A/33/PV.37 General Assembly

It is very fortunate that our Assembly is examining once again, in plenary meetings, the problem of development and international economic relations. But how can we examine that question without raising the question of the deep concept at the basis of the economic relations between the nations of the present world? 43. Indeed, while world developments until the Second World War were marked by the sought-for and assumed predominance of the power of States over all other considerations, with its attendant relations of domination, exploitation, subjugation and enslavement, the aspirations born of the crushing of the Fascist Hitler regime-that is, the quest for the freedom, dignity and self-determination of peoples-had perforce to entail a questioning of pre-existing relations as a whole, whether political or economic. The political liberation of t.he countries under foreign domi- nation brought in its w~e, as a logical consequence, the necessary affirmation of new economic personalities. 45. Despite these efforts by the international community, the main trends of the world economy became steadily stronger and, reducing the situation to the simplest tenns, we can say that the rich became richer while the poor vegetated painfully in their state of poverty. Mankind seemed condemned to suffer the fatal result that two-thirds of the people of the world received less than 25 per cent of the world product, while the remaining third received 75 per cent. The Second United Nations Development Decade was launched as a result of much hard work, but there were no great hopes that the developments confronting the world would be corrected. .. 46. It took the raw materials cnSlS in 1973 and 1974-which, as a re.sult of the quadrupling of the price of oil, brvught about a revaluation of the prices of all commodities-for States to become aware, suddenly, that despite the differences in revenue and standard of living, they were all in the same boat and that anything affecting some of them would affect all of them. And thus there came about the staggering, indeed blinding, discovery of interdependence. Since the era of conquest and the exclusive prerogative of power had passed, they had to accept a dialogue between the two dissimilar parts of the world. 47. The Declaration and the Programme of Action adopted at the sixth special session {resolutions 3201 (8-VI) and 3202 (8-VI)] and the resolution adopted at the seventh special session of the Gen.eral Assembly Iresolution 3362 (S- VII)] and the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States {resolution 3281 (XXI.X)} adopted by the international Organization in 1975 laid down the principles for the restructuring of international economic relations on the basis of justice, equity and respect for the interests of all the partners. 48. The new international economic order which resulted was to respond to the most legitimate aspirations of the peoples of countries, large and small, rich and poor. It is not necessary for me to elaborate on the elements of this new order, since they have been amply discussed. SO. The impression prevails that, since the flurry un- leashed by the crisis has passed, there is no longer any danger and that we can calmly maintain the structure of economic relations between States which has worked up to the present time. 51. It is our duty to ask, in view of so many changes of direction and about-faces, if there is still the political will to carry out this restructuring process. 58. My country is entirely committed to promoting peaceful relations among nations and will participate with devotion, within the very limited means at its disposal, in this universal quest for happiness and justice. 52. Can we b~ content with the present situation, the explosive nature of which can escape no one? Can we, with impunity and even heedlessly ~ postpone the examination of the questions which are most essential to the new economic order from one meeting to another, from one forum to another, and especially from one year to another?

The subject we are dis- cussing relates not only to the continued necessity for the Committee of the Whole, which the Assembly established last year; it also calls into question the political will of many developed countries to remove the inequities in the present international economic system. The dilemma facing the future of the Committee is only one of the symptoms of the deeper malaise afflicting international economic relations. 53. That is the problem before us today. The negotiating framework and the framework for discussion exist. Among them, and established in the supreme body of our Organi- zation, there is the Committee of the Whole-presided over with devotion and tact by our brother, Idriss Jazairy, to whom we wish to pay a well-deserved tribute-which constitutes the most adequate means for giving to the United Nations system the principal responsibility for international economic negotiations. 60. Developed countries have been preoccupied with short-term measures to deal with their continuing problems' of stagflation and unemployment. In the process, tr..ey have tended to disregard the consequences of their measures for developing countries. They have also shown little en· thusiasm to implement fully the commitments willingly undertaken by them in the various forums of the United Nations. 54. To oversee and monitor the implementation of the decisions and agreements resulting from negotiaHons with respect to the establishment of the new international economic order, to provide the impetus necessary for overcoming negotiating difficulties and encouraging the continuance of the work, to serve as a forum for facilitating and expediting the solution of pending questions-that is the substance of the mandate entrusted to the Committee by General Assembly resolution 32/174. . 61. The developed market-economy countries have not been able to find lasting solutions to their own economic problems, and this has doubtless contributed to the uncertainty in finding solutions to the much larger and more pressing problems of developing cauntries. The greater sacrifice and the heavier burden belong to the developing countries in making the necessary economic adjustment. 55. Surely that mandate is clear enough to avoid any difficulty of interpretation and any risk of duplication or overlapping. Any progress made, in whatever body, cannot but be noted with satisfaction by the General Assembly. Cannot UNCTAD, the Economic and Social Council, the Committee of the Whole, and so forth, complement each other, so that the special session of 1980 may harvest all that we have sown rather than being merely transformed into a repetition of the six~h and seventh special sessions? 62. A!) r dy as 1961 developed countries accepted the commitment in the GATT programme of action4 not to raise new trade barriers against imports from the developing countries. This commitment was reiterated a number of times in subsequent years. In spite of this, during the last few years developed countries have imposed a number of . restrictive bilateral agreements on developing countries relating to the imports of precisely those commodities in which developing countries have demonstrated competitive advantage. Protectionism has h~en acquiring increasing suppoit in developed countries and statements are being frequently made by various interests in its favour. 56. The delegation of the Ivory Coast,.in view of all the hesitation, would wish that the North-South dialogue should remain a real dialogue where we seek mutual understanding and where mutually acceptable solutions migh,t be reached. We unanimously rejected the confron~ tation of 1974 in favour of committing ourselves ·to a constructive and sincere dialogue designed to lead to the establishmen(of the new international economic order. I urge members to go on in this way, which, while not the 4 Programme for Expansion of 11lternationaI Trade. See General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, BCISic Instruments and Selected Documents, Tenth Supplement (Sales No GATT/1962-1), p. 25. 64. There is a total absence of serious discussion in any forum on how to put the much-needed flow of resources to developing countries on a continuing and reliable basis. Ideas so far advanced on this subject have remained unpursued on the ground of their being impracticable. The target for providing 0.7 per cent of gross national product as official development assistance, to which developed countries are committed in the International Development Strategy, is now generally ignored. The major developed countries are even opposed to the very concept of fixing targets and determining a time-bound framework for implementing them. 65. Negotiations on almost all major issues having a bearing on the restructuring of the international economic system remain stalled. Instead of the developed countries giving, the negotiations the necessary push and bringing them to successful conclusions, futile debates on procedural and organizational questions have been occupying our time. 66. There is clearly an absence of political will on the part of the developed countries to resolve the issues currently under negotiation and to implement the agreed measures incorporated in the Strategy of the Second United Nations Development Decade and in the Declaration and the Plan of Action on the Establishment of the New International Economic Order. 67. In these circumstances, even if the Committee of the Whole i~ put back on the rails, it remains to be seen whether and how it will serve the purposes for which it was established. 68. The Committee was set up last year with much acclaim. It was expected to function as the supreme United Nations body to monitor, supervise and impart momelltum to negotiations on major international issues in all United Nations forums. It is indeed a sad commentary on the present situation that the discussions spread over a year have not yet helped the Committee to get off the ground. The failure to agree even on the procedures for the functioning of the Committee reflects the reluctance of the major developed countries to initiate the process for bringing about the indispensable· structurai changes in the world economy and in international economic relations. 69. It is, however, a matter of some gratification that, as a result of the consultations that have taken place so far, it may be possible to get the Committee to resume its functions on the basis of the consensus reached at its last session, held in September. But this will clear only the procedural hurdles and will still leave us quite unable to dtal with substantive issues. In the debate on this subject in 70. The Committee's main task should be to provide impe'tus to the ongoing negotiations in other forums on issues which have been fully explored at the technical level but which, for their final settlement, require high-level political decisions. If the Committee is to discharge this function effectively it has to have at its disposal a highly sensitive and reliable instrument for monitoring progress in other forums and reporting on them regularly to the Committee of the Whole, which can then review the negotiations and, where they have reached an impasse, deal with them at the political level in order to arrive at agreed conclusions. The Committee has every right to expect inputs of this kind from its own Secretariat. Our delegation therefore hopes that the next session of the Committee will be provided with competent technical support by the Secretariat, which should produce a paper indicating the present stage of negotiations on some of the major issues, identifying the aspects on which the negotiations have reached a stalemate and clearly spelling out the positions of the different groups of countries on various aspects. Discussions could then take place in the Committee on the baSIS of such research and analysis. 71. The Committee might also discuss new issues which could then be remitted to the appropriate bodies for further treatment in detail. An example that occurs to my delegation is the question of the link, which is one of the very few means of putting development assistance on an automatic and assured basis. Now that a fresh lot of special drawing rights has been created and they are 1il the process of being allotted to member countries of the IMF, is it not time to resume discussions on the link in the appropriate forums? The Committee of the Who~~: could legitimately draw the attention of those bodies to this important subject, The Committee should ::ertainly not supplant other bodies but it is open to it to supplement their work by suggesting new ideas an:' commenting generally on the direction, scope and adequacy of the work in those bodies. 72. We should also consider seriously whether the Com- mittee of the'Whole should be assisted, when necessary, by smaller bodies representing different groups and interests. Such an arrangement could be used as an effective means of exerting pressure and of stimulating and triggering off progress in negotiations. It is, of course, for the Committee to create small working groups entrusted with responsibility for formulating draft conclusions and agreements on individual issues referred to them by the Committee. 73. My delegation hopes that the consideration of this item by the Assembly in its plenary meetings will impart new momentum to the functioning and successful working of the Committee. Above all, my delegation trusts that practical demonstrations of the political will of the major developed countries to make practical and concrete pro- gress on specific outstanding issues will soon be given. Otherwise the.:e will be no real justification for prolonging the life and mandate of the Committee of the Whole, which has raised so much hope and expectation in so many developing countries and has done so little to fulfil them.

I call now on the representative of the Dominican Republic, who will speak as Chairman of the group of Latin American States. .

We are here at this rostrum for two reasons: our frustration at the lack of under- standing on the question before us among the countries represented in this plenary; and our optimism, since we think that there is still time to establish a basis for agreement on the need for a new international economic order. 77. Indeed, the elimination of the great differences that separate our coun.tries'in the area of development cannot be postponed. Th~s was recognized by the General Assembly when in 1961 it proclaimed the United Nations Develop- . ment Decade [resolution 1710 (XVI)]. Ten years was not enough for the achievement of the desired objective and, in pursuance of Article 55 of the Charter, the United Nations extended that period by proclaiming the 1970s the Second Development Decade. 78. The years that followed showed that it was not possible to eliminate the differences between the developed and the developing countries without some change in the inter- national economic order. If the same international economic system continued the differences would continue to in- crease arid would reach a point where they would consti- tute a threat to international peace. 79. Bearing this in mind the sixth special session of ,this Assembly, held in 1974, produced a Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New Internati0nal Economic Order. In that Declaration [reso- lution 3201 (S- VI)] all States un.1ertook to work with a sense of urgency for: "... the establishment of a new international economic order based on equity, sovereign equality, inter- dependence, common interest and co-operation among all States, irrespective of their economic and social systems, which shall correct inequalities. and redress existing injustices, make it possible to eliminate the widening gap between the developed and the developing countries and ensure steadily accelerating economic and social develop- ment and peace and justice for present and future t · " genera Ions . .. . 80. After adopting at its twenty-ninth session the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, which created f.iVourable conditions for the establishment of the new international economic order, this Assembly adopted at its seventh special session resolution 3362 (S·VlI), in which 82. As is well known, hardly had the Committee of the Whole begun to hold its first meetings when difficulties arose which compelled it to suspend its \lork. It would appear that for some that Committee was a body which must not be allowed to achieve its f~ll purpose. 83. Indeed, one of the criticisms made was that it was not effective because, it was argued, the discussion of important economic problems could not be carried on outside the political context· which determined them, adding that it would lead only to a duplication of the work done by other United Nations bodies established to study economic questions. 84. That argument does not apply in the present case because, as the representative of Jamaica so clearly stated on behalf of the Group of 77, the Committee was set up to meet the need: "... to have, in the international institutional frame- work, a central body which would have the right to bring together the vadous elements involved in order to m~)Ve towards the creation of a just and equitable international economic system through the establishment of a new international economic order." [See A/33/34, part two, annex R, para. 1.J 85. But what is even more regrettable is that the work of the Committee of the Whole should have been interrupted by certain conceptual and semantic allegations which, however complex they may appear, are always easy to interpret when one has good faith and the desire to reach solutions. 86. As I said earlier, the fact that we are here indicates that something is wrong with the present situation, and we consider that we are not only judging the behaviour of the Committee of the Whole today but also te$ting the decisions, the desire of each of us for change. We must ask ourselves clearly and without hypocrisy as to our interest in international co-operation for the development of the peoples of the world. 87. We must examine our own consciences to see whether we have fulfilled the commitments that we undertook at the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly to work with a sense of urgency towards the establishment of a new international economic order. 88. We must ask ourselves whether we have done every- thing possible to put an end to all forms of foreign occupation, racial discrimination, apartheid and colonial, neo-colonial and foreign domination and exploitation. We must ask ourselves whether we have done everything 89. We should ask ourselves whether we have managed to improve the international monetary system, to achieve the industrialization of the develop;·,.r, countries and transmit to them the technology necessary for that development. Finally, we should ask ourselves whether we have been able to adopt and apply fully the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States. 90. If we have not fulfilled those obligations, and if indeed we seriously desire peace and the development of peoples, we should make an act of contrition, which should not be a simple mea culpa but should include a firm decision to smooth the path towards the achievement of those ideals. 91. We think this is not the moment for reproaches or apportioning blame, which would merely lead to a deepening of differences. We believe that the time has come for conciliation, a time of growing awareness, a time when we must be. consistent and transform our written and spoken words into concrete action, because we shall not be able to speak of human rights without social justice and. there will not be equality among States or equal possi- bilities for development as long as there are human beings who are dying o,f, hunger and who are denied their human dignity.. . .. '.... . 92: We do not wish our words to be regarded as a simple expression of humanism or commiseration. Our position is that the independence of nations, as has been stated in this Assembly, the future of each people, depends on the future of all the other peoples. That is why the establishment of a new international economic order is a duty laid upon all the States of the world, a task which brooks no delay. 93. Let us leave aside past misunderstandings and, in a true oecumenical spirit, seek the solutions required now so that we shall not have regrets in the future. 94. Lastly, on behalf of my delegation and of the Latin American group of States, may I congratulate the Chairman of the Committee of the Whole, Mr. Idriss Jazairy, on the .accomplished manner in which he guided the work of that Committee.

The Chinese delegation listened with attention to the statements made at the 35th meeting by Mr. Jazairy, the Chairman of the Committee of the Whole, Mr. Mestiri, on behalf of the Group of 77, and the representatives of some other countries. We endorse the positive stand as expressed in their statements with regard to the Committee of the Whole. 96. On the initiative of the developing countnes, the General Assembly at its last session adopted resolution 32/174, by which the Committee of the Whole was established. This Committee is entrusted with a wide- 97 • Nearly one year has passed since the Committee of the Whole came into being. If all sides concerned had a sincere desire to negotiate and resolve the major international economic issues, the Committee should have made some progress. However, the reality pro',es just the reverse. The super-Powers have not only obstructed the Committee from reaching any agreement on such substantive issues as the transfer of resources, but have also created side issues ·and. unscrupulously caused complications in its mandate, Md'as a result the Committee was forced to suspend its wgt~: People cannot but recall the fact that the super-Powers were deliberately making difficulties as early as ~he last session of the General Assembly, when the draft proposal to set up- this Committee was submitted by the developing countries. It was only thanks to the persistent efforts of the developing countries that the super-Powers accepted it reluctantly. Afterwards, they raised the question of its mandate agam. and again, trying to downgrade and limit the role of the Committee without any valid grounds. One super-Power made reservations of one kind or another in an attempt to turn the Committee into a talking-shop incapable of performing any of its tasks. The other super-Power employed more insidious tactics to obstruct and sabotage the work of the Committee. While paying lip- service as to its "support" of the Committee, it waS"in actual fact undermining it. Under such pretexts as "avoiding the overlapping of work with other organi- zations" and "the Committee should primarily serve as the preparatory organ of the special session in 1978", this super-Power tried, in fact, to deprive the Committee of its vital role of undertaking negotiations and adopting reso- lutions and thus make this forum exist only in name. 98. It is clear to all that, although the debate on the question of the Committee of the Whole seems to be centred on procedures, in the final analysis it is a question of whether to promote or oppose the establishment ofthe new international economic order. This struggle is not an 99. Recently the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Group of 77 adopted a declaration [A/33/278, annex], which brings to light the major obstacles for :ile establish- ment of the new international economic order and put forward many reasonable propositions and suggestions. The declaration expresses once again the common will of the third-world countries to maintain unity, uphold principles and persist in struggle as well as their determination to contribute to the establishment of the new international economic order by strengthening their collective self- 100. Now the Group of 77 has made another effort to enable the Committee of the Whole to stand on its feet again. But the real progress of the Committee will esserl- tially depend on whether the super-Powers can be forced 'to change their stand and demonstrate some action. 101. In spite of the long and 'uneven road in the establishment of the new international economic order, ifis our belief that so long as the third-world countries close their ranks, unite all the forces that can be united and wage a deep and wide struggle persistently, they are bound to overcome all the difficulties and obstructions and bring into being the transformations favourable to the developing countries in the international economic field and make steady contributions to the establishment of the new international economic order. As a developing socialist country, China will stand together with the third-world countries and co-operate with all countries that genuinely support the new international economic order and make a common effort for the promotion of the struggle to destroy. the old and establish the new in international economic relations. .. " , . ',' : , ' , ". , ' ,.