last regular session of the General Assembly we have witnessed the victories of many peoples in their struggle {or peace, national independence, democracy and social progress. Never have the people of the world seen such bright prospects open before them as those of today. Conscious of the dynamics of history, the system of socialist countries, the movements for national independence and the move- ment of the working people struggling for economic rights and democratic liberties are being strengthened unceasingly and have scored new successes. This is the main trend in the development of the world situation, no matter how hard imperialism, in collusion with international reactionaries, tries to hinder the advance of mankind. 64. For many generations now, the maintenan.ce of peace has been the primary concern of the people of the world, because peace is related to the vital interests and the rate of dc.eloprnent of all nations. Life today has further strength- ened our confidence in the possibility of preventing a new world war and preserving lasting peace on our planet. Imperialism has waged two world wars and hundreds of colonialist wars of aggression; but the forces of war have been repulsed .by the peoples of the world and have collapsed part by part: 65. The high tide of revolution among peoples during and after the two world wars brought the system ofthe socialist countries into being and caused thedislntegration of the colonial system- which was dominated by imperialism. The colonialist wars in the past half-century have further weakened imperialism and exacerbated the crises it has suffered. Though defeated, imperialism nas not given up its policy of.force and, far fr-om curbing, has in fact stepped up the arms race, thereby causing tension throughout the world. For this reason' mankind must' be vigilant. Nowadays, however.vthrough their multifaceted struggle and with the combined strength of the forces of socialism, national independence, democracy and peace, the people of the worldare more capable than ever before of defending peace and defeating every dark scheme of the warmongers. 67. The new victories won by peoples throughout the world prove 'that peoples are now capable of surmounting every difficulty and choosing freely the path to develop- ment which most effectively ensures their independence, freedom and happiness. 68. Human rights constitute a question of major concern to the world community. Viet Nam is of the view that human rights are, first and foremost, the right to be master in one's own country, the right to use all forms ofstruggle to defend the vital interests of one's fatherland, the right to choose one's own way of advancement in conformity with one's national traditions and aspirations, and the right of every man and woman to work, study and livea happy life. That is why the struggle for human rights is primarily the struggle to attain and safeguard each country's political and economic independence, and to establish a new inter- national economic order on the basisof respect for national independence and sovereignty. 69. In order to carry out their expansionist and hege- monistic designs, international reactionary forces are increasingly working hand in §hve with imperialism in order to undermine world peace and security and to violate the independence and sovereignty of other countries. They are feverishly stepping up the arms race, preaching the inevitability of war, inciting one country to flght another, and backing and abetting both reactionary and Fascist regimes everywhere to repress the peoples of the world. They try to sow discord among developing countries, to sabotage the unity of the movements for national liberation and the non-aligned countries, and to drive a wedge between those movements and other revolutionary and progressive forces. They resort to vicious and blatant manoeuvres to oppose the countries which persist in their policy of independence and sovereignty and refuse to submit. 70. Their acts are designed to side-track the essentialgoals of the struggle of peoples for independence, democracy and social progress and to make confusion between friends and enemies so that they can side with the chief enemy of mankind-namely, imperialism, colonialism, neo- colonialism, racism and apartheid. 71. The whole-hearted assistance extended by Cuba to other peoples and countries in their struggle for liberation, in defence of their independence and sovereignty and for their national reconstruction is a noble undertaking that has 72. The fact that the non-aligned movement will be convening at its Sixth Conference in HavanaIn 1979, the capital of a nation rich in revolutionary and internationalist spirit, clearly demonstrates the high prestige of Cuba and the tendency towards ever-increasing unity among the forces of peace,independence and social progress. 73. The acts of the imperialists and international reaction- aries run counter to the trend of history and have been condemned by the whole world. The people of the world, vigilant and united, will certainly foil the des.~.1s and actions of the imperialists. 74. Throughout three decades of strugglefor the indepen- dence; sovereignty and reunification of our country, Viet Nam experienced great devastation due to the wars which were imposed on us. Today, however, 'in oursouth-west border regionsthe Vietnamese people continue to be killed, and their villages continue to be ravaged. The Vietnamese people have no more earnest aspiration than to livein peace in order rapidly to heal the wounds of war, to rehabilitate and develop their economy and their culture, and to build a prosperous, advanced and happy homeland. Viet Nam desires peace in South-East Asia and in the restof the world. The foreign policy of the Socialist Republic ofViet Nam is one of independence, sovereignty, peace, friendship, unity and co-operation. 75. As ,a socialist country Viet Nam has unswervingly pursued a policy of solidarity and co-operation with the Soviet Union 'and the other fraternal socialist countries. In the past, as now, after its complete liberatron and reunifi- cation, it continues to enjoy' great and effective assistance and support from the socialist countries, friendly countries and the progressive peoples throughout the world. That Viet Nam has become a full member of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance is an auspicious development in the existing relationship between Viet Nam and the countries members of that important international eco- nomic organization. At the same time Viet Nam has also established relations with many other international eco- nomic organizations in keeping with its policy of broaden- ing and diversifying its relations of international .eo- . operation. -76. For many years South-East Asia has suffered from a situation of instability and has been the arena of many conflicts due to imperialist and colonialist aggression. It is now necessary to put an end to this situation in order to restore peace.'and stability and to achieve friendship and co-operation. Viet Nam's attitude is to look to the future and be ready to turn a new page in the history of its relationship with other South-East Asian countries. Viet Nam has been and is prepared tojoin with other South-East Asian countries in Undertaking, through treaties or other formal agreements, strictly to respect each other's indepen- dence and sovereignty, to. rule out wars againsteach other, - 77. We aregladto note that our country is developingever better relations of friendship'and co-operation with South- East Asian countries.Thishas beenclearly evidenced by the visits~ whie1l have been penneated with friendship, of Vietnamese leaders to various countries in that region; Those direct top-level contacts have strengthened mutual understanding and trust and have actively contributed to joint efforts to establish. a zone of peace, independence, freedom and neutrality, a zone of stability and prosperity, in South-East Asia. in keeping with the interests of each country and the commoninterestsof the entireregion,and for the benefitof worldpeaceand security. 78. We welcome the very important contributionthat has been made by the Government of the Lao People's Democratic Republic to the cause of peace and the co-operation of the countries of South-EastAsia. We also welcome the efforts and the goodwill of many other South-East Asian countries in normalizing and strengthen- ingrelationsamong the countriesofthat region. 79. At present there are forces which nurture ambitions for expansion and big-nation hegemony and are trying to follow the old path of the colonialists by sowing division, : : :~spicion and enmity among South-East Asian countries. '. ··:.:;.'Ttley thereby run counter to the aspirations for peace, . friendship and co-operation thtl.t prevail among the coun- tri~s ofthat region. 80. The 4,QOO-year history of the Vietnamese nation is one of Iong and hard struggle but one that has been crowned with glorious victory for national independence. In their contempOIllIY history the Vietnamese people have waged an undaunted struggle to defendtheir independence ...andfreedom, They perpetrate aggression against no one, bt!r:iliey will not allow anyone to encroach upon their- iridep~~:Elence and sovereignty. The more they cherish their ownmftep-~~denceand freedom, the morethey res-rect the iri.depe';la~.iice; and freedomofother countries, : ':~ 81. The VietnlUI\cse people are deeply convinced that the differences: and disputes, even the conflicts, between independent and sovereign States can be satisfactorily settled on the basis of respect for one another) indepen- dence. sovereignty. territorial integrity and equality between states: and respect for one another's legitimate interests. This is in. conformitywith the desireofthe peace- an~ justice-loving peoples throughout the world and con- stitutes:one ofthe'principlesof the UnitedNations. 82. In this spirit, the' Government of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam has. made several constructive proposals for settling.the conflictsand lessening-the tension between Viet Nam and some of its neighbours, My Government is. persis,ting in its. endeavour to seek a sati$factory settlement that serves the interests and tradi- tional' friendship existing between Viet Nam and those countries,and to further peace and stabilityin that region. 85. Viet Nam is willing to pursue bilateraland multilateral co-operation with other countries and to participate in or maintain relations with international co-operatton organt- zations in order to develop its economy on the basis of respect for each other's independence and sovereignty, equality and mutual benefit. Viet Nam is a member of the World Bank, IMF. the Asian Development Bank, the Mekong Committee and many other international organl- zations. It also maintains relations with the European Economic Community. 86. I wish to express here the profound gratitude of the people and Govemment of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam to their friends all over the world'who are showing both sympathy and support for our efforts to build the homelandandto defendindependence and sovereignty. 87. The Virmamese people are fully aware that their struggle, in the past as well as in the present,for their own national interests is closely associated with the common struggle of the people of the world for peace, national independence. democracy and social progress, as well as with the objectives of the non-aligned movement andthose of the United Nations. DUring the past year the peoples of Ethiopia, Afghanistan, Democratic Yemen and others have obtained majorvictories in their revolutionary struggle and in the defence of their revolutionary gains. 88. The Palestinian people and other Arab peoples in the Middle East are continuing their struggle .against the Israeli occupation, which is backed by imperialism. We reaffirm our strong support for the struggle. of the Palestinian Arab people, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization to winbacktheir fundamentalnationalrights, includingthe right to establish a separate,independentand sovereign State. We support the Arabpeoples in the Middle East who aIC' endeavouring to recover completely their territories occupied by Israeli aggressors. We welcome all efforts aimed at bringing about peace and an end to war in the MiddleEast, However, in order to have genuine peace, the sources of warmust be eliminated. A-durable peace in that region requires that the aggression be totally eradicated and implies the restoration of the fundamental national rights of the Palestinian people and total sovereignty of the Arab countries over their occupiedterritories.Asolutionin which-only the aggressor has his say. and even the rightof veto, while the victim of the aggression. the Pale..stinian people. whose,legitimate representative is the Palestine Liberation Organization. is prevented from makmg its important voice heard can only encourage aggre~ion and damage the cause of peace in that region. l,Jnfortun~tely, that isthe essence ofthe CampDavid peaceagreements, 89. In view of the ever greater victories that have been scored by the peoples of southern Africa, the imp~ria.lbt$ and their agents are resorting toincrea&!ngly wick:eQ;md 91. We support every effort to achieve peace and total and complete disarmament. Asregards nucleardisarmament, we are in favour of any initiative that will ensure the protection of non-nuclear-weapon States against the useor threat of the use of such weapons by the nuclear Powers, provide non-nuclear States with adequate rights and the conditions for developing the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, help to stop the nuclear arms raceand prohibit the production of new systems of those weapons. These matters relate to the rights and obligations of both nuclear-weapon States 8.'1d non-nuclear-weaponStates, and both have equal rights and obligations in the matter of nuclear disarmament as well as in that of the peacefuluses of nuclear energy. For that reason these matters shouldbe settledin an interrelated way. 92. We support proposals aimed at inculcating noble sentiments concerning peacein the youth and broad sectors of thepeoplesofall countries. 93. Although in the present situation we are still-con- fronted with complex and difficult problems, the struggle of the people of the world for peace, national indepen- dence, democracy and social progress has consistently gained new successes, and this has been reflected in part in the documentsofour Organization during the past year. 94. We are confident that the noble goals of the inter- .national community will, one by one,be achieved. Progres- sive mankind will fmd proper solutions for the major problems of our time. In this conviction wewillco-operate closely with other Members of our Organization and contribute our part to the success of this thirty-third session of the General Assembly.

Sir, your election as Prelident of the thirty-third lellion of the GeneralAllICmbly and ~ confidence which the Assembly has placed in you have beennoted withgreat pleasure by the delegation of tho Yemen ArabRepublic.As %. May I take this opportunity to express the deep gratitude and appreciation of my delegation for.the outstanding rolewhich your predecessor, Mr.Lazar MojlOv, has performed with admirable wisdom and patienceduring his term as President of the thirty-second regular session an.d the .three special sessions held this year. Our delegation aiso wishes to express its deep appreciation for the untiring efforts of the Secretary-General of the United Nations for the establishment of peace and the dispelling of the threat of war in areas of tension and hostilities. 97. Permit me to extend our congratulations to the people and Government of Solomon Island on their admission to membership in the United Nations family. We welcome their active participation in our joint efforts, which are aimed at the realization of stability and happiness for mankind. 98. There is no doubt that the convening of three special sessions of the General Assembly within the span of one year.representsa significant development.in the history of the United Nations. This development reflects the con- viction of the international community that contemporary problems cannot be resolve except through the. collective will and co-operation of the peoples of the world. With such .will and co-operation, a better atmosphere for coexistence and development will prevail for the well-bemg of theirre8pe(:tive communities. Furthennore, the con- vening of those sessions has added a new dimension to the conceptof democracyin the realmnfintemational relations•. It is therefore incumbent upon us today to reaffmn this new spirit which has begun to manif~st itselfin the United .Nations approach to settling international problems and disputes. Today the world Organizationis more responsive to these circumstances andchanges. 99. The Government of'the Yemen Arab Republic has followedwith great interest the usues on whichdiscussions focused at the BonnEconomic SummitConference held in Bonn during the month. of June 1978 concerning trade relations between the industrialized countries and the developing nations. We expressed similar interest in their efforts to combat international terrorism. On the same grounds Yemen welcomes any measure aimedat PJ'Otecting the security of the non-nuclear States. Hence,the Yemen delegation wishes success to the StrategicAnns Limitation Talks• 100_ As oneofthe foundersofthe non-alignedmovement, the Yemen Arab Republic appeals once again 10 the Governmentof the People's Republic ofehinato join 1hU moYement~ with the aim of enhancing the movement'. progressive role .andofsafeguarding it -against any deviution from its fundamental principles tllat were laid downattbe African-Asian Conference,held in Bandung ,in 1955~ 101. My country follows with specialinteres" the process of negotiation between representatives of the developed countries and of 'the develop~ countries-or wha.!._has 103. In the meantime, we observe that the industrialized countries are reluctant to engagein negotiaticns concerning fundamental issues within the mandate of the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution- 32/174t known as the Committee of the Wholet on the establish- ment of the New International Economic Order. And this partly explains the recent failure of the Committee to fulfil its mandate in accordance with Assembly resolution 32/174. Nevertheless, we continue to believe that the New International Economic Order, as defined in the Declara- tion and the Programme of Action which were adopted at the sixth special session of the General Assembly of 1974, {resolution 3201 (S-YI) and 3202 (S-VI)f, remains the appropriate and only framework for reshaping international economic relations on the basis ofjustice and equity for the benefit of the international community as a whole. 104. The period which has elapsed since the thirty-second regular session of this Assembly is very short; yet, it has witnessed international changes and developments of great dimensions which "by no means generate an atmosphere of optimism. 105. The recourse to cold war methods as evidenced in the creation of areas of conflict and confrontation in Africa and the Middle East, together with the escalation of nuclear and conventional armaments, has dampened all hopes. These developments reaffirm the ever-increasing importance of our Organization as an ideal framework for international understanding and co-operation. 106. The sheer desire to discuss our common problems and concerns in an open forum, and our meeting in this hall today for that purpose, should be considered as a positive step in the direction of seeking the most efficacious and sound solutions for these problems and concerns, with a view to achieving stability and welfare for our peoples. We believe, however, that there exists a far more important factor: there has to be a serious collective political will for the implementation' of the agreements we reach in this Assembly. We have to seek inspiration and guidance from the principles and ideals of the charter, lest our debates and discussions never bear fruit. 107_ The attempts- to acquire spheres of influence, which we are witnessing today in the continent of Africa and in 108. We are aware of the differences which exist among the States of the region and which are attributable to political and historic factors inherited from the era of imperialism. Yet we consider foreign intervention in any form or magnitude to be the constant and major factor underlying the political problems and the military confron- tation which befell the Horn of Africa early this year. The Government of the Yemen Arab Republic has emphasized its desire to disengage the region from the conflict of the major Powers, and has taken the initiative in offering its good offices for resolving the differences which exist among the States of the region. The Government of the Yemen Arab Republic has also followed a policy of restraint in the face of repeated provocations and plotting, including the stationing of foreign troops for aggressive purposes. The latest of these provocative acts was the tragic assassination of the late President Ahmed Hussein Al-Ghashmi, In exercising such restraint, Yemen has been aware of the foreign designs and dangers which might ensue from any further deterioration in this strategically important region. 109. I should like, if I may, to address myself again to the issue of security and stability in an area not too far from the Horn of Africa, namely the Middle East. With the permission of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, allow me to quote the following remarks on the Middle East from his report on the work of the Organization:' . "... the irony of the Middle East is that this historic region, which has given so much to our civilization and which is still a great and diverse reservoir ofhuman talent, has also become a grave danger to the rest of tl world. We must together find some means .of liberating the Middle East and all humanity from a nightmare that has lasted far too long." {SeeA/33/1, sect. lll.] 110. Israel, which has carved out for itself a place in the Middle East through usurpation and aggression, is the very nightmare and the cancer which has afflicted the whole region and its peoples. 111. Since the establislunent of the Zionist enlity in Palestine through terror and occupation, the Middle East region has never enjoyed peace or stability. Encouraged by the Zionist philosophy justifying terrorism and usurpation, Israel has waged' five aggressive' wars against the Arab States neighbouring Palestine. The most recent target of Israel's aggression has been southern Lebanon, where about 2,000 . innocent civilians. have been victimized and half a million people ":cre displaced, in addition to the ·destruction and 113. The Arab peoples demand and affirm the necessity of implementing the resolutions of this Organization, which truly reflect the interests and concerns of the international community, Israel's defiance of the international consensus regarding the inadmissibility of the acquisition of the territory of others by force and the restoration of the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people is the very factor which has weakened the United Nations and diverted it, as the Secretary-General has pointed out in his report to this session on the work of the Organization from its central goal of maintaining international peace and security. 114. The delegation of the Yemen Arab Republic shares with the Secretary-General the view that, irrespective of the developments which may ensue from the endeavours currently undertaken, in the fmal analysis an concerned parties must come together and search for a way which will lead to a permanent and just solution. Nobody rejects just peace and stability except Israel. Our delegation further- more wishesto afflrm its understanding of a just and lasting peace based on the following. 115. First, a ;.Jermanent and a just peace should include the total withdrawalof the enemy Israeli forces from all the occupied Arab territories, including the city of Jerusalem. 116. Secondly, ,1 permanent and a just peace means the restoration of the legitimate national rights of the Pales- tinian people, and enabling it to exercise those rights, foremost among which is its right to self-determination and the establishment of its national authority in Palestine under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organi- zation, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. 117. Thirdly, a permanent and a just peace must include the cessation of the establishment of Jewish settlements in the occupied Arab territories, and the dismantling of all the settlements established since the occupation, as those settlements are illegal and should not be the subject of negotiations or wasteful efforts. 118. Fourthly, a permanent and a just peace must mean the cessation of an excavation and construction work 119. We wish to emphasize again that the intransigence of Israel and its policy of expansion, aggression, and the provocation of various troubles in the occupied Arab territories and in Lebanon have obstructed allintemational efforts aimed at the achievement of la just and a lasting peace and have also demonstrated the Fascist nature of the Israeli leaders. 120. The problems of imperialism in South Africa con- tinue to constitute cl grave threat which is not limited to the independent African nations and which may lead to a military confrontation the scope of which will not be confmed to the African continent but will engulf other areas of the world. This prompts us to take a resolute stand on granting the people of Namibia their right to self-deter- mination and full independence, on the elimination of the illegitimate racist regime in Southern Rhodesia, and on enabling the Zimbabwe people to express its aspirations to self-determination. 121. Based on this perspective, the Yeme- Arab Republic supports the efforts of the United Nations and the Secretary-General which are aimed at bringing to an end the occupation of Namibia by the racist Government of South Africa and which have repeatedly condemned the white minority Government in Rhodesia. The Government of the Yemen Arab Republic has welcomed in principle the proposals of the five Western Powers members of the Security Council regarding Narnibia,14 and has emphasized that Walvis Bay is an integral part of Namibia. Our Government also denounces the machinations contrived by the racist regime of Ian Smith under the guise of the so-called internal settlement, the purpose of which is to deprive the Zimbabwe people of their right to indepen- dence and majority rule. We wish to point out that the intransigent position of the Government of Pretoria with respect to granting independence to Namibia and the continuation of the illegal racist minority rule in Southern Rhodesia will be the direct cause underlying any eruption of violence"and the continuation by the peoples ofNamibia and Zimbabwe of the armed struggle for the realization of their freedom, national independence, and territorial integrity. 122. The Government of the Yemen Arab Republic therefore reaffirms the need to implement Security Council resolution 385 (1976) and to promote peace efforts within the framework of the United Nations for achieving the independence of Namibia and preserving its territorial integrity. Our delegation also appeals to the United Kingdom, in its capacity as the administering. Power in Southern Rhodesia, to shoulder its full responsibility by putting an end to the illegal regime of lan Smith and 124. The Yemen Arab Republic has participated in an active and positive manner in the various sessions of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, and prior to that had participated in the preparatory activities for the Conference through its membership in the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits of National "Jurisdiction, for the purpose of concluding a just and acceptable international convention which would govern- everything pertaining ·to the seas in a way compatible with contem- porary international developments. 125. At the end of its sixth session, held in New York between 23 May and 15 July :977, the Conference prepared what has become known as the informal com- posite negotiating text. I S Our delegation expressed at the time its dissatisfaction with some of the pr.ovisions of the text, particularly those relating to navigation through international straits, since those provisions infringe the sovereign rights of States whose straits are situated within their territorial waters. Despite that, we continued to participate·in the Conference in the expectation ofreaching agreement on balanced provisions which would protect the respective rights of the variousparties, 126. Before the end of the seventh resumed session, which was concluded in New York last month, the Conference was dealt a severeblow which manifested itself in the desire of some industrialized countries to enact unilateral legis- lation aimed at starting the exploitation of the .sea-bed resources in the international limits of the area. As a member of the Group of 77, Yemen fully supports the statement made by the Chairman of the Group during the plenary meeting of the Conference on 15 September 1978.1 6 We also reaffirm the need to abide by the Declaration of Principles contained in General Assembly resolution 2749 (XXV), which declared that the sea-bed and ocean floor beyond the limits of national jUrisdiction are the common heritage ofmankind. . 127. At the end of last November the first international economic Conference to discuss the flve-year development plan of the Yemen Arab Republic was held in San'a. Our delegation wishes to express. its thanks and gratitude to Mr.Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General, and to the United Nations family for their participation and co- operation in making the Conference a success. 128. It is the view of our Government that development should. have top priority. From the day stability was 129. The five-yearplan, which-involves an estimated 16.7 billion Yemen rials and to which President All Abdullah Saleh and the Government devote great attention, has the following objectives for achievement during its life plan; first, to build the .national economy and direct the 'economy towards relfance on local resources for develop- ment; secondly, to develop an integrated system of educa- tion and training; and thirdly, to establish the necessary infrastructure in the sector of communication and roads. . .. 130. At the political level our country is witnessing an important development in its constitutional life. Our political leadership is anxious to pursue the democratic experiment as represented in the People's Constituent Council and to promote that experiment for the fulfllment of the aspiration of our people to a true democratic life. 131. In the international arena the Yemen Arab Republic has cultivated amicable relations with all friendly and kindred States. Our established policy is characterized by temperance, responsibility and the attempt to settle our differences through genuine dialogue. However, our country opposes any intervention in its internal affairs and also adamantly rejects the encouragement of problems among other States. ,~ 132. In its efforts to achieve prosperity and stability for its people Yemen is aware of its commitments concerning the .international issues which beset our planet. In true co-operation with brothers and friends it attempts to contain regional conflicts, which often generate tension and constitute a threat to international peace and security. 133. In dealing with these issues,Yemen is inspired by its faith in the principles of the Charter and its strong desire to ensure that the United Nations, by our common will, remains the appropriate body for. tackling the most complicated issues. This leads us to emphasize the need to enhance the role of the United Nations insuppol1ing the struggle of the peoples for freedom, independence and self-determination in fulfilment of the aspiration of our generation to see justice, peace and ,stability prevail throughout the world. . ..,. 134. Mr. RlTHAUDDEEN (Malaysia): On behalf of my delegation I should like fast of all to congratulate Mr.Indalecio Lievano on his election as President of the thirty-third sessionof the-GeneralAssembly.His election to that high office is a tribute. to him personally and.to the constructive and positive role played by Colombia in the work of the United Nations. I wish Mr. Lievano every success in his task and assure him that my delegation will give him our fullest co-operation. 135. I would like also to convey our congratulations and deep appreciation to Mr. Li6vano's predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, who presided over the deliberations of the thirty- 136. The delegation' of Malaysia ·warmlY,welcomes·'the admission of Solomon Islands as tl',-, one hundred and fiftieth Member of our Organization. 1~"", accession'ofthat Territory to independence in .July this year indeed augurs weD. ,for the. ~emain!pg, Non-Self-Governing T~rritories which have yet to emerge from the bondageof colonialism. Thisis atribute to'the important role'playedby the United Nations in the field'Of decolonization. Mydelegation looks forward to close' 'co~peration with the delegation of Solomon Islands Within and outside the United,Nations system. ' 137. ,It' is' customary for us to come here each year to review our achievements and express our views on' the current world situation. Although we have seen some positive developments.In some areas; the balance-sheet of the world situation in substantive terms has unfortunately continued to be weighted on the debit side. The world is still ridden with conflicts, antagonism, mistrust, poverty and under-development. The agenda before. us, which is again laden with pressing issues of oven ltelming propor- tions and urgency, reflects in the main a situation of uncertainty and in some 'areas a feeling of frustration. Indeed, the non-aligned countries at their recent Con- ference in Belgrade" Yugoslavia, pointed out the general crisis situation in the world today [see A/33/206/. at a time when we are again faced with dangers of the resurgence of cold-war politics and the persistence of rising tensions and conflicts. 138. The process of detente and world peacecontinues to be' threatened by the expansion of bloc divisions and rivalries and the escalating arms race. We have no illusions as to the obstacles that stand in the way of the effortsof this Organization to arrest this dangerous development. The point is that' there is still much tension, mistrust and .suspicion, whichhave accumulated over the yearsfromthe negative consequences of two world wars.While this holds true, I do not think we should'be disheartened by whatwe have failed to achieve. Let us instead dip further into the reservoir of our goodwill and with renewed vigour dedicate .o,urselves to the search for viable solutions to the more .urgent problemsthat continue to beset us. 139. As we begin the thirty-third session, we can perhaps draw some satisfaction from positive' trends that have emerged during the courseof this year. For one thing,our deliberations have increasingly been characterized by a willingness to accommodate each other through a spirit of tolerance and understanding. We have proved that through the continuing dialogue in which we are engaged we can work in harmony rather than divisiveness. It is asifwe''Iere now embarking on a new era of positive international co-operation. 140. This year alone, the General Assembly has held important special sessions, resulting in decisionswhich have sisnificantly advanced international understanding and co- operation. The decisions of the tenth special'session on disarmament give us much hope that world peace and security will be strengthened through the start of the '''•.. our'greatest p~obl~s .can only. he hndl~d by multilateral action ... Used .properly, for example, the United Nations can be the instrument for overcoming ,much of the sense of mistrust and insecurity whic~ makes so many international problems insoluble."[See A/33/1. sect. L/ 141. We must accept that, the pursuit, of international peace and security is, after all, a dynamicprocess,and that it isthrough co-operation,understanding and tolerance.that we can reach out to seekviable solutioll$ to international problems. Indeed, the importance of this process should not be underestimated. My delegation hopes that it willbe given further impetus at this thirty-third session. For our part, i should like to reafium the commitment of the Government of Malaysia to its promotion, so that we can. successfully attain the goals and objectives of the United Nations. 142. Indeed, the continuation of this process' of 00- operation is all the more imperative in serious problem areas such as the Middle East and southern Africa. Peace has eluded the'peoplein the Middle Eastfor far too long.It isa tragic situation that has inflicted untold sufferinp on many. It is surely the duty of1he internationalcommunity to leave no stone untumed in the quest for a lasting and comprehensive solution that will end the sufferings of the peopleand enable them to livein peaceand security. 143. It is in this context that my Government welcomes any initiative aimed at bringing this about. While doingso, let me also reiterate here our position, namely, that a just and comprehensive settlement of the problem can be achieved only .if it is predicated, first, on the complete and unconditional,withdrawal of Israel from all Arab occupied territories and, secondly~ on the realization of the i.'la1ien- able national rights of the 'Pal~stinian people, including the right to self-determination. We also hold stronglythat Israel must desist from changing the natural, political, cultural, religious and demographic characteristics of the occupied territories. 144. At the Ninth Islamic Conference ofForeignMinisters held in Dakar, Senegal, in April this year, the position of that Conferencewas very.. clearlydefined,Israel's continued illegal occupation of Arab territories,including the Holy City of Jerusalem, cannot be accepted. The Holy City of Jerusalem in particular is dear to all Islamic countries and Moslems all over the world, and any act by Israel to alter the Arab lslmnic status of the City and desecrate the Islamic monuments there is to be condemned. 145. The struggle against colonialism, apartheid and racism remains high 011 the priority list ofthe agenda ofthe United Nations. It is a matter of satisfactionthat there is universal recognition of the need for more resolute action to eradicate this abnormality of our times. The process of decolonization assumes increasing urgency as we face ruthless attempts by the colonialist regimes to entrench 146. Earlier this year we were looking forward to the independence of Namibia. But once again we are faced with a recalcitrant and intransigent racist regime in South Africa, which is bent on obstructing the efforts of the United Nations to bring about a peaceful transition to majority rule and independence in that country. South Africa's decision to go ahead and conduct its own elections in Namibia in defiance of the United Nations poses a serious obstacle to the progress of the settlement proposals that have been agreed upon. Surely, no independence can be genuine if it does not include the participation of SWAPO. 147. We deplore these obstructionist tactics, which demonstrate too clearly that the racist regime is not prepared to relinquish its illegal control of the Territory. If South Africa persists in pursuing this course, the Security Council must take a firm decision to impose full mandatory sanctions. In the view of my delegation, the Secretary- General's proposals for the establishment of the United Nations transition AssistanceGroup provide the best means for ensuring the peaceful and orderly transition of the Territory to independence. We fully support these pro- posals, which are embodied in the recently adopted Security Council resolution 435 (1978). 148. It would indeed be a tragedy if South Africa at this stage turned its back and refused to co-operate with the United Nations in setting in motion the peace-keeping operations in Namibia. Wecal1 on South Africa to show political goodwill and to assist Namibia's accession to independence within the framework of the Security Council resolution, so that the people of the Territory will be able to enjoy the legitimate rights so long denied to them. ' 149. In Southern Rhodesia, the fraudulent internal settle- ment by the racist Smith regime can never provide a just solution to the problem. There can be no solution unless it is based on the wishes of the black majority, including the Patriotic Front. The so-called internal settlement is nothing but a deliberate and systematic plan designed to consolidate white racist minority rule. We reject this deceptive act. No permanent solution to the problem is possible unless it is consistent with the principieof majority rule, so as to ensure the right of the people of Zimbabwe to self-deter- mination, justice, equality and freedom. 150. In South Africa, there is still no visible sign of a change in the apartheid policies of the racist regime. On the contrary, that r~g~e has intensified its oppression and instituted bantustans which are aimed at depriving the people of the Territory of their citizenship and legitimate rights. It is indeed a tragic situation where millions of the people there are still unable to enjoy their birthright and to live in peace, justice and equality. The recent World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination has condemned apartheid in the strongest terms and urged more concrete international action to eradicate this evil 151. In the field of disarmament, the problem of the escalating arms race continues to pose a serious threat to international peace and security.. The principles and priorities for disarmament negotiations drawn up by the tenth special session, on disarmament {see resolution 8-10/2/ should be implemented as soon as possible. We .hope the deliberative and negotiating.bodies established by the special session will givepriority attention to drawing up measures that will halt and reverse the wasteful arms race, stop all nuclear-weapon tests and reduce the stockpiles of nuclear weapons with a view to their complete elimination. I think the Assembly will agree with me that more urgent action is needed both multilaterally through concerted action in the United Nations, which bears the primary responsibility in this field, and bilaterally, particularly between the two leading nuclear-weapon States in the context of the negotiations proceeding within the frame- work of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks. We do, indeed, live in a fmite world, and certainly the resources released from military expenditures could usefully be diverted to economic development, particularly for the developing countries. We look forward to the early conclu- sion ofa comprehensive test-ban treaty and to negotiations to begin the process of genuine disarmament, particularly nuclear disarmament, so that we can live in a world free from the constant threat of destruction. 152. Let me turn next to the situation in my part of the world, South-East Asia. Malaysia, together with our other partners in the Association of South East Asian Nations, has always been strongly committed to promoting friend- ship, understanding and co-operation among the countries in South-East Asia. We believe that it is through regional co-operation that we can harness our efforts and resources to promote the well-beingof our people. The Association is indeed strongly committed to regionalism, and, in trans- lating this concept into practice, we are creating the conditions that would be conducive not only to forging greater understanding but also to bringing about long-term peace and stability that would be to the interest of all the countries in the region. It is a task which should be shared by all. The participation of all the countries in South-East Asia is all the more imperative now in the present situation, and only 'through co-operation can we act in concert in shaping the evolution of a peaceful, prosperous and stable South-East Asia for the well-beingof our peoples. 153. Malaysia is also coinmitted to 'the establishment of a zone of peace, freedom and- neutrality in South-East Asia. The return to peaceful and stable conditions ID .the region would be an important contribution towards realizing such a concept. We believe that theestablisJunent of such a zone free from outside interference and big-Power rivalry would secure for the region lasting peace and stability. The special session devoted to disarmament, it .will be recalled, has noted the interest of the countries in the region in the establishment of such a zone in South-East Asia. There is 154. An equally, if not more, important task for the United Nations now and in the years ahead is to address itself fully to the prevailing multifarious international economic problems by continually keeping up the momen- tum of the North-South dialogue until the solution to those problems is found. Hence, it is not only expected of, but also imperative for, the United Nations, as an international forum with universal participation, to be actively involved in the process of'global negotiations relating to the establishment of the New International Economic Order, to which my Government is fully committed. For this reason, my delegation reiterates its full support for the mandate of the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, or the Committee of the Whole, on the establishment of that New Economic Order. The Com- mittee cannot and must not fail in its task, since there is no alternative to it within the United Nations system if the- United Nations is to play a major and meaningful role and to contribute positively towards the promotion of global economic interdependence. 155. Unfortunately, despite the acceptance of the impor- tance and value of equal partnership in international economic co-operation, little progress has been made in practical action towards its implementation. This unsatis- factory state ofaffairs, as well as the lack of real progressin other areas of relevance to the establishment of the New International Economic Order, is a matter of. serious concern to the developing countries, as reflected in the declaration of the Foreign Ministers of the Group of 77, who met in New York on 29 September [A/33/278, annex], The hardships being experienced by the developing countries are further intensified by the current depressing state of the world economy as a result mainly of divergent and unco-ordinated economic policies pursued by the major industrially developed countries without giving due atten- tion and regard to the interests of the developing countries. It seems ironic and indeed unbelievable that what has been and is happening on the international economic scene in the last couple of years has been completely against and in direct contradiction of all that for which the developing countries are clamouring. 156. As my delegation sees it, there is only one way in which we could all overcome the .recurring problems responsible for the chaotic situation of the global economy. That panacea is nothing less than complete and outright structural changes in the existing outmoded pattern of international economic relations, to be achieved only with the establishment of the New International Economic Order. 157. To that end, we would urge the developed countries to demonstrate, as they have not done before, sincere and genuine political goodwill and to undertake a positive commitment to negotiate seriously and meaningfully with the developing countries for concrete and mutually bene- ficial agreements on the many issues at present featured in the North-South dialogue, with a view to finding a lasting solution to them. 159. Other matters equally important to the developing countries relate to the multilateral trade negotiations; the transfer of resources in real terms.to developing countries, debt and food problems of developing countries, the conversion of UNIDO into a specialized agency, the reorganization of the international financial and monetary system andadequate and appropriate preparations for the new international development strategy. We hope that the negotiations on these problems in their respective forums will be able to achieve real progress as soon as possible before 1980, so that the special session of the General Assembly--itt be held in that year may be assured of success.

I should lfke, on behalf of the Sierra Leone delegation, to proffer through you, Sir, our warmest congratulations to Mr. Lievano on his election as President of the thirty-third session of the. General Assembly. Mr. Lievano not only brings to this high office personal credentials of high distinction, but also represents a country, Colombia, and a region, Latin America, which have contributed in no small measure to the elaboration and development of the rules that bind our international community in its search for a better world. We· are therefore confident that he will discharge the duties of his office with the necessary sagacity and patience. 161. I wish also to record the appreciation of the Government of Sierra Leone for the singular contribution made by Mr. Lievano's predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, the President of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly. His was undoubtedly a burdensome task, since it was his lot to preside not only over the thirty-second regular session but also over three special sessions-a task which he executed with-ample endurance, skill and forti- tude. Weare indebted to hlm for his contribution. 162. Founded 33·years ago, the United Nations represents the latest and most complex -of man's continuous attempts to find a representative medium that would harmonize the conflicting policies, interests and actions of a world of nation-States. As apart of this endeavour we meet here annually to assess the progress and prospects of that objective. 163. The search for that objective has continually been beset by trials and tribulations, sometimes giving rise to despair and cynicism, sometimes even casting doubt on the continued relevance of the Organization itself, which has also had to contend with cold war rivalries and other divisive forces. 164. Also our Organization, caught in the ebb and flew of the reality of international politics of competing military 17 See Proceedings of the' United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Fourth Session, voI. I, Report and Annexes (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.76.II.D.10 and coni- gendum,part one A, resolution 93 (IV). . 165. Parallel and contemporaneous with this effort at co-operation, and once again drawing inspiration from its Charter provisions, the General Assembly in the now famous resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960, .converted into an article of faith the right of self-deter- mination of all peoples, thus legitimizing the process of ~ecolonization. 166. Today, after 33 years-a human generation-the intensity of the cold war is diminishing,but it must be kept in check; economic development is the principal objective; while the elimination of colonialism and racism are the political targets. 167. On this note and on the threshold of the thirty-third anniversary of this Organization, the Sierra Leone dele- gation welcomesSolomon Islands to the membership in this community of nations. We congratulate the people and Government of Solomon Islands. We particularly applaud the. peaceful transition from colonial'domination to sover- ei{{ll and independent statehood. 168. However,it is in our view a matter of comment that in the closing phase of the twentieth century nation-States are still being born from colonial domination. This is reflective of the fact that there are still areas in our world where wehave subjugation ofman by man. 174. My delegation, last year, even expressed doubts that an "internal settlement" as then envisaged by lan Smith would ever materialize. To our dismay and against the better judgement of enlightened mankind, a sham so-called internal settlement was hurridly hatched and, as we had . warned, is provingto be an absolute disaster and the perfect recipe for civil war. Far from stopping the war, as the unfounded and empty prediction. maintained, violence has intensified' and bloodshed increased to alarming propor- tions. The responsibility for this tragic deterioration of the situation must rest squarely on the shoulders of Mr.Smith and his accomplices, . 169. It is therefore a matter of deep concern to my Government that the racist and colonial problems in southern Africa continue to elude the solutions prescribed yearly by this Organization. The emergence of Mr. Pieter W.Botha, one of the most unrepentant hardliners of apartheid, as the Prime Minister of South Africa, can, in my delegation's view, only mean a further consolidation of the bastions of racism. If, as we believe, Mr~ Botha willpreside over the continuous denial of basic human freedoms and fundamental rights to the millions of blacks in South Africa in the misguided belief in the superiority of one race over another, the threat to international peace andsecurity which that regimehas always posed will assumegreater and horrifying dimensions. 170. By continuing its occupation of Namibia, in refusing to withdraw unconditionally all its forces from that Territory, by persistently violating the territorial integrity of the Namibian people, South Africa exacerbates a situation that is already poised on the brink ofdisaster and violent confrontation of wider ramifications. 171. Once again this Assembly has to review its position on South Africa against the background of events that have 172. I take this opportunity to express the support of the Government of Sierra Leone for the recently adopted Security Council resolution 435 (1978) on Namibia. That resolution marks, in our view, yet another milestone in the search for a peaceful solution for Namibia's transition to independent nationhood. It is our belief that if all the parties concerned adhere to its provisions we shall be able to -see an independent and sovereign Namibia in our midst next year, and this fact Must be brought home to South Africa at all costs. The international community must prove that it is irrevocably committed to securing that objective. That having been said, let me take this opportunity once again to reiterate our support of SWAPO, which we regard as the sole legitimate representative of the Narnibian people. 173. Another perennial and thorny problem which forms part of the sad and disturbing motif in southern Africa and which has engaged the attention of this Organization for many years, is the perpetuation of the illegalregimeof lan Smith in Rhodesia. It had never been our expectation that the unilateral declaration of independence in 1965, which the world community had unanimously condemned and rejected, would have survived so long.. 175. It is truly regrettable, therefore, to. hear Her Britannic Majesty's Secretary of State for' Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs say: as he did last week here [10th meeting}, that Britain never administered Rhodesia, when all the facts and the evidence are to the contrary. Indeed, the United Nations was seizedofthe problem at the request and on the invitation of the United Kingdom, in recog- nition ofthe fact that it was the latter's responsibility. - 176. In the light of' recent disclosures concerning the activities of certain multinational corporations, it is pain- fully clear that if Britain had faithfully discharged its responsibility in the enforcement of sanctions, in which it invited the international community to join, the Rhodesian 177. We reaffirm that the Sierra Leone Government will continue to support the liberation fighters and we acknow- ledge with gratitude the heroic sacrifice the front-line States are making in the name of freedom and human dignity. We salute them. 178. I will not attempt to catalogue here the numerous and significant events that have taken place in the year that has elapsed since I stated in this Assembly. 9 my Govern- ment's view on the disquieting question ofthe Middle East and the tensions there. We in Sierra Leone have followed with keen interest the various efforts deployed to sustain the search for "an enduring peace, a just and equitable peace, in the Middle East.· I dare say that the international community entertained some hopes of the far-reaching possibilities for peace which the historic visit of President El-Sadat of Egypt to Jerusalem nearly a year ago en- gendered. 179. The ensuing round of negotiations between various cadres of the Israeli and Egyptian leadership have, to varying degrees of intensity stimulated the world's hopes for peace, but invariably the results have been vague and inconclusive. More recently, the much-heralded Camp David summit meetings came up with accords that were" interpreted differently even by the participants themselves before the ink was dry. 180. Against the backdrop of all these activities, total peace in the Middle East remains as much an enigma today as it was a year ago. Whilewe appreciate the endeavours of the Camp David meetings to bring peace in that part of our troubled world, it is our view that the issues involved embrace a broader and larger area than that covered by the countries represented at Camp David and that a much broader framework for a just, honourable and durable peace is needed. 181; This "incontrovertible fact merely underscores the burning need for an intensification of the peace efforts, the broadening of the representative base for participation in future peace negotiations, and, indeed, the need to keep in clearer perspective the all-important ideals and principles that motivated and characterized both the letter and spirit ofSecurity Council resolution 242 (1967). 182. My delegation believes that peace is indivisible: it is either wholly kept or wholly sacrificed. There can be no half-way measures. If peace is to be permanent, if peace is to be just and equitable, if peace is to be honourable, the preoccupations and the inalienable rights of all interested parties must be catered for and adequately safeguarded. Our acknowledgement of the right of Israel to exist within secure and recognized boundaries stems from this belief. It is therefore one of the ironies of our time that Israel, at the time when its right to exist as a State is universally accepted, should be denying the same right to the Pales- 183. May I state that General Assembly resolution 181 (11) of 1947 posited the creation of two entities: namely, a Jewish State and an Arab Palestinian State with Jerusalem as a corpus separatum: It'is our view that respect for the spirit and letter of that resolution is still today the key to peace in the Middle East. 184. Here I shall reiterate what we have always believed, namely that the establishment and universal recognition of a Palestinian State is a sine quanon for permanent peace in the Middle East. We believe that the continued occupation by Israel of all Arab lands acquired' by force can only serve as an impediment to the search for peace and as the source of perennial instability in that area. 185. Therefore, while we commend the genuine exertions of those who have sustained the peace efforts, we caution that a generally acceptable peace formula in the ~idd1e East must be predicated upon the acceptance and appli- cation of the right of the Palestinian people to self-deter- mination in a State of their own. ' 186. I now turn to the problems of economic co-operation and development; in particular, I shall address myself to those issues associated with interdependence and eo-opera- tion among various groups of countries. "Those issues, we believe, should remain the focal-point of informed debate within the United Nations system. To begin with, the Secretary-General, in his report on the work Qf the Organization[ AI3311}. has indicated that over the last year the results achieved in our pursuit of a new international economic order and the progress of the North-South dialogue have not been commensurate with the efforts we have deployed in those areas. 187. That frustrating experience exemplifies a persistent and recurring situation within our Organization, wherein problems affecting privilege and economic power, the hesitations which were indicated by some parties at the drafting stage, and the reservations that were voiced at the time of adoption" have been translated into seemingly insurmountable obstacles at the implementation stage. 188. An instructive case in point is the fact that the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174 has not been able to make much progress because delegations could not agree on a common interpretation of the thrust and meaning of the resolution that created the Committee, even though, in our view, ambiguity was minimal or non-existent. 189. The history of our Organization is replete with examples of such situations in which practical action has been rendered ineffectual and in which the Orgamzation is crippled because interested parties holding different and even antithetical views put forward solutions to universai problems fit an atmosphere ofmutual recrimination. 190. When the United Nations rose phoenix-like from the ashes of the last global conflagration, the international community was determined to "employintemational 191. Moreover, the thrust of the early resolutions on the promotion of economic and social progress would seem to indicate that the advanced nations were concerned primarily with the rebuilding of industrial strength and material prosperity in North America, Western Europe and Japan. now collectively and elliptically called "the North" in our current dialogue. While it is true that the institutions conceived at Bretton Woods were designed to reinforce the traditional economic relations dominated by the developed market-economy countries, it cannot be denied that since those early years ili'" General Assembly and its Economic and Social Council have given some attention to the improvement and advancement of the economic and social welfare of the peoples of the world. 192. The General Assembly at its twelfth session noted an attempt to reaffirm the Charter principles and extend its interpretation to promote meaningful international eco- nomic development. This attempt was vague,indecisive and somewhat indeterminate. In the light of experience it can be seen that the resolutions adopted at its fourteenth session were considerably in advance of general thinking at the time. 193. Notwithstanding the engagement and commitment which genuinely characterized our efforts, the programme for the First United. Nations Development Decade [resolu- tions 1710 (XVI) and 1715 (XVI)J -and, I dare add, the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)J- remained more a wish than a policy. The net aggregate flow of flnancial resources from the North to the South was stilI desperately short of. attaining the targets specified in the Strategy, and, even though there has been an over-all increase in economic growth over the last 30 years, the promise of the 1960s has not been maintained through the 1970s, and the gap between aspiration and achievement has widened. 194. Permit me to take this opportunity to record the appreciation of the Government of Sierra Leone of the decision of Her Britannic Majesty's Government to waive the debts of the poorest developing countries. In our view, this is a decision in the right spirit and direction. In the same vein we commend and applaud those other countries that had earlier done the same. 195. The adoption in 1974 of General Assembly resolu- tion 3281 (XXIX) on the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States provided the moral backbone which we hoped would support the Programme of Action adopted at the end of the sixth special session [resolution 3202 (S-VI)J and the impetus given by the seventh special session) and many of us looked forward with self-con- gratulatory expectation to the realizat.on of what we believed was the beginning of a new international economic restructuring for a more equitable allocation ofhuman and fmancial resources. Here again our achievement could not match our aspirations in spite of the show of goodwill 196. That means that it is beginning to seem to us in the developing third world that one cannot put too much faith in the willingness of the rich industrialized nations to help bring about any meaningful change in the conditions of livingand the quality of life of the peoples of the developing countries. Developing countries are therefore continuing to devise a strategy for self-reliance through regional co-opera- tion. 197, Notwithstanding this assessment, the Sierra Leone delegation still has every confidence in the United Nations system and its ability to redirect its efforts, and to intensify them in those areas in which it has hitherto been successful, for the attainment of our objective, which is to ensure self-sustaining development, a better quality of life and widespread application of the benefits of science and technology. 198. Allow me in this context to refer to the ongoing Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. The sea remains one of the last reservoirs of the earth's diminishing resources. To decide how those resources should be exploited in an orderly manner for the benefit of mankind as a whole remains the primary task of the current Conference on the Law of the Sea. The Conference itself represents a determined effort in international co-operation to design an internationallegai framework that will prevent international conflict in our endeavour to exploit the sea and its resources. It is against .this background that the Sierra Leone Government views any attempt at unilateral national legislation to exploit the resources of the deep-sea- bed not only as unhelpful and inappropriate but also as an act that will undermine the work of the Conference itself and jeopardize its achievements so far. Such an attempt should, in our view, be deprecated. 199. The Conference has virtually concluded the bulk of its work, but the system of exploration and exploitation of the sea-bed and the determination of the outer limits of the continental shelf are among the outstanding issues that remain to be resolved: The Sierra Leone delegation there- fore calls for a genuine co-operative effort to find a common solution in .the spirit ofCaracas.We hope that the present exercise will be brought to satisfactory fruition as soon as possible because the protracted negotiations to agree on a Convention have been a considerable drain on the resources of-countries such as mine. 200. Over the last 30 years the achievements of the United Nations in. the field of development of international economic co-operation have been mixed. The Sierra Leone delegation is, however, - confident that progress is' still possible with regard to the establishment of a New International Economic Order. Wiiliin the framework of the Committee of the Whole progress can be achieved on the basis of certain apparent covergences of common interests such as the interdependence of all economies and the need to liberalize trade practices, taking into account the interests of the developing countries. More important still is the appointment this year of the Director-General for 201. My delegation sees a real contradiction between economic development, which we consider should represent a primordial objective of the United Nations, and the staggering cost of the arms race, which today stands at nearly $400 billion annually. 202. Over the years, my ccuntry, in company with other non-aligned countries, has increasingly realized the great threat to international peace and security posed by the continuous arms build-up. Furthermore, the arms build-up, even at this stage of the depletion of the world's economic resources, has continued to devour a huge amount of those . resources vital for economic development. The military budgets of many nations, great and small, but particularly the major Powers, continue to expand in geometric progression. 203. When, therefore, the General Assembly 'met in its tenth special session, early this year, the first session ofits' kind under United Nations auspices devoted to the question of disarmament, that marked the culmination of 17 years" of an incessant callby the non-aligned countries for a world disarmament conference, and the session provided a ray of hope for mankind. 204. Every one of the 129 speakers who participated in the" 'debate at that session perceived that the only sure guarantee of survival lay in disarmament and that the only war mankind can afford to fight now is a war ofsurvival. 205. It istherefore gratifying to my country to J10te that the FiIiai Document that emanated from that session (resolution 8-10/2/ also acknowledged that universal con- cern and provided for both 11 deliberative organ and a negotiating body with a large membership.fn an attempt to tackle the problem more meaningfully. 206. Although we view the special session devoted to disarmament and the results achieved' as a cardinal event, we still believe that a great deal needs to be done to decelerate the arms race in order to utilize the resources released thereby for equitable economic development. In my view, this is one of the exciting challenges to which the world must rise. 207. In conclusion, as the United Nations embarks on its 208. The task ahead of us is notonly to undertake and . ensure the Iimitution and avoidance of conflict but, fundamentally and in the context of international action, to-tackle and solve problems relating to full employment, the eradication of disease, the elimination'of hunger and the application of the world's vast energy .resources to peaceful purposes, to the greater glory of man. My delegation is convinced that our Organization is supremely. and uniquely equipped for the performance of this task. 209. I should like once again to pledge the faith of the Government of Sierra Leone in the United Nations and in its continued relevance to the world of our time, and we hereby acknowledge with gratitude' the efforts of' out. indefatigable Secretary-General-and his dedicated staffand. the help they give us to enable us to move towards-and attain the goals we believe mankind deserves on this our own planet, earth. 210. Mr. SAUDE MARIA (Guinea-Bissau) (interpretation from Frenchlzz» I am particularly happy 10 be able in my turn to congratulate the President 011 his election to that. important post at the thirty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly. The unanimity of the choice is the most eloquent testimony to his competence, and thus offers his dynamic qualities a new field of action in keeping with his qualifications and experience asa statesman. 211. I also wish to pay a deserved tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Mojsov, who had. the great and rare privilege of presiding over four sessions of ourAssembly, which enabled him to confirm his reputation as a highly skilled and competent diplomat, devoted to the cause of peace and the progress ofmankind. .. . . ,. I 212. My delegation is happy to welcome Solomon Islands, which now takes itsrightfulplace and is assuming itsrole in the concert of nations. We assure it of our readiness to' co-operate with it in accordance with the ideals and principles ofour Charter. 213. My presence at this rostrum also offers me a pleasant- opportunity to assure the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, once again of our friendship and our confidence in. him, and to express the deep appreciation of the Government of the Republic of Guinea-Bissauof the results he has obtained in his tireless efforts to fmd just solutions. to the problems which the community ofnations faces. I should like to congratulate him on thecompetence and dynamism that he has always evinced in the dischargeofhis important and difficult mission. 214. The attention of the African peoples, when not turned to economic problems, is always directed to the conflicts on the African continent. 216. Although some among us, because of the Balkani- zation of Africa, may have become accustomed to the existence of minor conflicts here and there, they very nature and alarming dimensions of recent events make it impossible for us to remain passive, and prompt us to act with realism and calmness. We believe that any dispute that may arise among African States can be settled in a just and peaceful manner based on the spirit of dialogue and tolerance characteristic of African traditions. 217. Afrita, of course, wishes to contribute to the creation of a modem world of progress and happiness for all. Because of its technological backwardness, it needs aid, and support in its development efforts. But this co-opera- tion based on solidarity and mutual respect, for which we appeal whole-heartedly, must not be subject to bargaining or be subordinated to an ideological alliance, for it is not in the interest of African States to belong to one or another camp. That explains why all independent African States belong to the non-aligned movement. The formation of blocs in Africa can only arouse rivalries and call into question African unity, which all African States are determined to build, step by step. 224. In Zimbabwe, the ability to resist and the successes of the heroic struggle waged by the Patriotic Front have led to the desperate attempts of which we are all aware. In fact, the so-called internal negotiations, the nature and objectives of which we need hardly recall, cannot meet the legitimate aspirations of the heroic Zimbabwean people, which has clearly understood that they are perfidious manoeuvres designed to direct the problem towards a neo-colonialist solution. 225. The Zimbabwean fighters, under the aegis of the Patriotic Front, have reacted conscientiously and respon- sibly to that masquerade. Meanwhile, contemporary history provides many examples of agreements signed and commit- ments imposed which did not exactly reflect the genuine will.of the struggling peoples, but were rapidly transformed into instruments for the total liberation of those peoples. 218. Indeed only that unity can constitute an effective means to battle any ideological convulsions, any attempts at division, or any external interference-in a word, any action contrary to the development of the African personal- ity or to the independence and development of Africa. 219. It is precisely because we are aware of the moral responsibility incumbent on the independent African States in the struggle for the total liberation of that continent, and because we realize the importance of the contribution which they could make to the accelerationof that process, that we perceive the need to spare Africa from ideological antagonisms which, when grafted to the difficulties already assailing its economy and hindering its development, might distract African peoples from the historical role which they should play in bringing about a totally free and prosperous Africa. 226. That means that, whatever the manoeuvres of the rebel lan Smith and his clique, the spirit of sacrifice and combativeness of the true sons of Zimbabwe will inevitably "lead that brother people to genuine independence. It is in this perspective that we support any action of the inter- national community to extend to the Patriotic Front all the material, political and diplomatic aid it might require in its liberation struggle. 227. In Namibia, we are witnesses to the establishment of structures that are supposed to lead to that Territory's independence. The international community cannot, of course, but follow with close interest and support the establishment of the indispensable machinery for the transfer of power to the genuine representatives of the Namibian people. But in this process, which has just started, the essential modalities have not yet been clarified and are being challenged. And despite every effort made by, the United Nations to fmd a peaceful solution to. the Namibianproblem, the racist Pretoria Government has once again challenged the international community by taking the unilateral decision to' organize so-called elections in Namibia. 220. It is therefore for the purpose of participating as best we can in the liberation of oppressed peoples and in the elimination of the policies of discrimination and apartheid that we wish to encourage the awakening of a community conscience and to unite our forces so as to act in solidarity for the defence of basic human rights and for the self-determination ofpeoples. 221. The situation is southern Africa, which remains one of the essential concerns of our Organization, has not made the progress that is indispensable for the creation of an atmosphere of peace in that region. 222. In South Africa our African brothers still suffer in t:tptl11heid's innumerable prisons. But need I describe the 228. The Government of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, for its part, will maintain its militant solidarity with 229. Last year, before this AssemblY,21 we affirmed our unwavering solidarity with the brother people of the Sahara. The striking successes attained by the liberation struggle of the Frente POLISARIO,22 whose combativeness and spirit of sacrifice we honour, encourages us in our conviction as to the inevitable end of that struggle. 230. That is why my delegation, which is aware of the latest events in that part of Africa, wishes once again to voice its support for the Frente POLISARIO in its tireless efforts to restore the rights of the Saharan people, in accordance with United Nations resolutions, It is also with the aim of contributing effectively to the efforts of the Organization of African Unity and of the United Nations to .find a just and peaceful solution to this conflict that my Government welcomes and supports any Initrr'Ive which might bring the parties concerned to the negotiating table and to satisfactory results. 231. In the Middle East the situation remains alarming. Once again we must draw. attention to the terrible sufferings endured by the brother people of Palestine and call on the international community to intensify its aid to that martyred people. We have, of course, been following closely the efforts undertaken to achieve a negotiated solution to the problem. But in the opinion of our. Government, as long as the Palestinian people remain absent from the negotiating table, and as long as their real interests are not taken into account, the peace process will remain deadlocked, and the successes achieved will be ephemeral. 232. Any settlement obtained to the detriment of the ireedom and dignity of the Palestinian .people cannot be considered to be a real peace settlement, either in spirit or as regards its lasting nature, because to be able to arrive at a just and lasting solution of the Middle East problem there can be no prior conditions other than the withdrawal of the Israeli troops from the Arab territories occupied' since 1967 and the recognition of the right of the Arab people to self-determination, including the establishment of an independent Palestinian State, and its recognition inter- nationally. 233. The international community is in duty bound to show severe intransigence regarding the rights of the Palestinians and must compel Israel finally to begin genuine negotiations and concessions, because despite many optimistic voices the road to peace seeins far distant. . 234. It is in the spirit of sincere concern for peace in the- Middle East and a desire to see the ideals of justice and brotherhood triumph in the region that I renew to the Palestinian people and to the Palestinian Liberation Organi- zation the assurance of the unflagging solidarity of the people and the Government of Guinea-Bissau. 236. Again with respect to illegal occupation, my delega- tion once again wishes to express its concern over the situation which prevails in Ml.lyotte. The illegal occupation of Mayotte is contrary to the rules which governrelations among sovereign States and what is necessary is not a demonstration of force, but the finding as early as possible of a just solution that would take account of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Comoros. 237. At a time when the international community has-set itself the objective of building a world· from which the spectre of war will be banished. my delegation welcomes the decisions taken at the conclusion of the special session devoted to disarmament; and my country,the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, pledges itself to support within the limits of its ability a fruitful and permanent co-operation with the efforts of the international community with a view to maintaining peace. 238. While they constitute no more than a step towards a general and complete disarmament, which our peoples ardently yearn for, so as to prevent a planetary confla- gration, the documents which were adopted, including the Programme of Action [resolution 8-10/2. sect. 1111• have raised new hopes and created conditions conducive to a better awareness by peoples of the importance of peace for their well-being arid continued .development. Peace'is one and therefore indivisible, so it is the imperative duty of all mankind to maintain and strengthen it. 239. But peace does not mean merely a non-existence of war between the great Powers. The struggle for peace demands of all nations. of the world the elimination of all forms of oppression, discrimination and exploitation of man by man, as well as ofviolations ofhuman rights which cannot but engender violence, which inevitably brings more violence. The consolidation of peace therefore requires the building of a multidimensional structure and, by agreement and compromise among States, profound changes in the attitude of man. 240. Genuine peace cannot exist except through mutual understanding and respect, the establishment and strength- ening of relations of friendship and solidarity among all nations, without distinction, the elimination of.the con- . tinually aggravated inequality among people and, fmally, 248. We note that the very principles of the new inter- national economic order, although generally accepted, meet great reluctance when it comes to their application. 249. It is because of the persistence with which the "have" countries cling to their privileges and because of their lack of political will for conciliation that so many international gatherings fail to fulfil the hopes placed in them, whether it be the fourth session of UNCTAD, the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation or the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. 242. The action being taken by the non-aligned countries for their economic liberation, which received a broad response at the Belgrade Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, further strengthens the unity of action of the Group of 77. 250. The fourth session of UNCTAD, for example, which was held at Nairobi in 1976, was to take up the fundamental problems of long-term development. Later certain decisions were to be taken immediately and specifically for the adoption of precise programmes of implementation for problems that require operational action. We are thinking in particular of the case of commodities and the external indebtedness of the develop- ing countries. 243. On the basis of the provisions of the Charter of Algiers,u the Lima Declaration,24 and the resolutions adopted at the Buenos Aires Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries,2S there is a growing afflrmation and definition of the desire on the part of the countries of the third world to undertake actions of co-operation and regional integration. 244. These various stages constitute a transition from passive claims to the affirmation of the will of the developing countries to rely first of all on their own inciividual and collective resources, to take over the defence of their fundamental interests, and to determine for themselves how they wish to develop. 251. The results obtained seem to us to be hardly satisfactory. Nevertheless, the Republic of Guinea-Bissauis pleased that there was a consensus regarding the essential points of the Integrated Programme for Commodities. The provisions of the resolution on that Programme contained some innovations andimprove,utents regarding com- modities. We are convinced that this resolution constitute an acceptable framework within which the problem of commodities will be discussed in the future. 245. The Disarmament Decade and the second session of UNCTAD provided for the transfer of considerable resources from the industrialized countries to the develop- ing countries. However, we note with alarm that vast human and material resources are being diverted from economic and soctalectlvttles to a senseless arms race. Financial aid from the industrial countries to the develop- ing countries four years ago totalled $20 billion. In that same year expenditures on arms amounted to $300 billion. 252. We also consider it equally important and indicative of a certain awareness that there was a determination to apply the declsion adopted at Nairobi to begin negotiations on a certain number of products which are of special interest to the developing countries. 253. It is'regrettable that the problem of 'the external indebtedness-ofthe developing countries was not dealt with constructively at Nairobi. The countries of the third world have indeed throughout the years exhausted their reserves and accumulated enormous external debts which impose heavy burdens on them and hamper their development, We hope that at the fifth session of UNCTAD, whlch is to be held in Manila, -it will be> possible to respond to the fundamental aspirations of the developing- countries and thus contribute to the establishment of a better balance among nations. ' 246. This situation gravely jeopardizes the attainment and success of the objectives set by the international com- munity for development, particularly the reduction in a .foreseeable future of the gap which separates the develop- ing from the industrial countries. . 247. With a few exceptions the developed 'countries, despite numerous declarations filled with good intentions, do everything to maintain the advantages which they have given themselves. We can never sufficiently denounce such selfish conduct. for the gulf ~;hich separates the rich from 254. These are the concerns of mydelegation in regard to • certain items on the agenda of this Assembly. Allow me to reiterate the total willingness of my country, the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, to contribute to promoting joint initia- tives which will lead to the solution of the conflicts which affect mankind. '}.3Proceedingf of the United Nations Conference on Trade and J)e,1elopment, Second Session,·voL I and Corr.l and Add.l and 2, Report and Annexes (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.68.II.D.l4), p. 431. 24 Lima Declaration and Plan of Action on Industrial Develop- ment Co-operation, See document A/lOl12, chap. IV. 25 See Report of the United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation a~ong Developing Countries,BuenosAires, 30 August to 12 September 1978 (United Nations publication, Sales NQ. E.78.I1.A.ll), chap. U. 255. Finally, I should like to express the hope that the thirty-third session of the General Assembly of the United

I shall now call on those representatives who wish to speak in exercise of their right of reply. . .

At the conclusion of yesterday's meeting [19th meeting! the leader of the delegation of Pakistan, in exercising his right of reply, referred to the statement made by the leader of my delegation [18th meeting], in connexion with the n~-:.ional issue of the Pakhtun and Baluchi peoples, the only political difference between the Democratic Republic of Afghanis- tan and Pakistan, and raised certain doubts which, in the opinion of my delegation, require clarification so as to avoid any misunderstandings. 258. In his statement the representative of Pakistan once more attempted to deny the existence of the issue of the Pakhtun and Baluchi peoples whichmy Government would like to see resolved through peaceful means and on the basis of the historical background as reflected in the basic lines of the revolutionary duties of the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. 259. The right of the Pakhtun and Baluchi peoples freely to determine their destiny, a right which was denied them under the colonial era, has always been the prime concern of Afghanistan. However, we have always endeavoured to resolve the single political difference between the two countries in a. just manner and through friendly and sincere dialogue, so as to be able to prepare the ground for the genuine and peaceful co-operation, which is in the best interest of our two peoples. 260. It is our conviction that to resolve differences involving the national destiny of people through peaceful means is in no way inconsistent with the principles of the United Nations Charter and those of peaceful coexistence to which the Government of the Democratic Republic of AfgJianistan is fully committed and which constitute the corner-stone ofour foreign policy. 261. Having said this, my delegation hopes that this statement, as it will appear on the record, will satisfy this Assembly and will be construed as a demonstration of goodwill on the part of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan regarding the only political difference we have with Pakistan, namely, the national issue of the Pakhtun and Baluchi peoples.

The head of the delegation of Morocco this morning in his statement [20th meeting! referred to an alleged act of aggression committed on Moroccan territory by regular units of the Algerian army. Such an accusation would not have deserved a reply had it not been intended to distract the attention of the international community from the reality of the heroic struggle of the Saharan people under the leadership of the Frente POLISARIO~its 263. I wish to reaffirm here that Algeria has no disputes' with any of its neighbours, and to recall that our Organization remains seized of the question of Western Sahara as a problem of decolonization.

We listened very carefully to the statement by -the representative of Afghanistan in exercise of his right of reply. He raised in his statement some basic issues that need to be carefully examined by my delegation. Therefore we should like to reserve our right to reply to that statement at a later stage.

We have 'just heard the rep.esentative of Algeria speak in reply to the statement made this morning by our Minister for Foreign Affairs. 266. I should like to draw the Assembly's attention to a preliminary point, namely, that he did not deny what our Minister said this morning. The Algerian representative merely spoke of the common links concerning what he called the struggle of the Saharan people, which is not the subject ofour debate, much less any denial. . 267. Moreover, true to the line established by his leaders, the representative of the Algerian Government has once again given us an erroneous presentation of the facts. The manoeuvre is clear to us: he would like to lead the Assembly into error in the hope of preventing it and the international community from realizing the reality of the situation. Indeed, every time the Algerian Government commits an act of aggression against Morocco it attempts to camouflage the situation and escape its responsibility by hiding behind gratuitous affirmations. What happened was that there has been repeated aggression by regular units of the Algerian Army against Moroccan territory, first in Amgla and then in the Provinces of Tantan and Hassi . Tilemsi, Moreover, the presence in Morocco of Algerian prisoners of war belonging to the regular army of Algeria testifies to these facts. In any case, the fact that regular units or mercenaries coming from Algerian territory vio- lated the sovereignty and territorial integrity ofmy country and then returned and found refuge within Algerian territory constitutes flagrant aggression under the rules of international law established, inter alia, by our Organi- zation. " 268. In order not to take the Assembly's time, I shall restrict myself to reminding representatives of the 1970 Declaration o(~.Pririciples of International Law concerning Friendly Relatlons and Co-operation among States in accordanccfwith the Charter of the United Nations [resolu- ", •• every State has the duty to refrain from organiz- ing, instigating, assisting or participating in acts of civil strife or terrorist acts in another State"_ Moreover, article 3, paragraph (g) of the Definition of Aggression in resolution 3314 (XXIX) defines as an act of aggression: The meetingrose at 7p.m;