A/33/PV.29 General Assembly

I Mr. President, may I extend to you on behalf of my delegation and myself cur wann felicitations on your unanimous electionas President of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly. Your eleva- tion to this high office is as much a tribute to your diplomatic skill and eminence as it is a recognition of the constructive role played by your country, Colombia, in world affairs. 2. We are glad to welcome on this occasion the Solomon Islands as the one hundred and fiftieth and youngest Member of the United Nations. We have every hope that this newest partner of the family of nations will make a useful contribution to the work of this world body. 3. Enduring peace, the maintenance of which is one of the principal purposes of the Charter of the United Nations, is the age-old aspiration of man. It is one of the abiding yeamings of the common men in all parts of our planet. It is both an elemental urge, like freedom from starvation and want, and the ultimate objective of every society. It is the yardstick with which to measure the excellence of any social organization; a happy society is where peace reigns supreme. That is why the prayers of aU, irrespective of religion and belief, end with an invocation to peace. 4. And yet, in spite of centuries of care and nourislunent bestowed upon it, world peace still remains a tender plant buffeted by occasional whiffs of cold war, threatened by injustice and inequity, and dwarfed by the indignities that are still heaped by man upon man. S. Even though the clouds gathering over the international horizon have lifted of late and the process of detente, 545 A/33/PV.29 NEW YOlK which had suffered a set-back, has regained some momen- turn, the vision of a durable world peace has yet to take firm shape. Since I last stood before this Assembly.s rivalry for spheres of influence has adversely affected some new areas. There is no let-up in the arms race either quantita- tively or qualitatively. Disarmament is still a distant goal; and the probability of a nuclear war looms over us like a menacing shadow. Doubts that new alignments are being forged against old adversaries and that preparations are being made to play a new card to olltwit the opponents have introduced an unexpected dimension in the inter- national scenario. 6. One of the principal causes of the continuing threat to peace is that world politics, as well as the world economy, are dominated by the interests of a few countries. That is not a new phenomenon; it has its roots in history. The compulsion to gain strategic advantages and the propensity to exploit differences continue to characterize the Inter- national climate. Institutions of multilateral militarism are being maintained and the urge to deploy them for sectarian purposes is growing instead of diminishing. Some of those institutions are known to have lost their relevance or usefulness, yet the political courage to bury them is lacking. 7. There is no doubt that the big Powers could do a great deal more to improve the international atmosphere by exemplary behaviour and by displaying greater under- standing of each other's legitimate interests, but that understanding must be within the framework of an equi- table international order in which smaller and medium-sized countries would enjoy assured peace, equality and justice. Without a genuine acceptance of the principle of peaceful coexistence, the desire to live and let live and the determination to convert cold-war confrontation into corn- petitive co-operation, tne process of detente wilt not show tile desired results. 8. Detente is only a first step in creating the climate for finding long-term solutions to problems with a view to achieving durable peace. We welcome the process of detente because of its multiplier effect, if it is pursued in the right spirit. We have therefore been urging its extens'on to all fields of activity and to all parts of the globe. 9. Each member of this body is endowed with its own national genius and its distinctive national personality and ethos. Each follows its own socio-economic system and has its specific pattern and strategy of development. Any attempts to impose conformity based on ideological and other considerations and to reduce the rich diversity of 10. The Charter prohibits the use of force save in splf·d~fbnce. Of in the common interest and requires the settlement of disputes by peaceful means, yet nations have resorted to force against each other. quite often aided and abetted. from outside, with the consequent dangers of exploitation and domination. We have seen that, while such conflicts may sometimes bebrought to an end as a result of external intervention, the cessation. ofhostilities is.seldom followed by genuine peace. The root-cause of the conflict often remains unresolved while the strategic interests of outside parties become deeply entrenched. 11. In the long run, disputes and conflicts can be amicably settled. only through mutual understanding and accom- modation. By building solid foundations. of mutual co- operation, nations can develop a stake' in peace, stability and. good neighbourliness which will be impervious to the outbursts of momentary differences. which are bound to anse from time to time. 12. J\s recommended in the Declaration of the Conference of M,inistl(r!!- for Foreign Affairs. of Non..Aligned Countries, held in Belgrade in July. 1976 IA/33!206. annex If, governments involved in disputes should themselves.make every. effort to reacha peaceful settlement through-bilateral negotiations, Some regional organizations, as well as the United, N~tions. it~lf; provide- mechanisms for conciliation, al$Qugh their effic.'!-cy obviously depends on the spirit, goqJv.;ill and mutual accommodation that the parties thelll~i~~canshow. B. Peace cQ-iltinw:& to be endangered also oecause the r~lucion. of m'J.jOJ; international disputeshas been delayed or neWeGteJ. for far tOQ long, Differences among nations-as among, inw.'ti4},la.l~.. if not resolved expeditiously, tend to erode trust, which is tht; basic pre-condition for resolving d~ro, . 14". By far the most. potent, threat to world peace is the ':f.)~ltj,nijipg.arms.race, pa,r.i.i,Ql,l,lad){ in nuclear armamen ts, It :nilitil~~t, agC).inst. the: fUl\d.amen.t~l objective of the United ~a..tiQl!~ "to.save succeeding generations, from th~ scourge of wC/I". The: arms, race ul\d.e~mlnt;$ the sow:re#~"t~and $~b*t)\ >.)( nap~~til.lt goes, agl1Ml~ suchprinciples of the CQlU:~t 4S reff~.&frQmthe:thrf,at or use of fO,[(;1} and. th.~ p~4.~'tiful sctP~~p.J,of ~isR4t~$. It ,lscont.J;\iry, alsoto the uh~~Av:~uf th~ ,inte~nfl.tiQn~ comm4nit¥, to establish,a "ia"" inN~{l~lu.i;\ql Economic, OtQ~I'. W~ must keep re- m.i,rl..uQg ..u~r~lilv~s, of the relationship between d~arwq· m~~t-,-v.,fti~h. coWtJs ~a,,~ up to" S40Q. biJH~p, anlll,lmly of tiIW};O\l.\lI;P,VP· expcn4itm~-aIl\t d~wlQPm~o~\ wW~h. is dlf~W~flUy: ham,p!.;r~1). by: la9~ .of Junq~~ The, COJ;l~{lii>t,is un4}i,oh,lqhm.,anq"th~; inmy,.in~cap4\bl~j There is,no. greater Ji~t9~ti\.¥1. of re&\.ll,l,rq; .aUq~tj9n .at the glp:bill)ev~l th~Jl, th:n,o.fthOJW, l.)e~!)£~Q, to,the,arms.race, 15., ~~e~ vf eftQf.4l ,11<\.~ yiel<Ip.4 o!:!1)', a few. af.(Wi: Ht1#,t4.i~s m~~l,\[C;~,sucha,s. tllA pnillil?jt,lpp. Qf eert!tiq; .k~c4' v~· .nu~Ie.C\r W&ts., th~: 4Sl;~';lU~,J;tt, QU tl~ liIl1,it~.ti.vll ()fst~iI,t\l~ic 17. In the field of nuclear disarmament there has been little real progress. That is indeed disturbing because of the threat that nuclear weapons pose to the very survival of mankind. The nature of the current negotiations and their direction are not such as to assure mankind that the probability of a nuciear war will be reduced, even if not removed. We,. the non-nuclear-weapon States, are entitled to that assurance, for the right to survival is basic to all other rights. We cannot, therefore, be indifferent to the outcome of the current negotiations. On the contrary, we would expect them to take fully into account the aspira- tions of the overwhelming majority for peace and security in a world free of weapons of mass destruction. 18. India believes. that partial measures such as. the creation of zones free of nuclear weapons comprising the nuclear "have-nets" are not likely to generate any genuine feeling of security unless there is, at the same time, significant progress towards. nuclear disarmament, Surely, the more urgent task is to reach agreement on measures for the non-use and the phased reduction and elimination of nuclear weapons and on a moratorium on all nuclear tests pending the conclusion of a genuine and non-discriminatory comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty. It was with this in view that at the tenth special session of the General. Assembly, devoted to disarmament, India took the initia- tive of submitting two draft resolutions covering these, two aspects of disarmament.s 19. The. final objective must of course. be to bring about general and complete disarmament under. effective. inter- national control..to which we. all subscribed in the historic resolution .adepted by the General Assembly in November 1959·lre$olut.ion 1378 (XIV)]. It was. obvious.then as.it is obvious now that. disarmament should be general in the sense of its .universal applicatien, and it should be complete in-the sense of its covering all weapon systems. 20.: We. continue to believe that all aspects of disarma- ment, both, nuclear and conventional, ate important. Yet, it has been our consisjentpollcy that nuclear disarmament must be givep., the topmost priority, The foremost task facing, ht;lm;mity is to' dismantle and, to destroy nuclear W~-,lp'q9Ih , The., concept. of a security system of which m,l~I~~t: w~,appp~.repn:~~I.lt the.most dangerous and totally unacceptable component must be abandoned. 21. We.-mus.t reco!Wi4eand a~pt the primary role of the United N~ti.oI)~ in this field. It is a matter of great 22. It is the considered view of the Government of India that if we are to make progress Ht moving towards out goal of general and complete disarmament under effective International control, we should implement the following siX measures: first, the cessation of the qualitative improve- ment and development of nuclear weapons, itlCludingj in particular, the early concluston of a comprehenslve test-ban treaty I pending the achievement of which there should be a moratorium on the further testing of nuclear weapons; secondly j the cessation of the production of nuclear weapons and of fissionable materia! for nuclear purposes; thirdly, the reduction and eventual elimination of existing stockpiles of nuclear weapons within an agreed time-frame; fourthly, the conclusion of a convention on the.non-use of nuclear weapons under any clrcumstances; fifthly, the elimination of all other weapons of mass destruction; and sixthly, the limitation and gradual reduction of armed forces and conventional weapons within the framework of a comprehensive programme of disarmament. 23. Apart from the disarmament problem, there are other major issues of global concern which, if not resolved expeditiously and in a just and fair manner, could tear asunder the fragile fabric of world peace. 24. ~tl the Middle East there are at present some new moves andcounter-moves and in the current fluid situation, when the parties themselves are engaged in reassessing developments, it would be premature for us to pronounce cny judgement. Suffice it to say that Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and the relevant General Assembly reaoiutions on the Palestine question constitute a principled basis for a comprehensive and lasting peace settlement. We should like to reaffirm in this connexion certain principles that are fundamental for the establishment of enduring peace. These are: the non- acquisition of territory by force and the vacation of Arab and Palestinian territories occupied by Israel since 1967; the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self- determination and to a nation-State of their own; and the right of all States in the Middle East to exist in security and peace within internationally recognized boundaries. 25. The situation in Lebanon is a source of continuing concern for all of us. Here is an unfortunate country which has fallen prey to the power politics of the Middle East and where at the moment, by a strange twist of fate, Arabs are killing other Arabs, encouraged and assisted by outside forces. There is no doubt in our mind that, first and foremost, national reconciliation in Lebanon must be achieved in order to immunize the country from external pressures. I am glad that the parties concerned have responded positively to the Security Council's call for an immediate cease-fire, It is important that the cease-fire should be scrupulously maintained. I hope that initiatives for a just and honourable reconciliation will be supported by all peace-loving peoples. 26. Although the situation in divided Cyprus has remained peaceful during the past year, chiefly due to the presence of the United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus, there 27. The Preamble of the Charter reaffirms "faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations, large and small". This objective is directly related to the purpose of the United Nations to maintain international peace and security. For peace does not He in a mere cessation of hostilities or a containment of conflicts, or even in disarmament measures concluded in a general environment of violence, coercion and subjugation. As Gandhiji said: "The way to peace is the way to truth." Truth lies in equality and justice. An individual cannot pursue truth, the highest urge of his soul, unless he is able to exercise his fundamental freedoms and human rights. 28. Nothing is more degrading to human dignity than the practice of discrimination on the ground of race. Similarly, a first step towards ensuring equality among nations is to take the process of decolonization to its logical conclusion. 29. In southern Africa we continue to witness the most pernicious combination of colonial domination and racial discrimination. The minority white regime of South Africa, in a bid to preserve its privileges, has been subjecting the majority population to the worst forms of human degra- dation, including torture, brutal repression, slavery and the denial of all fundamental freedoms. 30. The United Nations has been seized of this matter since India raised it for the first time in the first session of the General Assembly in 1946.4 Since then, the South African Government has openly and flagrantly flouted all United Nations resolutions, decisions and sanctions. It has done so partly ~l' cause of the supporting defiance of United Nations resolutions by other countries. We must not let our reiteration of opposition to this racist policy become a mere ritual at annual sessions of the General Assembly. The international community cannot evade its responsibility for taking effective measures to liquidate the dehumanizing practice ofapartheid. 31. With the adoption of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) on 29 September there is some hope that the illegal occupation of Namibia by the South African Government can be ended peacefully. Namibia can emerge as an independent country with majority rule, not through the sham internal settlement whose promotion is sought by the South African regime, but only through full imple- mentation of the Security Council resolution. If the South African Government rejects the plan approved by the 32. We believe that the present stalemate in Zimbabwe is largely due to the ambivalence of some Powers on the question of the internal settlement.s The only effective way to end the stalemate and perpetuation of the illegal regime of Ian Smith is to transfer power to the elected majority on the basis of "one man, one vote", and an agreed plan for the transition ~o genuine independence. Meanwhile we should continue the sanctions against the racist regime, widen their scope and apply them more rigorously. 33. Decolonization, the elimination of racism and racial discrimination, and the economic liberation of peoples are essential pre-conditions for securing the fundamental rights of peoples and for the promotion of human dignity and the free exercise of human rights. Equal!y important is the need for nationai Governments to assume primary responsibility for safeguarding and promoting the fundamental freedoms of the individual. 34. The historic mandate of the Indian people in favour of fundamental freedoms left no doubt regarding the deep- seated and basic commitment of our people to human values and human rights. We therefore attach great impor- tance to the activities of the United Nations devoted to this important issue of our times. 35. We cannot achieve a durable and just peace until there is a transformation of the very quality and structure of the present world order. Characterized by glaring inequalities anJ imbalances among nations and the widening chasm between the rich and the poor countries, the existirlg order works inexorably against the interests of the poorer countries. 36. The prevalence of mass poverty among a sizeable portion of the world's population living in developing countries.-as many as 800 million persons-is in large part attributable to the inequities of the present international economic system. Poverty breeds tension, debases human personality and makes a mockery of the achievements of science and technology. 37. Recent developments have shown that basically there is an unwillingness on the part of the major developed countries to begin serious negotiations to restructure the world economic order. The Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 31/174, also known as the Committee of the Whole, was expected to be the supreme United Nations body to monitor, supervise and impart momentum to negotiations on major deveropment issues in all United Nations forums. But, almost a year after its creation, it has not even got off the ground. We hope that 5 See Official Record! of the Security Council, Thirty-third Year, Supplement for July, August and September 1978, document SJl2821. 6 See document M33123iRcv.l, chap. VU, annex, paras. 58-63. 38. The developed countries have till now not agreed even to discuss at the international level the question of bringing about structural changes in their econc-nies to achieve optimal utilization of world resources and specifically to facilitate increased imports from developing countries. 39. Some of the developed countries have recently refused even to reiterate their commitment to attaining the target of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)] of providing 0.7 per cent of their gross national product as official development assistance to developing countries. 40. There is, on the ot.rer hand, a resurgence of protec- tionism in the developed market-economy countries in the form of an increase in the incidence and scope of selective non-tariff barriers as well as of anti-dumping duties. , 41. The measures that the developed countries are pre- pared to adopt are still in the nature of tinkerings with the present world economic order and hesitant ad hoc con- cessions. 42. The developed countries have sought to justify these retrogressive actions as a means of dealing with their admittedly real problems of unemployment and "stag- flation". It should, however, be obvious that these short- term and short-sighted measures, apart from having dis- astrous consequences for the development prospects of the developing countries, are neither conducive to healthy growth of the world economy nor in their own long-term interests. No lasting solution to the malaise afflicting the world economy can be found until a concerted effort is made to provide adequate purchasing power to two-thirds of the world population. It is therefore incumbent upon the developed countries to adopt a global, comprehensive and long-term approach to deal with their present economic problems. 43. This Assembly's call for the ushering in of a new era of international economic relations has given rise to world- wide expectations. We therefore cannot afford the present stalemate in the negotiations between the developed and the developing countries. We must exercise our collective will to continue the onward march'towards our common goal. It is necessary: first, to conclude, well before the fifth session of UNCTAD, the ongoing negotiations to establish the common fund, adopting a code of conduct for the transfer of technology to developing countries for the extending of special preferential trade concessions to developing countries within the framework of the multi- lateral trade negotiations; secondly, to arrest the present protectionist trend by strictly adhering to the commitment not to raise fresh barriers, to dismantle existing protec- tionist barriers and to take positive steps to improve the access of the exports of developing countries to the markets of the developed countries; thirdly, to commence nego- tiations within a time-bound framework on other key issues having a vital bearing on the restructuring of the inter- 44. The negotiations which have been going on for about fi'le years at the Third United Nations Conference on the L J.W of the Sea have far-reaching implications for the efforts of the international community to evolve a new world order. White it has been possible to make headway on certain important issues, the main problem, that of estab- lishing a regime for the exploitation of the resources of the sea-bed area lying outside the limits of national jurisdiczion, remains unsettled. This is mainly due to the persistent hesitation of the major developed countries to recognize fully the legitimate interests of the developing countries in this common heritage of mankind. It is incumbent on all of us to ensure that the work of the Conference comes to a successful conclusion as expeditiously as possible. If, at this critical stage of the work of the Conference, any State adopts unilateral mining legislation, it will seriously affect the future negotiations to the detriment of the interests of the world community as a whole. 4S. On all these important issues, the non-aligned nations have always adopted a consistent and principled approach. From a small beginning in 196f, this movement has grown, within the span of two decades, into a mighty force, encompassing almost two-thirds of the countries of the world. The non-aligned movement not only has enabled the newly-independent nations to consolidate their political freedom but has also given them the strength to resist all forms of foreign domination, overt and covert, obvious or subtle. It has thrown its weight in favour of international peace and justice. 46. It is indeed heartening to note that some of the big countries that earlier used to frown upon the movement now recognize its role and its validity. The movement has been able to preserve its unity-despite multitudinous diversities of geography, race, language and religion, dif- fering social and political systems and varying stages of economic development-because of its strict adherence to the principles of the equality of nations, large and small, respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of others, and non-interference in the internal affairs of others. 48. Our policy is to develop bilateral relations with all nations on the basis of the imperative of close economic co-operation and shared ideals. It is our firm belief that the tapestry of world peace can be woven only with the strands of such bilateral relations. 49. We are in favour of an ever-expanding role for the United Nations and of bringing within its purview all is'sues of universal concern so that it may be instrumental in the promotion of international peace, justice and co-operation. We reaffirm our commitment to making this body a more effective instrument for bringing about a qualitative ch.nge in the world situation. We attach great importance to the role of the United Nations as a forum for formulating, negotiating and supervising the implementation of global development strategies. We may not, in the foreseeable future, be able to establish a world government; but we can at least move towards the realization of the goal of one world by devising and implementing, under the aegis of the United Nations, international development plans and pro- grammes-both over-all and for as many sectors of human activity as possible. 50. We must build, on the foundations of the United Nations, a better world for all of us. Modern science and technology have opened up immense opportunities which can either be used for jeopardizing the very future of our planet or be harnessed to bring about progress and prosperity. Instead of wasting our energy on petty squab- bles and frittering away our resources on the piling up of arms, we must employ them for wiping every tear from every eye and eliminating every ache from every heart. I trust that in the critical years ahead of us we shall demonstrate our determination, realism and sagacity to realize the dreams of our saints and savants for universal peace based on freedom and justice. I should like to conclude by reciting a quotation from Thiruvalluvar, one of the most famous ancient poet-saints of South India: < "Where there is no terrible famine, no cruel pestilence, no foreign enemy to invade and ravage, where peace always reigns, that is the ideal land." Hail one world!

Mr. President, your unan- imous election is a great tribute to you personally and to your country, with which Kenya maintains cordial rela- tions. Kenya is proud that a distinguished son of Colombia, a country with which it has strong bonds of friendship and 52. I wish also to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to your eminent predecessor, Mr. Mojsov of Yugoslavia, who guided the work of the thirty-second session and the eighth, ninth and tenth special sessions on Lebanon, Namibia and disarmament, respectively. It was through his vast experi- ence, wisdom and strong sense of duty that so many problems were tackled effectively. We owe him a debt of gratitude for all he did for the United Nations and the world. Mr. Rodriguez Porth (El Salvador), Vice-President, took the Chair. .. 0" 53. We wish to express our sincere appreciation to the distinguished. and untiring Secretary-General and his staff for their devotion to duty and loyalty to the Organization; they have our full support in their endeavour to execute the decisions and resolutions of this Organization. 54. My delegation would also wish to congratulate Solo- mon Islands on its independence and on joining the community"of free and sovereign States. We welcome it most sincerely as the one hundred and fiftieth Member of this Organization. 55. At this point, I would like to take a few moments to convey to this session the warm appreciation and gratitude of Mzee's family, of my President, His Excellency Mr. Daniel Arap Moi and the entire Kenyan people for the immense tributes paid to the founding Father of the Kenya nation, His Excellency Mzee Jorno Kenyatta, who passed away on 22 August 1978. In his passing away, Kenya lost not only its liberator but also its guiding light for the period since independence. We are keenly aware that, as an unyielding fighter for freedom, justice and human dignity, Mzee Jomo Kenyatta was loved by many people of the world outside Kenya's borders. While for us in Kenya the loss of the Father of our Nation has been irreparable, we are heartened by the knowledge that our grief and sorrow were shared by so many people in the world. To the many heads of State and Government, as well as leaders of delegations, who came personally to pay their last respects in Nairobi, we are truly grateful. We are equally grateful to the many thousands from all p~""ts of the globe who sent their messages of sympathy. Not least, we are grateful to the many United Nations institutions and conferences which paid glowing tribute to our departed leader. Allthese expressions of sympathy have given us great comfort and hope, renewed strength and confidence in our determina- tion to continue the policies which our great leader had laid down for us. We thank you all. 56. Since the founding of the United Nations and the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Indepen- dence to Colonial Countries and Peoples notable develop- ments have taken place ill this field. Seventy formerly colonial countries have attained independenc- and have taken their rightful place among the free nations of the world. We applaud the efforts and achievements of the ; 57. In recent years there have been many instances where extern-l forces have made efforts to bring about annexation and fragmentation of Territories either before or after independence. These influences must be strongly con- demned inasmuch as they obstruct the progress to self- determination of peoples. We urge the United Nations to stand firmly for the maintenance for each and every country of territorial borders as at the time of independence. 58. We once again call the attention of the United Nations to southern Africa, where the white racist minority regimes scandalously continue to defy United Nations resolutions and continue to deprive the black people of the region of the right to enjoy basic human rights. In all walks of life, the black people in South Africa have no say in the conduct of human affairs affecting them. Their demands for social, economic and political changes for the benefit of all the people of the region, designed to put all on an equal footing regardless of racial background, are ruthlessly suppressed. Meanwhile measures are designed and implemented for the forceful exploitation of their human and natural resources. These inhuman practices have constituted a source of tension in the region for a long time and the patience of '~he oppressed majority has been stretched to breaking-point. Thus the stage has been set for a grave threat to peace and security, with all the consequences which would ensue from a definite breach'of inter ational peace and security. 59. Although the international community has recognized the dangers accompanying the racial policies of these regimes, recognition alone has not proved to be a sufficient deterrent to the threat to international peace and security. To avoid the dangers, we'consider the provisions contained in the Programme of Action adopted by the International Conference in Support of the' Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibta,t and the Declaration adopted by the World Conference for Action against Apartheid;» and approved by the thirty-second session of the General Assembly {resolutions 32/41 and 32/105/, as having the force to change the course of events in southern Africa. They must be fully and faithfully implemented by all of us if peaceful change is to come.. It is, however. our view that the execution of these action programmes has fallen far short of expectation and thus been unable adequately to shake the conscience of the racist regimes in Namibia, Zimbabwe and SouthAfrica. My delegation wishes to reaffirm Kenya's pledge fully to observe and unswervingly implement these action programmes as best as our capabilities will permit. 61. We cannot allow ourselves to be deceived by the moves mooted by the racist regime to remove petty apartheid in public places. The regime maintains repressive policies based on the stereotyped dogma of racial superior- ity, in complete disregard of the principle of human equality as enshrined in the United Nations Charter. Thus, we consider such moves as clandestine endeavours to compromise our people's strugglefor the attainment of full human equality both in principle and in practice. The racist Pretoria regime must be told in the most unequivocal terms that no such spurious device will serve to divert the movement to achieve freedom and dignity. Instead of its fruitless and persistent efforts to entrench and broaden apartheid', it ought to take full measures to preservehuman dignity in freedom for each and all. It is only in this way that the Pretoria regime can build peace and create confidence among the people of South Africa, the rest 'of Africa and elsewhere, and avoid confrontation. 62. The reported preparedness of South Africa to explode a nuclear device is a matter over which we have expressed serious concern. Africa had warned against giving South Africa any technological assistance in the field of nuclear weapons, but its warnings have unfortunately not been heeded. Similarly, Africa hac) warned against assistance being givento South Africa to ann itself to an extent that is obviously dangerousto peace and security in the region. All 63. In view of the unremitting misery and deprivation inflicted upon our people in South Africa, and considering the ruthlessness of the racist regime and its scandalous defiance-of the international community, Kenya is resolved to continue its support of the liberation movements of South Africa in every way within its abilities and callsupon all others to do the same until South Africa abandons the inhuman practice and policies based on apartheid. 64. The United Nations has for many years now been seized of the question of South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia. After a protracted and bitter struggle by the liberation movement, the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO}, and the efforts of this body with the assistance and intervention of a group of five Western countries, it appeared that the South African regime wasat last prepared to accept reality and to co-operate with the United Nations in ensuring the speedy and unimpeded transfer of power to the people of Namibia. With patience and understanding, as well as determlnation and foresight, members of the Security Council worked long hours, culminating in the adoption of resolutions 431 (1978) and 432 (1978) and, previously,resolution 385 (1976). I should like in particular to commend the leaders of SWAPO for having agreed, in spite of their reservations and warnings about the doubtful intentions of the South African Government, to go along with the United Nations in its efforts to organize a realistic programme for the introduc- tion of independence in Namibia. During all these discus- sions, there has been evidence that the racist regime of South Africa had not entirely accepted the inevitable course of history and the impossibility of stopping the march of the Namib.an people to independence. The continued registration of voters in Namibia by the Pretoria regime and their being forced to join the puppet Demo- cratic Turnhalle Alliance;the illegal and fraudulent register- ing of Angolan defectors as voters in Namibia; the insistence by the regime that it retain its armed forces and police to supervise the transfer of power; the refusal to allow free pre-election political activity under supervision of the United Nations representative-all these were clear signs that the South African regime was not ready and wllling to facilitate the course of orderly achievement of independence in Namibia. 65.. The decision by Vorster to announce in his resignation speech that South Africa intended to "go it alone" in implementing an unacceptable and fake transfer of power in Namibia has come as a big disappointment to all of us. While it has set the clock back, this decision has also proved conclusively the impossibility of any honest and honour- able dealings with the racist regime. In addition, it has proved that the racist regime, ignoring the bitter suffering which will inevitably be caused to the Namibian people, has chosen the path of armed confrontation to the end. In its obduracy and in total defiance and disregard of the United 66. Is the United Nations totally impotent and incapable of dealing with this recurrent defiance by the South African regime? Will international opinion and the genuine efforts of various Member States to introduce rational thinking in South Africa continue to be so casually and callously trampled on by a minority regime, which uses crude brute force to sustain itself in power? And for how long shall we continue to allow this racist clique to use the lives of the African people of Namibia as a pawn in its political game? 67. My delegation is convinced that the South African regime would not have found it so easy to defy the wishes of this body were it not for the tacit support it gets from all those Members which continue to provide it with support in technology. investments and commerce. We are con- vinced that the regime will always treat the decisions of this body with disrespect, as long as it believes that the application of total sanctions will not be supported by all the. Members ofthe United Nations. It is therefore our view that the time has now come when we must all agree to the need for full mandatory sanctions against South Africa. Any more talking and adopting ineffective resolutions will only serve to highlight the weakness and impotence of this body to deal with a situation which cleatly threatens peace and stability in the world today. 68. It is incumbent upon all Members of this body-now more than ever before-to afford SWAPO every assistance to continue the struggle.As time goes on the South African racist regime will be bound to succumb or be forcibly eliminated from African soil. There is no good reason whatsoever why the whites ofSouth Africa should continue to see themselves as a special gift to Africa and to flout world opinion with impunity, 69. For the past 13 years the problem of Zimbabwe has continued to constitute a crisis of the most serious dimensions. All efforts to overcome the problem through negotiations have failed and have been replaced by expres- sions of hope fOI another effort. It has become the practice of the illegal regime to create conditions which deceive the world into continuing to hope that a peaceful solution may be in sight, while it feverishly tries to strengthen its hold on power. In our view, there is nothing to negotiate about concerning the independence of Zimbabwe other than the modalities for the transfer of power. 70. Wehave recently noted pronouncements that the rebel Ian Smith was prepared to accept majority rule in Zim- babwe. Hopes ran high that at last a solution might be at hand. What has transpired .has been the so-called internal senlement reached between the white racists under lan Smith and a handful of African opportunists. The "settle- ment" -if it can be called that-has failed to bring about a cease-fire, Kenya rejectedand will continue to reject the interr..al settlement arrangements as being unworkable and 71. Recent information reaching us indicates that the partners in the internal settlement are at loggerheads with one another. Ian Smith is reported to be seeking avenues to revert to the Anglo-Arnerican proposals.? which he refused not so long ago, while the other partners ate divided over the question of the Patriotic Front, whose involvement in a future conference to decide on the destiny of Zimbabwe is, in our view, essential. The Anglo-Amerlcan proposals are a suitable basis for further negotiations. As far as those proposals go, Kenya accepts them as a matter of principle, but the proposals should not provide a reduction in the ultimate responsibility of the administering Power to ensure a rapid and complete transfer of power to the black majority of Zimbabwe. Our position on this issue has always been clear. We have stated on many occasions that Ian Smith cannot be trusted. He and his white racist followers must be forced out of power if a peaceful settlement is ever to be achieved. Until he goes, and as long as he continues to deter progress towards Zimbabwe's freedom, Kenya will continue to support the armed struggle and the strict application of sanctions against the rebel colony. 72. My country is very concerned about the pressure which is now building up in some quarters for the recognition of the so- -;alled internal settlement which would lead to further pressure for the lifting of United Nations sanctions against the illegal Rhodesian regime. While Africa and the world as a whole have all along been aware of the breaches by some Member States of the mandatory sanctions against Southern Rhodesia, it has been our hope that there exists an adequate consensus that the illegal regime of Ian Smith must never be given any signsof recognition. In this connexion, we have noted with dismay and disbelief the admission of lan Smith to the United States, which is in violation of the mandatory sanctions. This is an action which completely undermines the spirit and resolutions of the United Nations and the cause of Iiberation in southern Africa. It therefore calls for the strongest objection from this body. 73. Wethus appeal to all peace-loving countries to increase their material and moral support to the freedom fighters of Zimbabwe led by the Patriotic Front until genuine pros- pects for majority rule in Zimbabwe can be realized. At the same time, we urge all MemberStates to implement strictly the sanctions against Rhodesia and leave no room for sanction-breakers. Similarly, we urge the international community to support in all ways possible those neighbour- ing African States whose economies are suffering due to their strict compliance with and implementation of the relevant United Nations sanctions against Rhodesia. 74. Turning now to the MiddleEast region, it is saddening to note that no acceptable solution to the problems of the area have been found. The tensions in the region continue 75. Kenya has expressed publicly on several occasions its views that peace in that area can be achieved subject to fulfilment of the following three condlnons: first, the right of all States in the region to live in peace and within secure and recognized boundaries in accordance with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973); secondly, the withdrawal of Israel from all Arab lands occupied since the 1967 war; and thirdly, the recognition of the human rights of the Palestinians as a people and their right to a homeland of their own. Kenya believes further that, if everyone in the area took measures to respect this august body and desist from doing anything calculated to weaken it, such as ignoring its resolutions, progress towards a peaceful settlement could be achieved and justice for all would be in sight. Failure to so act will certainly lead to a conflagration that could easily engulf the whole world. 76. We believe that no peaceful settlement in the region is possible, however, without the full involvement and partici- pation of the Palestinians on an equal basis with all the other parties concerned. I take this opportunity to appeal to all, including those most concerned with the problem, not to obstruct any chances for a peaceful settlement that could bring enormous advantages to all the people of the Middle East and the rest of the world. 77. Turning to the question of Cyprus, Kenya is of the view that the people of Cyprus are capable of resolving their own problems peacefully if external interference is removed. We therefore call for the resumption of the intercommunal talks. We continue, as we have done before, to uphold and caU for respect for the territorial integrity, independence and sovereignty of Cyprus. We urge the people of Cyprus to bury their sectional interests for the benefit of the entire population of Cyprus and to stand firmly united in rejecting external interference in the internal affairs of the Republic of Cyprus. We further call upon all nations to condemn most strongly any interference in the internal affairs of Cyprus. 78. A growing challenge has been building up ever the question of declaring the Indian Ocean a zone of peace. At the same time, very little progress has been made by the Ad Hoc Committee on the Iridian Ocean set up by resolution 2992 (XXVII) of 15 December 1972 owing to the reluc- tance of a number of major Powers to participate in the projected conference on the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. The escalation and expansion ofgreat-Power military and naval presence in the Indian Ocean is a flagrant disregard of the fears and sentiments expressed by all the littoral States that have solemnly declared they would like the Indian Ocean to be designated for all time as a zone of peace free of great-Power rivalry. Recalling that Kenya was a sponsor of the Declaration on the Indian Ocean,' 0 my delegation wishes once again to call on all States to respect this solemn Declaration and to ask those that have basesin 79. The harnessing of nuclear energy constitutes a tech- nological advance which presents both fears and hopes for the future. Nuclear technology properly used can bring about rapid improvements in the living conditions of mankind everywhere. But if used recklessly and wantonly it can spell a catastrophe capable of exterminatlng all that lives. We who do not have nuclear energy believe that nuclear technology should be made available to all for peaceful purposes and under strict safeguards. We object to the notion that the knowledge remain a preserve and a monopoly of those who have it today. 80 On the question of disarmament we are pleased that the tenth special session, the first that the United Nations devoted entirely to disarmament, was held earlier this year. This session should be looked upon as a unique opportunity to take a step along the difficult road to the ultimate goal of general and complete disarmament. There is need for more than mere recognition of the continuing nature of the disarmament process. Recognition must be supported by actions and follow-up meetings to review and monitor progress and failure. Otherwise, the special session's impact will be quickly lost. Kenya therefore welcomes the idea of convening another special session on disarmament in 1981. 81. Let it be said again that the already excessively high level of armaments and the continuing international arms race represent an enormous overspending for destructive purposes. In absolute terms the arms race has reached absurd and ridiculous dimensions. It is not justifiable for the international community to continue pouring billions of dollars into an industry whose aim is the development of the most sophisticated machinery of destruction, while more than half of the world goes hungry and lives without decent shelter. The time has now come when the fruits of human intelligence should be used for more constructive purposes, with a view to improving the quality of life for all mankind. 82. While we do recognize that immediately meaningful disarmament negotiations depend primarily on the improve- ment of relations between East and West, we also believe that concrete progress in international disarmament negoti- ations presupposes international detente. However, while detente has had, and could have, an important effect in relaxing international tensions, we are greatly concerned that political detente has not been accompanied by corresponding measures of disarmament and military dis- engagement. Instead international detente is being under- mined by the momentum of the technological develop- rnent, the refinement of armaments and the deployment of new weapons. 83. We are all agreed that nuclear weapons constitute the major threat to our world today. Kenya is against the proliferrd'm of nuclear weapons and we should like to appeal to all Governments to support efforts towards halting the dangerous process of nuclear proliferation. Successful efforts to create a fool-proof non-proliferation regime presupposes a will to co-operate on the part of the nuclear-weapon States, which have heavy responsibilities. 84. HfNing given up our right to acquire nuclear weapons, we b,:;1ieve that we have every right to demand that the efforts to stop horizontal nuclear proliferation should be matched by equal efforts on the part of the nuclear-weapon fAates themselves to stop vertical proliferation. We cannot be convinced of the sincerity of the nuclear-weapon States as long as their actions in the increasingly sophisticated use of nuclear energy for war do not conform with their frequent protestations of willingness to decelerate and subsequently to halt the nuclear-armsrace altogether. 85. I would now like to refer briefly to another subject of paramount importance to my country, namely, the ongoing negotiations on the law of the sea. The seventh session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea was held in Geneva from 28 March to 19 May 1978 and the resumed seventh session was held in New York from 21 August to 15 September 1978. 86. The Kenya delegation to the seventh session, as well as our delegation to the previous sessions,has played an active and constructive role in a genuine endeavour to arrive at a convention that is generally acceptable to all parties. The first part of the seventh session, held in Geneva, was, in the view of my country, the most fruitful session of the Conference since its commencement. The compromise formula on the system of exploration and exploitation of the international sea-bed resources beyond the limits of national jurisdiction,I 1 arrived at after very intensive and difficult negotiations, clearly represents a major break- through in the Conference. 87. The broad framework agreed on for the fmancial arrangements relating to contracts concluded between the authority and contractors and the fmancing of both the authority and the enterpriserr also marks a significant advance in the work of the Conference. We believe. the figures suggested by the Chairman of Negotiating Group Il on financial arrangementsare both fair and equitable. 88. Although there are a number of outstanding issues for which satisfactory solutions have not been found, Kenya believes that, judging by the very significant progress so far made, a real possibility now exists of arriving at a generally acceptable convention at the next session of the Con- ference. Kenya will EO to the next session with an open H SeeOffickd Records ofthe Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the sea, voL X (United Nations publication. Sales No. £.79.1\1.4), document A!CDNF.62/RCNG/2. 121bfd. 90. On the other hand the Kenya Government is very concerned about the spate of unilateral legislation for the exploitation of deep sea-bed minerals currently in the process of preparation in a number of countries. Kenya is of the view that such proposed national laws are completely illegal since they represent an attempt to misappropriate resources which were unanimously declared to be the common heritage of mankind in General Assembly resolu- tion 2749 (XXV). It is also cynical that such laws should be under consideration when the Conference is on the thresh- old of adopting a generally acceptable international conven- tion. The countries concerned should be aware that they will bear full responsibility for the chaos and the break- down of the negotiations which may well result if the proposed unilateral laws are enacted. In such a situation each country would have no option but to protect its interests in the best manner open to it. The short-term gains the developed countries hope to achieve through unilateral legislation will be far outweighed by the risks that would ensue from the chaos into which such areas as territorial seas, straits, scientific research and freedom of navigation would be plunged. 91. My Government has followed with keen interest the work being done by the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Organization, in which we have actively participated. While conceding that the United Nations Charter was a very carefully drafted document which has on the whole worked well, we are of the view that the changed circumstances in the world since the founding of the United Nations some 33 years ago make a review of its Charter not only desirable but necessary. 92. One area in which, in Kenya's view, the Charter requires review is that concerning the power of veto. The world economic and political balance and priorities have shifted substantially in the 33 years that have elapsed since the founding of the United Nations. The membership of the Organization has greatly Increased. We therefore strongly feel that-the distribution of the power of veto should be reviewed with a view to making it reflect the changed situation in the world. Africa should also have the power of veto. 93. Another area that Kenya feels needs serious consider- ation is the strengthening of the role of the Security Council as a peace-maker and a peace-keeper. The primary responsibility of the Security Council under the Charter is the maintenance of peace and security. 95. Recently the United Nations Conference on Succes- sion of States in Respect of Treaties was reconvened pursuant to General Assembly resolution 32/47 of 8 De- cember 1977t and adopted yet another Vienna Convention, the Convention on Succession of States in Respect of Treaties.' 3 Kenya fully participated in both sessions of the Conference and congratulates the Conference on the successful execution of its mandate. In our view the Convention, which was worked out from a draft text prepared over many years by the International Law Commission is a balanced one and should commend itself to all States Members of the Organization. 96. For our part. we are studying the Convention with a view to taking steps to becoming a party thereto in the near future. In this respect we are gratified to note that 15 States are required to ratify the Convention so that it may generally enter into force. and we feel that is a reasonable figure which should facilitate its early entry into force. We therefore hope that States will find it possible to ratify the Convention without undue delay. 97. I should like now to turn to other pressing issues which my delegation feels are just as important as those already discussed and which require urgent attention and solutions in the interests of justice. equity and peace in the world. 98. The sixth and seventh special sessions of the Genera! Assemblyt attended by Government representatives at the highest political levels. emphasized the realities of our interdependence and solemnly and unanimously adopted new guidelines and principles which were to govern our future international economic relationships. We all recog- nized then that the time for pious expressions of inter- national economic solidarity was definitely over and that words had to give way to a tangible demonstration of-this interdependence and our common destiny. Consequently the General Assembly unaniinously adopted both a Declara- tion and a Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (S-VI,' and 3202 (S-VIJ). an order which would be based on equity, justice. sovereign equality. interdepen- dence, common interest and genuine co-operation among all States. 99. Four years have passed. and it is indeed sad to note that very little progress has been achieved on this matter of vital importance. Indeed, I should like to put on record here the strong concern of the Kenya Government at the slow pace at which the decisions of that milestone sixth special session of the General Assembly are being imple- mented The progress of the negotiations in the various 100. Despite the solemn commitments entered into at the fourth session of UNCTAD in 1976 with respect to the establishment of an Integrated Programme for Corn- modities.t s no substantive agreements have so far' been reached on its establishment. Although the UNCTAD Ad Hoc Intergovernmental Committee for the Integrated Pro- gramme for Commodities has so far met.five times and the United Nations Negotiating Conference on a Common Fund under the Integrated Programme for Commodities twice. significant conceptual differences still exist on the basic issues and principles involved in the setting up of such a programme; 101. On the industrialization front. most of the key recommendations contained in the Lima Declaration and Plan of Action on Industrial Development Co-operation. 5 concerning the strengthening of the' industrial capacity of the developing countries are still being held up by the fact that the international community has not as yet agreed on the transformation of UNIOO into a specialized agency. As we are all aware. the developing countries have on several occasionsurged that UNIDO should be transformed into a specia1ized agency so that it may better perform the duties it was created to carry out. namely. to accelerate the industrialization of developing countries. 102. On monetary issues. the international community has not yet agreed on the reforms required in the international monetary system in order to meet the needs of the developing countries for a better distribution of inter- national monetary benefits. including a more equitable distribution of international liquidity and a full part in the decision-making machinery of the IMF. As regards the transfer of resources, all the developed countries have not yet given an unqualified commitment to increase their official development assistance to attain the target of 0.7 per cent of their gross national product by 1980. The only concrete, positive developments in the monetary field have been the recent announcements by the Governments of Sweden, Canada and the United Kingdom cancelling the official debts of the least developed among the developing countries. We welcome that step and should like to urge other developed countries to follow this noble example. Action is. however, still pending on the reorganization of the entire debt system, including renegotiation of existing debts, so as to give it a more developmental and less commercial orientation. 103. As regards the transfer of technology, the Inter- governmental Group of Experts who were charged with the preparation of an international code of conduct on transfer of technology have so far had six sessions in Geneva. Nevertheless, substantial differences still exist between the different groups on key issues, such as the questions of guarantees, the responsibilities or obligations of parties, 14 Sce Proceedings of the United Nations Conferen~ on Trode and Development. Fourth Session, vol. I, Report tlnd Annexes (United Nations publication. Sales No. E.76.II.D.I0 and corri- gendum), part one A. resolution 93 (IV). IS Seedocument A/IOI12, chap. IV. 105. The constructive spirit and the favourable climate which prevailed towards the end of the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly and also at the fourth session of UNCTAD in Nairobi, had raised great hopes for the peoples of the developing countries. The successful conclusions of those meetings and the compre- hensive resolutions which were adopted had indeed led us to believe that at last there existed an opportunity for the international community to resolve effectively issues which had been the subject of discussions and confrontations for over two decades. 106 Unfortunately, given the pace and nature of the ongoing negotiations for the establishment of the "New International Economic Order, it would appear that we still have not crossed that philosophical threshold which we had hoped we would have crossed when the development of the poor nations is considered an essential clement in the sustained development of the world economy and where the interests of both rich and poor nations are regarded as complementary and compatible rather than as conflicting and irreconcilable, We are not demanding a massive redistribution of past income and wealth-in fact if all the demands are added up they do not exceed about one per cent of the gross national product of the rich nations. What we are asking for is simply a redistribution of future growth opportunities. How can the international community con- tinue to expect the developing countries to acquiesce in the prolongation of an irrational economic system, which is in itself the greatest constraint on our development and on the physical and cultural well-being of our peoples? 107. While expressing our increasing disappointment and frustration at the lack of progress in the evolution of a more meaningful international economic order, may I unequivocally state here that we have not given up hope, and are not going to do so, and that we intend to continue to press our case, though success may not be wholly achieved in the coming year. But we still believe in the justice of our cause and are sincerely convinced that the ."developed world has the ability to resolve the prevailing international economic problems, given a little more polit- ical will and determination on its part. In our view, what is really required if the current negotiations between the rich and poor nations are to succeed is a political vision that is inspired by the promise of the future and not clouded, as it ,is at present, by pastconiroversies and by the de-sire to clingto the short-term privileges of the present. 108. l.said there was hope. May I conclude my remarks on a happier note. 1l0. We urge that the Plan of Action adopted at the Conferencet s should be adopted by this Assemblyand that the United Nations system as well as the developed countries, individually and collectively, should support the developing countries in their search for ways and means by which they can assist themselves. 111. At the regional level, the Kenya Government would like to thank ECA for the very good work it has done, and continues to do, with regard to the creation of a preferen- ;. tial trade area for 17 countries of the eastern and southern African subregion. My Government has fully participated at all the preparatory meetings and will continue to contribute fully at all future meetings to see the ideas and ideals currently being discussed at those meetings turn into reality. It is our hope that the international community, and in particular the developed countries and those in a position to do so, will give technical, financial and other assistance to the new group of countries being formed. Such assistance will be particularly needed in the field of joint industrial projects for the subregion, where large amounts of capital and technical know-how, beyond our capacities, will be required.

I should like at the outset to convey to Mr. Lievano through you, Sir, the warm congratulations of the delegation of Burma on his election as President of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly, and to assure him of our full co-operation in the discharge of the responsibilities of his high office. We are confident that under his able guidance we can look forward to a successful conclusion to our deliberations. ll3. We owe a special debt of, thanks to our outgoing President, Mr. Lazar Mojsov. for the outstanding skill with which he presided over the deliberations of the last regular session, as well as the three very important special sessions of the General Assembly held during the year. 114. We are also happy to take"this opportunity to offer our felicitations and friendly greetings to the delegation of Solomon Islands, whose members have taken their place among us for the first time. The addition of each new Member State is an advance along the path to the universality of this Organization. 115. The United Nations was founded a little over three decades ago with 51 Member States. Today it is nearly three times larger in size and symbolizes the conscious 16Report of the United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries. BuenosAires. 30 August to 12 September 1978 (United- Nations publication, Sales No. E.78.ILA.ll ), chap. I• 116. This optimism becomes somewhat dimmed when we reflect on the current course of international developments. Much has happened in the period since we met in the Assembly last year and we cannot fail to notice some very disquieting features that dominate the international scene today. 117. As everyone knows, there have been major shifts in world political alignments, and international relationships have reached a disturbing degree of complexity. These rela; .sships are markedly worsening in the highly impor- tant area of relations among major Powers. As a con- sequence, the struggle for strategic strongholds and spheres of influence has once again come to the fore, with a growing tendency' towards extraregional intervention, nota- bly in the regions of Africa and Asia. This imperils the national independence and peaceful development of smaller and lesser nations. It is also evident that long-standing areas of crisis have become aggravated, and dormant disputes arid enmities have surfaced into local armed conflicts. 118. These adverse trends in the international setting do not augur well for peace and security. Se long as no effective solution can yet be devised ~'or the major contentious issues which are besetting nations, they will continue to place a heavy strain on our present-day world. 119. The principal problems to which the General As- sembly will be directing its mind are not new, but are nearly as old as the United Nations itself. We refer here to the situation in the Middle East, the problems of southern Africa, the question of disarmament and the problems of world .economic relations. For the flrst time in several years, we note that there is some visible indication that more headway is being made on these questions. 120. The Middle East continues to command world attention. Some unexpected impulses have brought about a new tempo in peace initiatives, which have the merit of breaching for the first time the emotional barriers set up in the region. On the other hand, the needs and interests of many nations within and around the Middle East are greatly compounded. It appears, therefore, that a viable solution would be difficult to attain, unless it be the result of a collective approach and be comprehensive in nature. 121. The delegation of Burma supports the view that the United Nations provides the most acceptable framework within which all parties should seek a solution to the Middle East problem. Clear guidelines have already been formulated in relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. A sound basis exists in Security Council resolution 242 (1967), which rightly calls for the withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from Arab territories occupied in 1967. It also calls for the termination of the state of belligerency and the recognition of the right of Israel to exist as a State. 123. Africa today constitutes the focus of international action. The area is one of crisis in which local conflicts tend to become prone to extraregional intervention, with all the elements of power-bloc rivalry. Such exercise of political pressure can only increase the range and level of tension in Africa and obstruct the United Nations ideal of inter- national peace and security. 124. In southern Africa the process of decolonization has entered a new phase. In Namibla the continuing struggle of the liberation movements and the active support of the United Nations have led to .the point where the illegal minority racist regime in power can no longer deny the Territory's right to become free and independent. 125. For Namibia the year 1978 marks a historic point in its march to independent s.atehood. In pursuance of its resolution 385 (1976), the Security Council has recently decided to take practical measures for the independence of Namibia at the earliest possible date. However, even at this last stage, the South African regime in power continues to hamper the process by trying to impose conditions on United Nations efforts. 126. The delegation of Burma stands by the United Nations position that South Africa's occupation of Namibia is illegal and that SWAPO is the authentic liberation movement of the Namibian people. We fully support the Security Council's call in its resolution 431 (1978) for free elections in Namibia under the supervision and control of the United Nations, and we agree that Namibia's territorial integrity and unity should be assured through the reintegra- tion ofWalvis Bay within its territory. 127. The present situation in Zimbabwe is one of mount- ing unrest and violence. Considerable efforts have been invested both inside and outside the United Nations to bring about a negotiated internationally acceptable settle- ment based on the transfer of power to the majority which would rule. But the illegal racist regime in power has ignored world public opinion in its unilateral action of imposing a deceptive internal settlement. 128. The delegation of Burma considers that there can be no lasting solution unless all nationalist leaders, including the leaders of the Patriotic Front, are involved in the transition to majority rule. Burma has associated itself with all. Security Council decisions concerning the complete severance of all political and economic relations with the illegalracist minority regime, 129. Burma has also faithfully implemented all United Nations decisions on South Africa, where there is as yet no sign of turning away from the basic policy of apartheid, which is institutionalized racial discrimination. Instead, massive reprisals have been taken against those who oppose apartheid. Burma severed all trade relations with South Africa in 1962. This year the necessary official action has 13L There are two sets of comments which the delegation of Burma would like to make as we reflect on the problems of disarmament. . 132. The world's major problem today is the urgency of halting the arms race and initiating the process of disarrna- ment, Since the end of the Second World War the central issue of world concern has been the possibility of general nuclear war and the vital importance to human survival of avoiding such a tragedy. But this world-wide anxiety has been heightened over more than three decades by an unabated nuclear-arms race. The tremendous cost of the arms race and the range and destructive power of the weapons systems that have been devised are bewildering to the human mind. The futility and wastefulness of this becomes even clearer when' we consider the fact that the opponents already have the capacity to destroy each other and even an over-kill capacity. Moreover, with every advance in 'the scientific and technological development of strategic weapons the process of negotiation on arms control and disarmament becomes increasingly complex and difficult. The fact is that the armaments race has become one of the greatest scourges of humanity and constitutes an obstacle to the improvement of the world's political relations and its economic development. Unless we can achieve some early steps to halt and reverse the arms race, the ultimate objective of ensuring general and com- plete disarmament may recede further and prove elusive for ever Today the overriding imperative is to explore every avenue and method to bring the principal nuclear Powers into a binding agreement and a solemn undertaking to assure the international community that a nuclear con- frontation willnot take place. 133. This year's tenth special session of the General Assembly, on disarmament, provided a forum for the world community to demonstrate its awareness of and concern at the unprecedented level and intensity of the arms race and the potential danger it poses for the security of mankind. The Final Document [resolution S-lOj2jprovides an integrated and universal strategy for disarmament that enjoys the widest international acceptance known to date. Although it is the product of compromise and accommoda- tion, the Final Document is a positive step forward. The United Nations, as the most representative and universal forum of today, has been brought into closer association with. world disarmament processes. This marks a new departure in disarmament negotiations. 134. The task before the international community now is to translate into reality the principles and objectives embodied in the Final Document. The highest priority has been given to nuclear disarmament, and the principal nuclear Powers have aspecia1 responsibility to lead the way. If thoseP.owerscould take positive .steps to balt and reverse the lIDclear-anns race, that would imply a change in their 135. As everyone knows, the world economy is in a state of flux and remains unpredictable. Economists the world over seem to be in a dilemma over what steps should be taken to overcome the immediate pressures of world-wide inflation and monetary instability, declining growth rates, the increasing burden of debt on many countries, growing protectionism and the deteriorating balance in international trade and payments. No one has yet come forward with a viable solution to these problems. 136. The latent instability and the frequent recurrent crises in the world economy more than ever indicate that the present international economic system no longer serves the compelling demands of the times. In view of the reality of the existence of fundamental and structural defects in the present system, it is imperative to restructure the world economy in order to resolve the inequalities and imbalances in. international economic relations. 137. The establishment of the New International Eco- nomic Order cannot be delayed any longer. If we indulge too much in the luxury of elaborating details and means of achieving that goal, there is the danger that we may lose sight of the objective itself. Above all, what is required in the initial stage is political will on the part of those who can contribute much to the realization of the New International Economic Order. 138. We are all aware of the growing interdependence of the international economy. The economies of both the developed and the developing world are becoming highly interdependent. Yet the world economy lacks an effective mechanism for mutual co-operation and benefit. The North-South dialogue, conducted with the main objective of setting up a just and equitable economic order, has resulted in a stalemate. The concerted action and strategy of the industrially developed countries to solve the world's basic economic issues have thus far produced few signifi- cant results. The Second United Nations Development Decade is coming to a close, but the objectives of the International Development Strategy for the 1970s have hardly been fulfilled. 139. We welcome the General Assembly's decision to convene a special session in 1980 to assess the progress made in the various .forums of the United Nations system, to realize the establishment of the New International Economic Order and to take appropriate action for the promotion of development and international economic co-operation, including the adoption of 8 new international development strategy for the 1980s. 140. There can be no doubt that the transformation of the world economic system is already well on the way towards a greater measure of equality in the life of nations in an mterdependent world. Although at present it would seem that nothing of particular importance has happened that might be conducive to the solution of the major problems that confront the developing countries and the entire 141. The delegation of Burma believes that the delibera- tions we shall have during this session of the General Assembly will lead to a better appreciation of the problems which confront the international community and the measures required to solve them. We very much hope that our efforts and deliberations will be fruitful and of benefit to all Members of the United Nations.

It is with great pleasure that I extend to Mr. Lievano, on behalf of the Government and people of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago and on my own behalf, sincere congratulations and best wishes on his election as President of this thirty-third session of the United Nations General As- sembly. My delegation feels sure that under his wise and efficient guidance the arduous tasks facing this Assembly will be tackled with confidence and positive assurance of success. 143. I should like at this time through you, Sir, to extend to Mr. Mojsov our gratitude for his expert and competent handling of the proceedings at the thirty-second regular session of the General Assembly and at the special sessions of the General Assembly over the past year. 144. My delegation wishes to put on record once more its deep appreciation for the work done by our Secretary- General in directing the efforts of the United Nations, particularly in his recent quests for peace in the world, frustrated and thwarted though they have been in some areas by the rabid racism that is synonymous with apartheid. 145. In closing these words of greeting, it is with a feeling of immense satisfaction that I join with others who have warmly welcomed Solomon Islands to this family of nations. It remains the confirmed view of the Government of Trinidad and Tobago that, notwithstanding the some- times seemingly insuperable barriers that stand in the way of co-operation between sovereign States, the United Nations continues to provide a stable and acceptable medium for conducting the relations of Member States. 146. As members of this community of nations, we have both a duty and an obligation to co-operate with one another. This co-operation, in our view, must be founded on four basic and fundamental imperatives. These are: the political will to co-operate; the genuine acceptance of the need to eradicate poverty and enhance the quality of life of the peoples of all countries; the conviction that world peace and the security of all States are necessary prerequisites for optimizing the value of the limited resources of our planet; and the non-exclusion of any State from this international forum and the many benefits which derive from participa- tion therein. . 147. In full recognition and awareness of that fourth imperative-the need to universalize the United Nations- 148. Into what sort of international community are we welcoming new Member States? What hopes for the future can we share with them? How well have our opportunities been used through the auspices of this Organization to create a better human environment for all our peoples? 149. The record for 1977-1978 is bleak and cheerless; the augury for the coming year most unpropitious. The matters which will be reviewed in this short statement were with us during the thirty-second session; from statements made to this Assembly, it would appear that this thirty-third session is not likely to be the occasion for-universal understanding or for a greater sense of political commitment to meaning- ful co-operation between developed and developing coun- tries. Rather, there seems to be an explicit desire on the part of some to perpetuate systems of injustice that have enabled the economically strong to develop and maintain an inequitable position of privilege over the economically weak. 150. It is to the field of economic co-operation that I should like first of all to turn my attention, since it is here that relations between the developed and the developing countries have become decidedly polarized. In fact, it is mainly in economic terms that the divisions between the North and the South have any tangible quality and it is precisely in these matters that resistance to meaningful co-operation has been most pronounced. 151. Much hope has been pinned on the successful outcome of the discussions in UNCTAD on the Integrated Programme for Commodities. My delegation notes with regret that the deadline which was established under UNCTAD resolution 93 (IV) has not been met and it appears that the negotiations on the common'fund will suffer interminable delays. The direction which considera- tion of this fund seems to be taking, moreover, suggests that developing countries will not succeed in establishing a new regime for commodities which goes beyond the mere setting up of market regulatory mechanisms that now typify international commodity agreements. This would indeed be a retrograde step. 152. It has been clearly demonstrated during the course of the discussions on both the Integrated Programme for Commodities and the common fund that excellent oppor- tunities exist through the commodity trade for co-opera- tion to the benefit of both the developed and the developing countries. It was hoped that self-interest. at least, could motivate the developed countries to see their way clear to co-operating more fully in this sphere of economic endeavour. 153. The multilateral trade negotiations, too, have given cause for serious concern to those developing countries that have been following the deliberations. It is with regret that my delegation records its dissatisfaction at the failure of the 154 Shipping is also a matter for concern. Discussions in this field have given little reason to my Government and to others in the developing world to hope for an accommoda- tion which would enable a more meaningful share of world shipping tonnages to be allocated to developing countries. 155. It is the view of my Government that the circum- stances where developing countries own 61 per cent of the bulk cargo but a mere 5 per cent of the shipping tonnage cannot be allowed to persist. Equity demands that there be a more reasonable share in the market in bulk cargo, both liquid and dry; that international lending institutions adopt more flexible attitudes to financing the purchase of ships by developing countries; and that developed countries lend their support to the pooling of resources to enable developing countries to purchase or construct ships and thereby facilitate the transfer to developing countries of a greater share of world shipping. 156. Co-operation on matters relating" to the marine environment presents as many difficulties as those already outlined-if not more. 157. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago must record its considered objection to tendencies developing within the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea which, if allowed to continue to their logical conclusion, would result in a modern-day manifestation of the attitudes and assumptions that ushered in the colonial era, with the attendant conquest, appropriation and ex- ploitation of regions considered distant, undiscovered terri- tories. 158. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago recognizes as law that the sea-bed and its resources beyond national jurisdiction constitute mankind's common patrimony. The exploitation of these resources today must not be guided by unbridled opportunism and unprincipled greed. In this regard, unilateral legislative measures must be abhorred. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago holds that unilateral legislation relating to sea-bed resources beyond national jurisdiction can have no validity whatsoever in international law; that activities conducted under such legislation have no legal status; and that States, persons or entities indulging in such illegal practices cannot acquire any rights to the area exploited or its resources. 159. Unilateral legislation would be contrary to" the Declaration of Principles Governing the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor, and the Subsoil Thereof, beyond the Limits of National Jurisdiction [resolution 2749 (XXVH, which was adopted without dissent and which established the 160. Some industrialized countries have argued against this concept of the sea-bed as the common heritage of mankind and are seeking to frustrate the goals of co- operation by proposing unilateral legislation which they claim would give certain rights to their agents. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago must insist that the Declaration of Principles contained in General Assembly resolution 2749 (XXV) was declaratory of existing law. Neither analogy nor inference can be regarded as a source of law. Hence the freedom of the high seas cannot be extended to give nor interpreted as givinglicence to a few to exploit minerals beyond national jurisdiction. Moreover, it appears that the reluctance on the part of some industrialized countries to undertake the meaningful trans- fer of technology is, regrettably, linked to their desire to press on with unilateral sea-bed mining operations, without reference to the international authority. 161. The many areas of non-co-operation J have alluded to notwithstanding, my delegation continues to look forward with optimism to the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, which is sched- uled to take place in August 1979. Memberswill recall that it was recommended at the twenty-ninth regular sessionof the General Assembly that science and technology should beused as an instrument to stimulate development, thereby reducing international inequalities and providing the basis for self-reliance [see resolution 3281 (XXIX), art. 13/. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago continues to view this Conference as the vehicle to provide, by way of action- oriented programmes, concrete solutions to the problems of the transfer and application of science and technology within the framework of the New International Economic Order. It must be reiterated here that developing countries should 1-,e given access to.already existing knowledge in the field of science and technology and that access to science and technology on fair and reasonable terms should be a vital component of the New International Economic Order. 162 We have for the past two years been engaged in the process of analysis and review.. The time is now ripe for the translation of our research findings into specific objectives, For this, the political will of countries-large and small-is needed. 163. The 1977 Arusha symposium on science and tech- nology for development 1 7 emphasized that the application of science and technology to development should have as its main purpose the attainment of the goals and aspirations of a society and the satisfaction of its basic needs. The symposium pronounced upon the need for indigenous development of science and technology. as an integral part of national culture. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago, in its programme for national development, has 17 Intergovernmental Meeting of African Experts on Aspects of Technology, held in Arusha, United Republic of Tanzania, from 3 to 8 October 1977. 164. The imbalance between the countries that have advanced technology and those that have not has cc .- tributed to the dominance of the former and the depen- dency of the latter. We contend that the gap must be bridged and that self-reliance rather than continued depen- dency must be the essential feature in our socio-economic development. Regional and internetlonal co-operation would be meaningless if this were not achieved. 165. The United Nations through its agencies has a vital part to play in promoting the necessary co-operation among developing countries in this area, so that traditional anti new technologies can be shared. Soon the Conference on Science and Technology for Development will have taken place, and the international community ought therefore to focus attention now on modalities for bringing about the technological transformation of the third world. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago, while recognizing the contribution which UNCTAD is making in the compre- hensive programme of action for the strengthening of the technological capability of developing countries, is of the view that this process should be strengthened and receive the necessary assistance and co-operation from other agencies within the United Nations family. 166. This leads me to a consideration of the entire concept of the New International Economic Order. Much has been said, by way of criticism, of the aspirations of developing countries for a new order. Any overview of the history of international economic relations forces us to conclude that the old order has indeed not changed. That old order, where built-in imbalances inevitably led to chaos, confusion and strife, must now give way to the New International Economic Order. 167. The New International Economic Order must be regarded as a system in which there exists a more equitable sharing of the material, technological, social and other benefits of the human environment. To achieve this, it is absolutely essential that all countries share equitably in decision-making processes; for, in the final analysis, it is the right to share in the decisions that affect us that marks the difference between free men and those not yet free, between the third world and other worlds. 168. The various measures identified by the international community as being necessary to bring the New Inter- national Economic Order into being have all suffered set-backs, owing to lack of co-operation or reluctance on the part of the few to make concessions for the benefit of all. It is clear that greater attention must be devoted to the sensitive areas of the relationships between all countries with a view to redressing the imbalance which now prevails. While comparative advantage was enjoyed in most areas of production by the developed countries, developing coun- tries were lectured on the virtues of free trade. When requests were made for reservation of what developing countries considered to be an equitable share oJ world industrial production-that is, 25 per cent, a mere quarter, by the end of the century-the response was that inter- ference with the free-market system was not only political anathema but also represented gross economic inefficiency. 170. Further, efforts on the part of developing countries to diversify into light manufacturing industries such as textile, foot-wear and electronics and into areas such as steel, aluminium and motor vehicles, have been frustrated through the institution of so-called orderly market arrange- ments and voluntary market restraints. 171. So far I have sought to underline the degree of importance which my delegation attaches to the role which better access to markets for exports from developing countries must play in the context of the New International Economic Order. 172. There are, to be sure, other serious problems relating to international economic co-operation. One of these problems is the vexed question of present-day indiscipline in international economic management in which floating exchange rates, and in particular the extent of the depreciation of the value of the major currencies in which most of world trade is financed, deprive developing countries and others of an ever-increasing proportion of their hard-earned export revenues. This is clearly unjust and my delegation takes heart from the recent assurances given with respect to the strengthening of the major trading currency and the creation of a more stable international monetary climate. 173. In this context, is it too much to hope that the developed countries will see their way clear to allowing developing countries access to their financial markets for development fmancing on concessionary terms? I should like to lend my voice in support of those who argue that such a policy would aetas a catalyst for economic growth and would at the same time help the developed countries emerge from their present sluggishness without the fear of inflation. 174 In this review of international economic relations, I have illustrated the type of world community that exists today. If the picture I have painted appears to be gloomy, then I hope that J may be excused for making a brief comment on the international political situation, which, though not without hope, is no less gloomy. 175. The Govermnent of Trinidad and Tobago is seriously concerned over the pressures which have been brought to bear on the Government of Belize to cede its national territory as the price of securing its independence. The Government of Belize has quite properly rejected this attempt to destroy its territorial integrity. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago rearfirms its support for the just aspirations of the people of Belize for self-determination and independence in accordance with the Charter of the 176. My delegation continues to affirm its support for the principles enshrined in Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) on the Middle East question and to hold the view that due recognition of the rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination is crucial to a just settlement of the issue. 177. The situation in southern Africa remains grave, and nations of the world continue to be alarmed by the resistance of those regimes to the cries of the conscience of mankind. . 178. The Governmer.t of Trinidad and Tobago condemns the illegal minority regime in Southern Rhodesia for its unprovoked attacks on Mozambique and Zambia in a vain attempt to coerce the two Governments and their peoples into abandoning their support for the peoples of Zimbabwe in their valiant struggle for freedom and independence. 179. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago welcomes the endorsement by the Security Council L'1 its resolution 431 (1978) of the proposal by the five Western States for implementation of Security Council resolution 385 (1976) in respect of the accession of Namibia to independence. 180.. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago continues in the international community to deplore the existence of the inhuman regime of apartheid in South Africa and endorses requests to the Security Council to impose economic sanctions on South Africa. It is only through decisive and direct action that the flow of investments, goods-including petroleum and petroleum products-and other essentials can be stemmed, and that this regime, which violates every basic human right, may be brought to heel. Since 11 October has been designated the Day of Solidarity with South African Political Prisoners, I have today despatched to the Chairman of the Special Com- mittee against Apartheid a message reaffirming the support of the Government of Trinidad and Tobago for all measures adopted by the United Nations for the total eradication of the crime ofapartheid. 181. In conclusion, may I express the hope that this thirty-third session of the General Assembly would end with all countries showing evidence of greater commitment to the principles on which this Organization was built. The international community, this family of nations, should not await the strife that leads to armed conflict and bloodshed to redress the injustices that plague our planet and divide the peoples of the world. 187. Unfortunately, the international situr..Ion at the present time reveals a reality which does not give rise to optimism. in fact, some regions of the world are still subjected to colonial domination and other forms of oppression while others experience only a precarious neace, 182. We cannot await the end of the decade to start often interrupted by outbreaks of violence. While consider- applying remedies to situations which continue to deter- able sums are devoted to the arms race, which threatens the iorate The New International Economic Order cannot be very existence of our planet, millions of human beings, accomplished by decree or resolution. Every day that passes forming that great army of those "forgotten by God", brings suffering to the majority of peoples of the earth, and languish in the most abject poverty. Meanwhile, the gap the list of grievances is long. Every day people suffer between rich and poor countries 'becomes wider, despite because of ignorance; people die for want of food or proper various mternational rttempts to improve the situation. 183. Our historic responsibility is to take positive meas- ures to redress present social and economic injustices and to improve the quality of life of all peoples. The time to act is now and at this thirty-third session we must seize the time.

May I first of all, on behalf of the Haitian delegation, most warmly congratulate Mr. Lievano of Colombia on his election to the presidency of the thirty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly. His presence here to guide these important deliberations is both a guarantee of their success and an eloquent testimony to the esteem which he enjoys at world level. His colleagues in Latin America are proud of the tribute thus paid to the entire region. The Government and people of Haiti, who were privileged to welcdme Mr. Lievano to Port-au-Prince on the occasion of the signing of an agreement delimiting the maritime borders between our two countries, are fully confident of the auspicious guidance which he will give. to our debate. 185.. I should like also to pay a well-deserved tribut.e to Mr. Lievano's eminent predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov of Yugoslavia, for the remarkable way in which he guided the work of the thirty-second session. 186. To the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, we should like to extend our compliments and our feelings of gratitude and deep appreciation for his enlightening report on the work of the Organization {A/33/I}, in which he stressed the problems which had been of concern to the Organization during the past year. Those problems are both numerous and highly complex. Some of them are extremely serious and call for prompt solution if world peace, a!-""ady harshly put to the test, is not to be irreversibly jeopardized; hence the need to redouble efforts in order to eliminate the hotbedsof tension which endanger the very survival of mankind. In order to achieve tha, aim, all the members of the community of nations, aware of their common destiny, should resolutely commit them- selves to seeking, in the light of the goals and objectives of the Charter, the means to achieve the establishment of a world governed not by relations of power but rather by the ideals of justice, brotherhood and universal solidarity. That task would be relatively easy to achieve provided there is willingness to use the United Nations machinery and agree to live on the basis of its laws. 189. First of all, the Republic of Haiti wishes to reiterate • its attachment to the ideals which prevailed at the establishment of the United Nations, of which we are one of the founding Members. Haiti reaffirms its total commit- ment to the principles of equality of all individuals and peoples and their right to self-determination. 190. In that- spirit our delegation warmly welcomes Solomon Islands to our Organization. We are convinced that this new State will make its contribution to the search for solutions which are of concern to it. 191. However, while the accession of Solomon Islands to the ranks of independent and sovereign nations has filled us with joy, we strongly deplore the fact that the backward forces of colonialism have not yet made it possible for the peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe, Azania, Belize, the Western Sahara and East Timor to take their place among us. 192. In the case of Namibia, which South Africa has occupied illegally since 1966 in defiance of world public opinion and of the many United Nations resolutions, this Organization has reached an impasse, faced with the refusal of the Pretoria regime to co-operate in implementing the most recent decisions of the Security Council concerning the process which is to lead to independence. 193. By deciding to implement its own independence plan, South Africa has revealed its sinister design to deny the Namibian people the fruit of many years of sacrifice and heroic struggle. In this connexion we should like to recall the reservations expressed by our delegation during the ninth special session of the General Assembly of the United Nations on the' question of Namibia, that the proposal of the fIVe Western countries might not lead to genuine independence, since it allowed for the participation in the electoral process of the South African Administra- tion and army instead of. requiring their unconditional withdrawal) 8 194. Today, the facts tend to vindicate us. It is difficult for us to understand how the Security Council has seen fit to recognize any roie for South Africa in Namibia when an earlier decision had relieved it of its responsibilitiestowards that Territory. 195. Is it not up to SWAPO, recognized by the United Nations itself as "the sole and authentic representative of 18 See Officilll Records of the General Assembly, Ninth SpecitJl Session, Plenary Meetings, 9th meeting, para. 99. l~ 196. Would not a solution have been found to the Namibian problem if the five Powers had followed the course indicated by the majority of Member States when they called for the adoption of the sanctions that the circumstances require? Now that they seem to be short of expedients, it is to be hcped they will be able to shoulder their responsibility. 197. With respect to Walvis Bay, my Government has often indicated that the independence of Namibia would be but illusory if it were to remain a South African colonial enclave. We thus reaffirm that Walvis Bay is an integral part of Namibia and most forcefully condemn any attempt to annex that territory. 198. The same applies to Zimbabwe, where the white minority, unable to realize that it has been outdated by a revolutionary context, attempts at all costs to preserve the colonial status quo. In a desperate effort it resorts to all types of strategies to maintain and preserve its social, political and economic privileges. The most recent case is the so-called internal settlement, the most harmful COD, sequence of which has been to break the unity so needed by the people of Zimbabwe to undertake the task of building their common homeland. 199. Aware of its own colonial experience, the Republic of Haiti categorically rejects and condemns this so-called internal settlement between lan Smith and a few disloyal sons of Zimbabwe. Haiti strongly opposes this shameful political compromise aimed at destroying the deepest aspirations of an entire people. In order that a genuine majority Government may be established in that Territory, we recognize and supportthe Patriotic Front, the legitimate representative of the people of Zimbabwe and the only party qualified to take power on its behalf. Wecall for the strengthening of economic sanctions, the violations of which we strongly condemn, violations which have been committed by those who support racism, colonialism and apartheid. 200. There is no doubt that one of the most urgent tasks Of our Organization is the elimination of the odious system ofapartheid, which is an affront to all mankind. 201. Aggressive by its very nature, that system endangers peace and security in the entire southern part of the African continent. It is a continuing threat to all neighbour- ing African countries, whose territorial integrity is violated at will. That system, because of its imperialist and expansionist designs, has always been: and remains the main obstacle to a peaceful solution of the problems both of Namibia and of Zimbabwe. 203., We hope that humanitarian concerns will triumph over petty national interests and make it possible for the Western States which have been strong defenders of the apartheid rdgime to make common cause with the inter- national community in combating the brutal oppression and genocide perpetrated against the black population. 204" Equally critical is the situation of the peoples of Belize, Western Sahara and East Timor, In those three cases the colonial Power has decided to withdraw, thus opening the way for independence. 205. However, contrary to general expectations, dif- rlCulties arising from colonization itself have led to certain claims which have obstructed the exercise by the peoples of Ul(lSC Territories of their right to self-determination. We unquestionably deplore such a situation, but at the same time express our hope that in their wisdom the countries concerned, with which we maintain friendly relations, will ~.llzC that it would be immoral to redress one injustice by Cfe3ting another, We are all familiar with the ills of coJoni31i$tn and with how much harm it has caused to the m~jority of the peoples represented here. Yet, must we not ~cogni~e that we cannot in every case revive doubts about 3D the inj\I~Uces and all t~ abuses to which this party and that hlv~ t\\U~" \'lctim duting colonial domination? If we were not to rea.U~~ tha ~ \\~ might run the risk ofourselves beeommg like the colonial Power, it is always possible to speak ofterrltG(~ claims. Yet it should never be lost from sight that in those clainl.ed territories there are people which, like all other people, also have a right to self- determination. Since \hat right is one and indivisible. it is the responsibinty of tbe United Nations to safeguard its imp~ementCltion in l\~ing with the Declaration on the G;ranting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. 206 J\ fucr.tl point of our concern is the Middle East ronflict. which fo.r 3() years has defied all solution. My dd~tij)n ~e~ that the solution should be based on ~¥ f~ncil r~u~ions 242 (1%1) and 338 (1973) :md fJ'n the fQ1lowing principles: the non-acquisition of «lTit~s lJ¥ force; the withdrawal by Israel from Arab f~mtP.fi~s ~ppi~ since 1%7; respect for the sovereigntys fmftPfW ~rn~ty and independence of all States in the ~~.~im:lmiin,g Israel, 4F If ~~~ WithPl,lt ~ying that any solution of this ~RWh ffi 'Ar4~r la be j~. and viable. must take into ~~m tt~ tf£itima~ ri$ht m the Palestinian people to a i?Rt$~~~d ~ek r~ ID live as a sovereign and Wt~PFf.i:l'4t pep,Ple in the weJ1-bc~ and tranquillity of a ;Tef'",,;-~,1 ":r".,.. -i~-;.l :it..~~~ .,,~~u~ _~. ~. ~t, ~ ~~F~ and ~',alid ~ these principles may seem, fttf: f3~ ~st been hU'p~mente~ because passions continue fR p~ te~~ed and 'besa~~e dialogue has not replaced conflr.mtatio.::l ... it' ~~~: i. ,'I"'7 :: ,1'"7' - '.' Mr LiboriO {CoJr;rr.bi(iJ reswn~ the 0uIir. 210. But should not this settlement include lUSO the situation in Lebanon, which despite the praiseworthy efforts of the Secretary-General of our Organization; has not been resolved? Lebanon remains ravaged by war, and every day persons are killed in that war. Lebanon; a peaceful country par excellence, has been caught in a whirlwind of violence. We must at least acknowledge that Lebanon has been the victim of a state of affairs which it did not create and which neither United Nations resolutions nor the Arab peace force have managed to eliminate. My delegation expresses its solidarity with the people of Lebanon and hopes that in the near future they will find peace again and that their brothers will be reunited. That will not be possible until all foreign forces have withdrawn from the.country and until the forces of the United Nations alone are responsible for the maintenance of peace until the situation is normalized. 211. In the case of Cyprus, we deeply regret that no notable progress has been achieved so far. The Republic of Haiti, always faithful to respect for the principles of independence, sovereignty and the territorial integrity of States, and norrfnterventton and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, deplores the continued presence of foreign troops on the territory of the Republic of Cyprus. An end must be put to all foreign interference in the internal affairs of that country so that the two communities may without restrictions begin dialogue that will ~ead to reconciliation and the reconstruction of their homeland. 212. One of the most important items on this session's agenda is that of disarmament. It is of paramount impor- tance for all nations.Iarge or small, and for the very survival of our world. That is why almost the entire international community. aware of the danger to mankind of the arms race, has stated that it is in favour of,general and complete disarmament, which alone can guarantee the security of all. 213. When I spoke from this very rostrum during the tenth special session, on dlsarmament.i9 I had the oppor- tunity to demonstrate how the quantitative increase or perfecting of armaments by a State, far from contributing to that State's security, produces the opposite effect. The reason for that is that the State against which one armsto guarantee security reacts accordingly, and this sets off a chain reaction. We thus become prisoners of a dead-end competition to the detriment of meeting the vital needs of mankind, because the arms race absorbs sizeable human as well as material resources that are d~erted from the process 214. There ill no doubt that the progress of science and technology in the field of the production of new weapons, weapons that arc more dettdly and more destructive, increases the danger of armed confrontation, which in the nuclear age would prove disastrous. 215. Thus it is urgent for us tu take all necessary measures at the international level to create conditions conducive to the achievement of the objective to which wc a~! aspire, general and complete disarmament. These measures under- Ufo the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXV)/ I which my delegation fuUy supports.' We remain firmly convinced that without the strengthening of international se~urity the achievement of general and complete disarmament would be illusory .. 216. We are celebrating this year the thirtieth anniversary of the adoption of the historic Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This is an opportunity for all to renew our respect for and defence of the basic rights laid down in that Declaration and to co-operate at the regional and inter- national levels to guarantee their promotion. 217. My delegation has noted with satisfaction from the Secretary-General's report on the work of the Organization that during the past year there was a marked improvement in the efforts at co-operation between Member States to settle certain problems arising from allegations of violation of human rights. It hopes to see that co-operation increase to the benefit of peace and of the progress of peoples. 218. Haiti, which was born of struggles for human rights, wishes to participate in this co-operation. We wish to make our contribution at the international, regional and national levels, and in fact we do so. 219. At the international level we endorse the initiative of the non-aligned and other countries "to elaborate and adopt an integral and comprehensive approach to human rights as a matter of great significance for ensuring the dignity of the individual and for peace, security and international co-operation on the basis of equality" Isee A/33/206, annex I, pQTQ.155j. 220. We also wish to work closely with the bodies of the United Nations whose responsibility it is to promote and to safeguard these rights. It is in that context that we intend to adhere to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Optional Protocol. 221. At the regional level, we have ratified the American Convention on Human Rights, and last month we received a visit from the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights, which was to report on progress achieved in this field. The Republic of Haiti also supports the establishment 222. At the national level, a vast and carefully prepared programme of promotion of human rights has been established. This programme includes measures of legal reform aimed at a better distribution of justice within the framework of the normalization of all aspects of our national Jife. 223. This is an irreversible process to which His Excellency Mr. Jean-Claude Duvalier has committed his prestige through his statement to the nation of 2 January 1978, in which he said: "I shall unceasingly proclaim my 'unshakeable attach- meet to the principles of democratization and liberaliza- tion; which must be allowed to reach the most distant areas of our country in order to engender a true renaissance:' 224. However, my Government, to which the develop- ment of the human person is the end-all objective of its political activity. considers that this rebirth will be possible only if economic and social rights recelve equal attention. That is why the Haitian Government has sought to work out a genuine economic development programme and economic growth expressed not only in terms ofper capita income but also in terms of an improvement in the standard and quality of tife of the people. The development we seek involves over-all growth of the human being. intended to affect every Haitian as part of his national heritage. This is a noble task requiring the mobilization of all the material and human resources in our country. Unfortunately, its success does not depend on our national contribution alone, and our efforts may well fail unless deep .rooted changes in the international economic order are effected. 225. These changes should take the form of a clear improvement in the terms of trade, with trade being made less vulnerable to market conditions. In the first place, we are unduly dependent upon the flow of exports, because any reduction in the rate of demand, either in volume or in value, threatens the entire economic balance of the coun- try. When prices tend to decline or to go up for the commodities we export or to decline to a lesser extent for the commodities we import, the percentage of our imports necessarily drops even if we are able to increase our rate of exports. This is because inflation and the deterioration of export income and a constant deficit in our balance of payments lead to a devaluation of our currency and a limitation of the intake of the products we urgently need. 226. This situation of price instability affects not only our foreign-exchange income but also our customs receipts. Haiti. as a country that produces raw materials, directly feels the harmful effects of economic crises in the economi- cally advanced countries and because of this is unable to finance its development programme at a constant pace and at the same time to meet all its international obligations. 227. That is why we are prepared to support any formula likely to resolve the problem of the external lladebtedness of countries such as ours. The foreign exchange now 228. To all these problems we must add the fact that a considerable part of our meagre foreign exchange must be devoted to meeting our energy needs, a situation which also handicaps our development capacity. Because of this, despite the conscientious efforts of my Government and the will of our people to use our basic resources to improve our situation, we are constantly faced with difficulties engendered by the international order. 229. We must now see to what extent the industrialized countries will co-operate with the United Nations to tackle these basic problems, the solution of which is in their hands. It is clear that international action mould be directed towards the areas which tend to engulf the economies of the developing countries. Otherwise the attempts of these countries to develop their economies to satisfactory levels will continue to churn in the vicious circle of the present order. 230. Thus, my delegation considers it indispensable that a more just international economic order be established, an order more in keeping with the relations of inter- dependence which exist between the developed and the developing countries. The industrialized countries should endeavour to make this a reality, despite the difficult international economic situation. An important step in this process would be the concluding of an, agreement on commodities and on the indebtedness of the developing countries. Moreover, a programme for the transfer of technology would establish a rational basis for true co- operation. 23L Another area where the industrialized countries should demonstrate a spirit of understanding and co- operation is that of the law of. the sea. My Government feels that the time has come for' a serious and constructive dialogue which will make it possible for all parties concerned to make the necessary compromises, without which it is impossible for the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea to achieve its objectives. 232~ We have just outlined the most urgent problems we shall have to face during this session. These problems are not new. Most of them even inspired the establishment of our Organization. 233. The fact that we have not yet achieved the desired success and that mankind continues to be frustrated in its valid aspirations for lack of solutions is simply because our approach to these problems has not been the best. My delegation feels that we have not applied all our imagina- tion and all our skill to building a world in keeping with the dreams of the authors of our Charter. 234. We are convinced that mankind cannot afford a third world war, nor can it afford the confrontations of the 1960s or the uncertainties of the 1970s. The challenge facing us is the eternal question: how can we manage to live in peace? How can we manage to transform this world into 235. Our destiny is in our own hands. Let us do all in our power to forge it in the best interests of us all, under the dual sign of peace and universal progress. Let us make this thirty-third session the starting-point for this collective task.

Allow me first of all to convey to you, Sir, the cordial congratulations of the delegation of the People's Republic of Benin on the occasion of your outstanding election to the presidency of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly. My country is glad to seeyou in charge of the work of the Assembly.this year. By elevatingyou to this' high office, the Assembly has sought to pay tribute to your eminent self, but at the same time it has paid a tribute to your country, the Republic of Colombia, a country which has always played a dynamic role, not just within the Latin American sphere, but also in the context of the countries of the world which are resolutely committed to the sacred battle for the establishment of the new inter- national economic order. My delegation is convinced that under your wise and far-sighted leadership the work of this session will be crowned with success. 237. Mr. President, you are the successor to one of the most distinguished Presidents of the Assembly, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, Deputy Federal Secretary for Foreign Affairs of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, to whom my delegation offers its admiration and esteem for the remark- able way in which he conducted the work of the thirty- second session, and for the unflagging spirit he showed at the eighth, ninth and tenth special sessions of this As- sembly. The results achieved by those sessions might not appear to amount to very much, but that in no way detracts from the merits and the qualities of this statesman, who is known for his tact and perspicacity. We would not now be congratulating .Mr, Mojsov on the positive results achieved during his term of office, were it not for the discreet but extremely effective and praiseworthy assistance he received from our Secretary-General, Mr.Kun Wald- helm. My delegation yet again wishes to pay a tribute to the outstanding qualities of the chief officer of this Organiza- tion, and his dedication to the cause of the noble ideals of international peace and security. We are convinced that, with him, this Organization will continue to make positive progress towards the realization of the noble objectives which it has set itself, and will do so thanks to the support of each and every one of us. 238. My country, the People's Republic of Benin, warmly welcomes the accession of Solomon Islands to full national sovereignty and its admission to the United Nations. My delegation assures the representatiyes of this new State of its active solidarity and brotherly co-operation. 240. The problems confronting the international com- munity are numerous and complex. But some of these problems, by their scope and their importance, are co- extensive with -certain others and are viewed by our peoples as being of particular relevance. This is true, for example, of the problem of international peace and security. 241. It is without question a platitude to affirm that the peoples of the world want peace, a peace which would make possible their development and the satisfaction of their legitimate aspirations. It is equally banal to say that the peoples of the world desire security. The quest for peace and security has always been in fact at the very core of the concern of the peoples of the world as a whole. The Government of the People's Republic of Benin, faithful to the legitimate aspirations of its people, struggles resolutely and consistently for the establishment of effective peace and security among all the nations of the globe and makes available its militant and unreserved support for all concrete initiatives taken in this sphere by friendly countries. The People's Republic of Benin supports the Helsinki Con- ference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, and the first review session in Belgrade, and regards their results as of great importance in the quest for international peace and security, It salutes the countries and organizations which promoted thoseconferences and congratulates in particular the Soviet Union and the socialist countries for the decisive role which they have played in the success and in the results which have been achieved. Thanks to the efforts of those countries and, the forces of progress in the world at large, a measure of detente has come about in relations between socialist and capitalist countries. This is certainly an important contribution to the cause of international peace and security, an.d a major new factor in international relations. 242. None the less, to be quite truthful my delegation must say that in order to achieve the desired effectiveness and take into account the true problems of the present time, those agreements must be extended to all regions of the world, and their content applied to the whole of the international community. 243. Peace, like security, is a fundamental aspiration common to all the peoples of the world which, both in its conception and its realization, cannot be split up into 244. We must be quite aware that, even considered in a partial sense, peace today has nothing but friends but some of those who speak most loudly about it do not always have the purest of intentions. Otherwise, how is it possible that, while everyone talks about international peace and security, the yearning of the African peoples for peace and security is being thwarted in the most brutal and, indeed, the most official manner by the diabolical undertakings, the subversive manoeuvres and the repeated and manifold forms of aggression committed by certain Western capitalist Powers, which openly oppose peace and security for the African peoples? 245. How is it possible that, at a time when everyone talks about international peace and security, the leaders of those countries at the very highest level openly make threats of reprisals and of colonial reconquest against the countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America which oppose their ex- ploitation and diktat, and indeed actually carry out those threats? 246. We very much fear that behind these professions of faith and sweet words the imperialist Power really see in the agreements signed at the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe at Helsinki and the limited detente achieved in Europe as nothing more than a long-dreamed-of opportunity for them to free themselves of the European front in order to concentrate all their military, economic and fmancial might against our defenceless countries. 247. Everyone is aware that the dominant fact of the international situation today is the excacerbation at a critical level of the contradictions between international imperialism, with its record of exploitation, and the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America, who' have been oppressed and plundered, between the camp of the forces of liberation and progress and the camp of oppression and man's exploitation of man. 248. Throughout the world today, the dominant and irreversible trend of the struggle of the peoples is towards revolution. In Asia, in Latin America and, more par- ticularly, in Africa, the situation is characterized by the struggle of countries and peoples to break the chains of imperialist domination, to put an end once and for all to reactionary social and economic structures inherited from colonialism and nee-colonialism and to take their destiny into their own hands. 249. From being exploited, alienated and mere chattels, the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America have now become enlightened and active participants in world his- tory. That is why the liberation movements in the various parts of the world are struggling to snatch their confiscated national independence and sovereignty from the claws of the colonial Powers. That is why the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America are resolutely struggling to snatch'their 250. Faced with this irresistible surge of the struggle of the peoples for their liberation and independence, inter- national imperialism, finding itself hard pressed, now aims at our countries certain criminal designs involving armed aggression, the physical elimination of political leaders, the destabilization of progressive regimes in order to recover their lost positions, to gag our peoples and quietly to pursue the plundering ofour natural resources. 251. In the People's Republic of Benin, the continuous and impetuous development of our democratic and popular revolution and the brilliant victories won by the militant and hard-working people of Benin on all fronts of the struggle, especially since the proclamation of 30 November 1974 of its choice of scientific socialism as the path of development, has constantly given rise to the fury and rage of international imperialism. 252. Our fundamental objective is the complete and final elimination of the material and ideological bases of impe- rialism in opr country with a view to its liberation from foreign domination and all forms of exploitation, oppres- sion and alienation, in order to construct in the People's Republic of Benin a prosperous and independent national economy and a socialist society in which it will be good for all citizens, both men and women, of Beninto live, relying on their own strength. 253. It is our firm determination to attain these noble objectives, which accounts for all the plots and attacks on the part of reactionary forces, both local and international, plots and attacks which reached their pirinacle with the ignoble imperialist armed aggression of which our country, our people and the revolution were the victimson Sunday, 16 January 1977. 254. Condemning armed imperialist aggression in its reso- lutions 404 (1977), 405 (1977) and 419 (1977), the Secu- rity Council invited the international community to con- tribute to making good the damages suffered by our country. The Secretary-General'sreport, which appeared on 29 September in document S/128732 o gives an account of the favourable and positive reactions of the international community with regard to the appeal made at that time by the Security Council. 255. This is a fitting occasion on which to renew our sincere thanks to all the States and international organiza- tions which have been unstinting in their support during these painful events. 256. We are surprised that certain States which without any doubt play a major role on the international political scene and which unequivocally declare their concern for jhe 257. The people of Benin is not suffering from "aggres- sionitis". No, far from it; the people of Benin is not obssessedwith the fear of aggression. 258. The question of imperialist aggressionand policiesof war and colonial reconquest is not something peculiar to my country. It concerns all the progressive countries wishing to affirm their sovereignty and national in- dependence. 259. Imperialist aggression and the implementation of policies of war and colonial reconquest today constitute a real danger to international peace and security. 260. If it wishes to remain consistent with its own declarations, the international community is not entitled to remain indifferent to this important problem. 26i. International imperialism in its essence and objectives has remained true to form. It is not prepared to yield on any of the countless interests which it has dishonestly arrogated to itself at the expense of the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America. It obstinately insists on maintain- ing its domination over the world and continuing with the shameless plunder ofour wealth, and any desire for genuine independence immediately brings intervention on its part. Thus numerous threats of aggression still hover over our countries, which only aspire to peace and security so that the pressing objectives of their economic and social development can be attained. My country, the People's Republic of Benin,IS one of those countries. 262. In the implementation of the policy of war and - colonial reconquest of international imperialism, certain _African Heads of State are playing a role which is particularly harmful and prejudicial to peace and security in Africa. There is one among them who is personally most hostile to the peace and security of the people of Benin. 263. Indeed, when at Khartoum, in the Democratic Republic of the Sudan, the Heads of State of the OAU adopted a resolution vigorously condemning the armed imperialist aggression which had been cynically perpetrated against my country, the People's Republic of Benin, as well as those who had planned, organized, financed and carried it out; when at Khartoum the Heads of State of the OAU resolu~ely condemned all threats of imperialist aggression which weigh so dangerously on the sister Republic of Sao Tome and Principe; when at Khartoum the Council of 264, This African Head of State has thereby incurred grave historic:J responsibility by violating more than once the fundamental ,principles ofhuman rights so dear to all of us, principles which are contained in the Charters of the OAU and the United Nations. 265. That is why, on behalf of the peaceful industrious and militant people of Benin as a whole and its democratic popular revolution, we appeal in this Assembly to all States Members of the United Nations and all the peoples of the world which desire peace, justice, dignity and social progress to bear witness to our words. 266. The OAU and the United Nations.as well as history, have recognized and recorded the sole responsibility of that African Head of State for these criminal and inhumane acts of plunder and the systematic looting of property, rapes, murders, humiliations and extortions of all sorts against thousands of men, women and children of Beninwho were livingin peace and working together with the people of that brother country and who were tom away from their work and gagged, pushed along and led away like cattle and left in concentration camps without food or care in abominable hygienic conditions and at the mercy of the weather. What is more, it was in those conditions that on 5 August 1978, upon the personal instructions of that African Head of State, his country's soldiers opened fire in cold blood on a crowd of innocent victims, again causing several dead and wounded. 267. The criminal decision on the expulsion of Benin citizens taken by that puppet African Head of State and his imperialist masters fits nicely into their policy of aggression and destabilization of the regimes of progressivecountries of our great and beautiful African continent. 268. However, in the face of the increasingly aggressive behaviour of its enemies from within and outside, Le people of Benin have closed ranks so as to move more resolutely towards socialist development. 269. My country, the People's Republic of Benin, can but renew here before this Assembly the expression -of its satisfaction at the historic decision of the Council of Ministers of the OAU at its thirty-first session at Khartoum 271. All of these facts eloquently prove that the impe- rialist policy of colonial reconquest is not mere empty words. International Imperialism shrinks from nothing in its attempt once again to endanger the independence of numerous African States and the most effective and least compromising way for them to achieve their diabolical aims is the use of mercenaries. The peoples of the world must courageously denounce those Powers which come here and talk profusely of international peace and security, the need to leave Africa to the Africans, of non-interference in the affairs of independent African States, but at the same time step up their policy of aggression and brute force in Africa. 272. The people of Benin, its Governmentand progressive party, the Party of the Popular Revolution of Benin, headed by our distinguished militant comrade, President Kerekou, have clearly understood all these fine honeyed words of imperialism which is so arrogant in its exploitation and oppression. The Benin people, its Government and party have understood now that international imperialism will continue with repeated plots and acts of aggression against our national democratic and popular revolution and it will not resign itself to the crushing defeat which it suffered in our country on 16 January 1977. The Benin people, its Government and party, have perfectly well understood that, in order to thwart the subversive designs of international imperialism and to free itself completely from foreign rule, the continuous strengthening of the unity and solidarity of the peoples of the world who cherish peace and liberty is indispensable. This is why, on the initiative of our progressive party, the Party of the Popular Revolution of Benin, a week, of solidarity with the peoples and countries which are struggling for their national liberation and the Intematlonal Conference on Mercenaries were organized at Cotonou from 9 to 16 January 1978 to celebrate the first anniversary of 16 January 1977, on which date our people crushed the imperialist aggression against it. 273. Forty or so delegations representing democratic countries, parties and organizations took an active part in these events. The delegations worked without interruption in an atmosphere of cordial friendship and drafted a number of important documents including the Declaration of Cotonousr and a general declaration on the use of mercenaries.aa These documents are a positive contribution 21 Ibid., Supplement for January, February and March 1978, document 8/12557. 22/bid. 274. The peoples of the world that are the victims of humiliation, harassment and aggression by international imperialism, those peoples whose national resources have been systematically looted by capitalist monopolies, must abide strictly by the spirit of Cotonou. They must unite and organize themselves increasingly over a broad front in order to oppose imperialism's policy of war and interven- tion and must by deeds require imperialism not only to. recognize the rights of peoples to self-determination and to the choice of the economic and social system they prefer, but also to abolish the use of mercenaries in the world, in other words to respect international peace and security. 280. We therefore wish to express our concern at the results to be expected from the present set-up which is designed solely to encourage an alleged internal solution where everything is being done to facilitate the task of the Pretoria regime, which has already rigged the electoral rolls so as to permit the placing in office of a bogus regime which would set up a nice cordon sanitaire, as it were, for the racist bastion of southern Africa. The Namibian people, in our opinion, must recover their full independence and enjoy the integrity of their territory, including WalvisBay. 281. In Southern Rhodesia the masquerade of the impe- rialist Powers who support the regime of the devious Mr. Smith has now reached its peak, all the attempts to break the united activity of the Patriotic Front and the front-line countries, for the benefit of the internal settle- ment, having literally failed. 275. Total decolonization of the territories still under colonial mic is also an essential prerequisite for the preservation of international peace and security. The imperialist Powers which pursue their policy of war, aggression and provocation are quite well aware of this, so much so that they spare no effort to prevent the real decolonization of countries still under colonial rule. 282. Ever since the so-called rebellion of that British colony, despite all the assurances we were given here, the Western Powers-and particularly the United Kingdom, the administering Power-have done nothing but openly violate the mandatory sanctions imposed by our Organization on the illegal Smith regime. 276. That is why those imperialist Powers give massive financial, economic, political and military support to the minority colonialist, racist and Fascist regimes of southern , Africa with a view to keeping under their control the' immense wealth of Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa. 283. The recent scandal of the breach of the sanctions discovered in the United Kingdom is one more proof of the immoral nature ofWestern policies in southern Africa. 277. These territories under colonial and foreign rule are the main bridge-head of international imperialism in Africa today. Their total liberation and the ending of the oppression and exploitation suffered by the African popula- tions of southern Africa is a matter of grave concern for the imperialist Powers, which still cling to their selfish and dishonest interests. Everything, including armed violence, has been set in motion in order to thwart the legitimate aspirations of the people of these territories to indepen- dence, sovereignty, peace and security in the land of their forefathers. The decolonization of Namibia and Zimbabwe are thus two matters ofvery special concern to imperialism and for a very good reason. The strategy of the imperialist Powers, confronted as they are with the inevitability of the liberation and independence of these Territories is now to use every stratagem to put in their own puppets and set up fake nee-colonial regimes wholly dedicated to the defence of imperialist interests. This is the aim of the numerous plans for so-called "peaceful negotiation" being rigged up here and there today in connexion with Namibia and Rhodesia and which, to the accompaniment of great . diplomatic proclamations, are being forced down the throat of the international community. 284. The People's Republic of Benin will continue to support the policy defined and defended by the Patriotic Front for the total liberation of Zimbabwe. The internal settlement concluded on 3 March 1978 is entirely bogus. It is a gross attempt to fool everyone. We condemn and oppose it because it is designed not, as some would have us believe, to create an independent Zimbabwe, but simply to set up a neo-colonial regime dedicated to international imperialism. 285. The People's Republic of Benin appeals to all peoples that cherish peace and justice to give diplomatic and material aid to the Patriotic Front in the armed struggle that must lead to the total independence of Zimbabwe. 286. In Western Sahara international imperialism gives fmancial and economic support, and support in the form of the most sophisticated military equipment, to the Moroc- can annexasionists and expansionists, with their insane dream of preventing the Saharan people by all means, including genocide, from exercising their legitimate right to self-determination, independence and national sovereignty. 278. Namibia, a Territory adjacent to the racist bastion of oppression and exploitation, South Africa, is the subject of a plan for a settlement of this sort. 287. Yet the Frente POLISARIO,24 in deciding on a unilateral cease-fire on the Mauritanian front after the recent political changes in that country, a decision con- firmed by the recent Congress of the Frente POLISARIO, has proved to the world that its people want only to have 279. My delegation wishes to reaffum that the famous so-called Western plan for the settlement of the Namibian question23 would never have seeri' the light of day at all had 23/bid.. Supplement for April, May and June 1978. document 8/12636. 289. The Middle East is also a region in which, in order to endanger peace and security there, imperialism is doing its best to spread disorder and terror. 290. The People's Republic of Benin unequivocally reaf- firms the right of the Palestinian people to life, indepen- dence and national sovereignty. The twin policy of the imperialist Powers, to stifle and eliminate Palestinian resistance, makes it necessary for this Organization to remain vigilant in order to thwart all the Machiavellian delaying tactics and the attempts at division cynically carried out by imperialism so that the Geneva Peace Conference on -the Middle East will not take place with the participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO}. 291. My delegation reaffirms that the Palestinian problem is the very core of the question of the Middle East, and that no just and lasting solution can be found unless this painful problem is settled with the effective participation of the PLO. 292. Recently a great deal of ink. and a great deal of hot air have been .expended on the subject of human rights. Human rights are the right to life, freedom, work, well- being and dignity. It is paradoxical that it is precisely those who would pass themselves off as the champions and most ardent defenders of those rights that are the first to deny them to others. 293. What countries give economic, military and political support to the Fascist regimes of Latin America, the racist regimes of Africa and the puppet regimes of Asia? 294. How can one talk of human rights and at the same time ally oneself with Pinochet, Vorster, and Park Chung Hee? 295. How can one talk- of human rights and permit on one's own soil the recruitment, training and financing of mercenaries, these specialists in mass crimes? 296. How can one talk of human rights and refuse to the peoples the light to self-determination? 297. How can one talk of human rights and stubbornly oppose the principle of the sovereignty of States over their natural resources? 298. How can one talk of human rights and firmly support the odious system of apartheid and racial discrimination? 299. To establish the rights to life, freedom, dignity, work and human well-being, it is necessary to put an end to the odious system of the exploitation of man by man. 301. The forces of exploitation and domination are today becoming increasingly aware of the danger of destruction hanging over them in the shape of the struggles for liberation of the peoples. That is why they are increasing their brutality and violence, allying themselves with reac- tionary forces in all countries, maintaining military bases and recruiting mercenaries. That is why the oppressed countries and peoples must resolve the contradictions that must inevitably arise between them and unite in the common struggle against the common enemy. 302. The forces of exploitation and oppression are allying themselves in all spheres with the forces of reaction throughout the world. The forces of progress, democracy and the well-being of the people must also unite and help each other, givingeach other mutual support. 303. That is why we wish to declare aloud our militant gratitude to all the friendly countries whose internationalist aid constitutes a powerful factor in the development and consolidation of the national liberation struggle. 304. For the triumph of real peace and security for all the peoples of the world, my country, the People's Republic of Benin, firmly and resolutely supports the just struggle of the Korean people for the independence and peaceful reunification of their country. The puppet clique of Park Chung Hee must put an end to its policy of fascism and terror in the South of the country and stop its acts of provocation against the North. Foreign troops and arms must be completely removed. 305. The People's Republic of Benin firmly and resolutely supports the just struggle of the heroic peoples of Viet Nam, Kampuchea and Laos for the strengthening of their sovereignty and their national reconstruction. J06. The People's Republic of Benin firmly and resolutely supports the courageous struggle for national independence and sovereignty waged by the peoples of East Timer, the South Moluccas and Belize. 307. The People's Republic of Beninfirmly and resolutely supports the revolutionary national liberation struggle of the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia, South Africa and the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic. 308. The People's Republic of Benin firmly and resolutely supports the revolutionary struggle waged by the peoples of the Front-line countries in southern Africa-Angola, Mo- zambique, Botswana, the United Republic of Tanzania and Zambia. SQ~n the horrible, spectacular destruction of the Second World War. decided to create the United Nations as a centre for the permanent search for harmony, for the cause of peace and international security and the development of man

In accordance with rule 71 of the rules of procedure, the President of the General Assembly must immediately decide on a point of order raised by a representative. 311. Since then. however, many of the countries which at the time Were most enthusiastic about the establishment of" the United Nations and seemed most interested in its noble

Forgive me, Mr. President, but ( do not feel it is necessary to put anything to a vote. The representative of the United States of America has expressed reservations. That is his delegation's right. But those reservations should not de- mand any vote or any decision by the Assembly. The reservations are the reservations of the United States. If any other delegation wishes to ~xpress reservations, it has the right to do so, but the Assembly should base itself on precedents set. and the representative of the PLO should be allowed to speak. o~jeQtives, appear to have forgotten even the meaning of gratuitous armed violence, humiliation and misery unjustly inflicted on a people. They appear to have forgotten even the meaning of justice. liberty and the dignity of man. Impelled by their sordid designs and pursuing their petty mercantile interests and dreams of power, they have today become the champions of the repression of peoples who seek peace and freedom They have become the champions of oppression and the robbing of the hard-working masses and inflexible and merciless executioners arrogantly in- flicting on defenceless. peoples precisely those things which the world had fought from 1939 to 1945 to spare itself. We are profoundly dedicated to international peace and secu-

In accordance with rule 71 of the rules of procedure. the President of the General Assembly must immediately decide on a point of order raised by a representative. rit~ and we are convinced that the shortest way to achieve it is not by war but by the simple restoration ofjustice for the benefit of the legion of the oppressed.. 321. The representative of the United States did not, in his statement, appeal against the decision of the President. Accordingly, I shall adhere to my intention to call upon the representative of the PLO. 312. All the States represented in this Assembly, partic- ularly those which still aspire to control and exploit others, must at Iast realize the meaning of true international peace and security and act accordingly to establish it. Those PQwers. which talk so much about peace and security in their own countries must put an end to their policies of war andplunderin Africa, Asia and Latin America. 322. The remarks of the representative of the United, States will; of course. appear in the records of this plenary meeting. 313. The militant, hard-working people of Benin, who seek to build in their own country an independent, prosperous national economy and construct a socialist society, are ready to work in harmony with all the nations of the world for the triumph of the noble ideals of this Organization: peace, security and justice. They are ripe for the revolution. The.struggle continues. 323. I now call on the representative of the PLO. 324. Mc.. EL·DAJANI (Palestine Liberation Organization) (interpretation from Arabic): Since this is the first time that my delegation has addressed the General Assembly I should like, on behalfof the PLO, the legitimate representa- tive of the 'people ofPalestine, to express to you, Sir, our congratulations on your election as President of this session.

The representative of the PLO wishes to speak in order to respond to a statement made yesterday morning. On the basis of General Assembly resolution 3237 (XXIX) of 22 November 1974, and in accordance with the precedent. established at the 29th plenary meeting of the thirty-second session, I shall now call upon him. 325. I should like also to pay a tribute to the Secretary- General for all his efforts and express the faith we have in international solidarity. I shall now 'read in English my reply to the Israeli statement[26th meeting], 31§.. T@,,_reJu:esiIDJ.atl.ve of the United States of America wishesto speak on a point of order. 326. Liberation, independence and self-determination de- fine the age we live in. They are the ideals that move men and women. and they have inspired the principles upon which this Assembly deliberates and acts. For those of us emerging from a colonial past. these principles are realities that give our history sense and purpose. As the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian Arab people, the PLO speaks for these principles as principles that apply rightly to the people of Palestine.

The views of my delegation on the propriety of giving the floor to non-Member delegations to reply to statements made during. the genera! debate are well known. We do not believe that the interests of the Organization are served by such a practice. Further. we regret that the ruling by the President of the thirty-first session of the General Afio 328, In this context, then; it would seem to be an Impertinence also to speakof peace or a peace process, The results of the Camp David meetings, it is claimed, are to bring peace to our area and asolutionto the problem of the Palestinian people. Is it not unusual that our voice, the voice of the Palestinian people,shouldnot have been heard in those deliberations? Of what other peoplecan it be said that not only is their self-determination denied them, but their inalienable tight to speak of and for themselves is usurped by others? 329, We have been resolute in our yearning for peace. There are numerous United Nations resolutions, over- whelmingly supported by the world community, reaffirm- ing our right to self-determination, to repatriation, to the end of the occupation of our lands. We have whole- heartedly supported these resolutions, of course; but we have gone further, when our National Council decided to establish an inc:ependent sovereign State on any part of liberated Palestine. We have said that the end of military occupation and illegal settlements would ensure our ac- ceptance of peace. And still,despite all this-paid for in the daily suffering of our people, in exile, under occupation, subject to Israeli State terrorism and racial discrimination- we are told in the terms of the Camp David agreementstf that not only would there be no end to military oceupa- tion, but that our very identity as Palestinians would be reduced to the status of mere "Arab inhabitants". Instead of a sovereign State, we are offered something between a bantustan and an Indianreservation. 330. Moreover, we cannot accept that ArabJerusalem, an integral part of our national existence for centuries, should fall victim to a policy of narrow exclusivism and immoral annexation. The Palestinian vision of Jerusalem is of a city sacred to the three great monotheistic religions, but a captive to no one of them. We seek its restoration to our sovereignty andto the benefitof world ecumenism. 331. Here we must also mention that, by insisting on Jewish emigration from the Soviet Union, the Israeli Foreign MiIiister, while he speaks in his own way about 2S A Framework for Peace in the Middle East, Agreed at Camp David, and Framework for the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel, signed at Washington on 17 September 1978. - 332. But, above all, we wish to state that the Palestinian Arab people is one people, and is one in fighting the indignities and humiliations heaped upon it. We will struggle until our inalienable rights are achieved. We are determined On this course because, until our place in the peace process is fully respected, peace cannot and will not be possible. Our positions are based on every universal human right as spelled out in the Charter, as well asin the principles stated by prophets,seers, and statesmen. 333. Yet there is great talk in the United States of new hopes for peace generated by the Camp David agreements. The Secretary of State of the United States, Mr. Vance, has expressed the hope that the Palestinian people wouldseize this historicopportunity If we cannotsharein thesehopes, it is because the United States hasnot soughtour views and still does not recognize our right to speak for ourselves through our own representatives-a fact that has been clearly noted in almost all the statements made in this forum, including those made by the West European countries. The Camp David agreements commit the 2 mil- lion Palestinians who do not live on the West Bank and Gaza to perpetual exile. They divide Arab from Arab, people from people. The Camp David meetings have reignited strife and violence in Lebanon. They have torn justice away from peace and by so doing threaten the 'Iery possibility of peace-any kind of peace-at all. We cannot but reject all of this about Camp David and we reaffirm here and now that no one can speak on behalf of the Palestinian people but their sole and legitimate representa- tive, namely, the PLO. Therefore, we call again upon all peace-loving nations to adhere to the principles and resolutions adopted by this Assembly, whichwouldserve as a fair basis for the achievement of a comprehensive peace. 334, The PLO, encouraged by the unwavering support of the Arabs, the non-aligned countries, members of the Islamic Conference and the socialist countries, is deter- mined to maintain its militant struggles-political, diplo- matic and armed-until it attains and exercises its inalien- able rights. 335. There is no peace without the Palestinians, repre- sented by the PLO. Arabic)~J 336. Let all our efforts be concerted to free eachcolonial country and to achieve peacebased on justice in the landof peace. Despite all the difficulties that we encounter, we must remain hopeful of the future, for liberation is the spirit of our age and that no racist imperialist movement cansucceed by running counter to history. The meeting raseat 8 p.m. .