A/33/PV.38 General Assembly

Having arrived promptly at 10.30, this morning I thought that I would be delivering a' soliloquy and ! tried to recall how Shakespeare had composed those wonderful soliloquies which we read in his works but, thanks to your kindness in postponing the opening of the meeting, Mr. Pre'sident, I am able now 'to speak toa distinguished au;dience. . 2. ' The item u~der' discussion in this. deb~te has ostensibly . been' brought before the General Assembly because of the procedural impasse which has considerably handicapped the 7. We are also ~~l1y aware, that'structtiral',changes within work of the Committee' Established under General As- national socie~ies with aview 'to affording greater equality sembly ,Resolution,32/174, or the Gommittee of the'Whole, of opportunity to oui citiZens must go hand in hand with a for the establishment, of the New International Economic striving to achieve ' more, equitable opportunities among Order, and, in particular,the convening'of a special session ,nations; they Iriust move in paral~el.' In 'national societies at a high'level in 19'80,to assess the' pr~gress 'made in the fiscal pulicies,: laws ~d regulations should continuously variqus forums of the U~ited Nations and t<?take ~ppro-, , . ,strive to achieve',that; 'in the international field it must be priate action for the promotion of the deyelopment' of ,the appropri~te United Natl.ons agencies and institutions developing countries, known as the third world-as distinct ' such as IM~" the World. Bank and other credit-providing from the first and second worlds-and ,r~prese~ted by' th~ , ,'institution's, without which the development ofthe devel- Group of 77, although numerically that Group includes a ' oping world, can be drastically impeded because of the much larger number 'of States and nations.' , latter's,inabilhy to achieve capital formation translated into credit facilities to be used by those countries for the ,importation. of essential capital goods, services and technol- 'ogy. 'But these credit·institutions are largely control1~JI·by the few rich nations, which often manage to arrange credit facilities to tackle their own internal inflation, recession ,,and other difficulties. 3. Despite progress in several areas in the intensive, 'dialogues within the Committee of the Whole, vast and , sharp differences have emerged between the developed ,and the developing countries. The negotiations which have been under way since the sixth special session' of the Assembly have'achieved only limited results in translating the concert or' the' New International Economic Order into agreed, sclutions.", ' , 8. The Bretton Woods system, now largely. out of date in tenns of the' needs of the desired new economic order, is so inherently structured that, even when a few of the '4. It.is the View of ~ydelegation that what is called a developing countries achieve surpluses, such surpluses are pro~edural impasse is in' reality a substantive one and that "largely recycled into the same medium ofthe currencies of ,the question is, not whether adequate progress has been ' the "Club of 10"" and the share of the deprived is a mere achieved thus far, or not. The real'issue to ,which we must" pittance. That is in addition to the perhaps unintentional addreSs' ourselves, developed and developing countries alike, penalties that the few oil-producing and surplus-owning is wheth~r or not.the Assembly was on the right track when countries have to incur as a'result of the devaluation of it laid down the terms of reference of the Committee of the basic world ,currencies a:-d inflation~rY ,pressures 'which are .....,~. NEW YORK Whole; whether or not those tenns reach the core of the issues involved; whether we are seeking palliatives or cures; whether or not we can somehow visualize and foresee the shape of things to come; whether or not we can see the light at the end of the tunnel. . 5. The third world is fully aware that if it has taken a quarter of a century to achieve, with a few blatant and ugly exceptions, political independence and freedom from pat- ronage and tutelage, it will take even longer to achieve economic independence, equality of opportunity and, at the least, the removal of the ever-widening disparities between the rich and affluent on the one side-and, incidentally, that does not exceed 10 industrialized States-and the poor, the undeveloped and the deprived on the other. 6. It is in no spirit of envy or animosity, or even with a desire to implant a sense of guilt in the conscience of the affluent that we are approaching the problem; nor, for that matter, is it in a spirit of confrontation, but rather in a spirit of dialogue and of a 'genuine community qf interests, at least in the long run. If a healthy world economy is to be sustained and elevated it must rest upon global rather than constricted dimensions if we are to ,avoid the never-ending ,cycles of recession, ~iid fluctuations and cl~istered pro- tectionism, and ultimately a deva,stati~gdepression. 9. It is necessary to make a distinction here betw~en revenue surpluses and real wealth, which means develop- ment of natural and human resources, as well as greater opportunities for the betterment of the lot of the masses in the countries concerned. That takes time and effort. There must also be a rectification of the widespread impression, propagated intentionally or unintentionally by certain sections of the media, that every Arab is a millionaire, or at least very rich, and is therefore a culprit in the eyes of the world. No; the nearly 1SO million Arabs have, their own oceans of poverty, with per capifa incomes ranging between a high of. $800 and a low of $200. They desperately need development and they belong, appearances notwith- standing, to the developing or third world. 10. The truth is that three quarters of the world income, investment and services are in the hands of one quarter of the world population. 11. Adverse terms of trade, protective walls in favour of the developed, the vast imbalance in the iI:lcome from extracting a raw commodity-even oil-and that derived from processing, transportation and marketing and by the ubiquitous middlemen and speculators, over and above an outmoded credit structure that may have been efficient 30 years ago, go a long way to explaining why it is that the disparity between the rich and the poor is not narrowing but is continually widening. ' 12. No one can put the blame on an inherent laziness on the 'part of the poor. On the contrary, I have never seen people toil harder than farmers with modest tools and under almost intolerable weather conditions. Mechanization would certainly help and this requires both credit and the availability of and training in technology, as.' well as infrastructure. This can be seen in the case of Sudan, which, with the availability of 200 million acres of arable land and water and an investment of $5 billion, could become literally the bread-basket of large areas of Africa and the Middle East. That would be, in my opinion, a structural change in the context of the New International Economic Order th&t we are discussing. I have cited just one example, but I could give many others. 13. I do not wish to go much further in enumerating the disadvantages and misery in which most of humanity lives. Nor is it my intention to apportion blame or describe blemishes that belong to the past. What happened in the past belongs to the past. The important thing is the future and what to report to the special session in 1980 on the progress towards the attainment of a better, more equitable' and more dynamic New International Economic Order. , t 14. Judging by the experience of American society, which stood to gain a great deal from providing greater mobility and equality of opportunity to the various sectors of its people, and judging by the later experience of the European IS. There is no confrontation, but enlightened self-interest for all. Let us then work together to lift the inhibitions and restrictions confronting the Committee of the Whole. Let us keep its horizons far and high and overcome any short-range and short-sighted restrictions which hamper its work.

My delegation welcomes the special interest in economic matters' shown by the States Members of our Organization during the present session. We also welcome the fact that development problems and problems of international co-operation are being directly examined by the General Assembly in its plenary meetings and as a priority item. Suffice it to refer to the various reports submitted this year, as well as the variou:~ negotiations conducted recently, to realize the importance of those two subjects. 17. Taking as a basis the fundamental principles set out in the Declaration on the Establishment of a New Inter- national Economic Order / resolution 3201 (S- VI)] and the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States / resolu- tion 3281 (XXIX)], the resolution adopted at the seventh special session of our Assembly / resolution' 3362 (S- VII)J has defined the basis for the ne N international co- operation. We recall, among the efforts made, the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation in 1977, during which the idea of dialogue was established. Thus the hope was formulated that a policy of real co-operation would replace the traditional policy of domi- nation. But we have learned from experience that the spirit of dialogue that animated that Conference was dictated only by exceptional circumstances, in particular the energy crisis. '18. Intensive negotiations were undertaken in other forums, such as UNCTAD, the United Nations Conference on the Establishment of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization as a Specialized Agency, the Commission on Transnational Corporations and many others. 19. Unfortunately, we see that very few of them led to specific measures regarding the great problems of common interest to us. We must perforce recognize, following th~ results obtained, that we have even been side-tracked from tJ1e objectives that we set. 20. The causes of this failure are varied. The malaise engendered by the constant deterioration of :the world economic situation is one ::ause, but the main cause is the absence of the political will of the industrialized countries to start a real negotiating process. We should note here that negotiations that have been undertaken to give substance to the desire to transform the structures of the world economic system seem to coincide with the risk of a process of disintegration within the system of relations among developed countries with market economies, a risk which may appear as a result of the imbalance of the world 22. Of course, all these phenomena have engendered a climate of uncertainty and frustration, but should feelings of frustration stand in the way of the main mission of our Organization? The present critical state of the world economy and the need for international co-operation and justice call for concerted international action, bearing in mind the close interdependence of our interests. The international co-ordination of growth policies has never before been as urgent as it is now. To be effective, that action should be considered within global vision of the machinery of the world economy. 23. As we draw nearer 1980, which will mark the opening of a new decade, it is becoming more and more urgent to overcome the stalemate in the international negotiations on the various economic problems which are still outstanding. In this regard it gives me pleasure to recall here the words of the Secretary-General in his report on the work of the Organization that "the most strenuous intellectual effort will be required to ensure the success of the special session" devoted to appraisal and review [see AI3311, sect. IXJ. But what also seems basic to us is that the preparation of the new development strategy for the 1980s will depend to a large extent on that analysis. 24. Policies which leave aside the common characteristics of developing countries and do not establish comple- mentarity between national action and international meas- ures will be doomed to failure. The rules and procedures governing international relations are less able to respond to the development needs of the third-world countries not- withstanding the short-term measures or derogations ap- plied to assist them during the last 25 years. How many times have we expressed our concern at the fact that the present structures are incompatible with real development since they perpetuate relations of domination and bring with them permanent imbalance? Such a situation con- strains us staunchly to support the idea which consists in preserving the integrity of the concept of the new inter- national economic order within the context of our future actions, Along the same lines, it is relevant to recall certain fundamental aspects of international co-operation which require the total and equal participation of all countries in the decision-making process and increased negotiating powers for the developing countries. 25. The Committee of the Whole, which was established by General Assembly resolution 32/174, was quite rightly set up for the purpose of safeguarding the principles that I have just mentioned. Because of its universal vocation it can, we are convinced, assist l~S considerably in overcoming 26. It is impossible, we think, to mention here all the guidelines for our action. We shall have time to discuss tltis in depth when we resume work in the Committee. Indeea, the Committee must define the specific questions on which we should concentrate our efforts according to the strategic importance that those questions have for the establishment of the new international economic order. 27. Furthermore, we shall have an opportunity to examine those questions when they are brought before our As- sembly for final approval. Nevertheless, my delegation will make a few observations on the subject of "inter- dependence". The recognition of this idea, as was stressed by the Secretary-General, "could significantly contribute to the new international economic order if it leads to a wider acceptance of the need for structural adjustments ... by all economies" [see A13311, sect. IXJ. 28. We are pleased that this question provides a point of departure for the negotiations on various problems within the purview of UNClAD. 29. No further proof is needed of the interdeptmdence of problems relating to trade, the financing of development, and the international monetary system. It is becoming more and more obvious that these questions cannot be dealt with in isolation; above all, they cannot be solved without .an examination of the connected structural characteristics of national economies and international economic relations. 30. With regard to trade, let us note that because of the ever-growing internationalization of economic activities, the development of world trade will play a decisive role in the revival of the international economy. In that context, we must, in the long term, bear in mind the development of a balance in the productive forces of nat;ons. 31. That prompts me, in conclusion, to spell out my delegation's position on the concept of interdependence at the level of countries or groups of countries. 32. We reject any interpretation of that concept which would entail the dependence of the development of the developing countries on the growth of the developed world. No country in the world, however economically powerful, can arrogate to itself the right to think that nations are always tempted to solve their own economic problems at the expense of others, 33. Above all,. we should not forget that the developing countries are trying in all possible ways to reduce their economic dependence on the prosperous countrie~, by redirecting their national pelicies towards a development

If we wish to remain honest with ourselves, it seems to me that, increasingly, we cannot avoid remarking that, subsequent to the significant developments of the sixth and seventh special sessions, the North·South dialogue appears to us to have moved into the realm of unreality. Indeed, we may wonder aloud whether over the past three years there has been any dialogue at all. Unless we are prepared to concede that wrangling over procedural questions, heated debates about the functions of chosen forums, regular ?'.greements to postpone substantive issues and bland reformulations of agreed objectives constitute real dialogue, then it becomes apparent that at best it can only be called a dialogue of the ·deaf. My own definition would be that it should be considered as three years of wasted effort, three years of consolidating the ever- widening gap between stated intentions and matching performaIlce. Only a few brief considerations need be put forward to explain why this impression prevails. 35. We started out with the great expectations that had originally emerged from the consensus of the seventh special session. Those were then of a different order. On that occasion, developing countries were led to believe that the concessions they \"ere making under resolution 3362 (S-VII) would open the way for fruitful negotiations on a broad programme for structural changes in inter- national economic relations. But practically without excep- tion all the major attempts at implementing the agreed objectives of resolution 3362 (S-VII) over the past three years either have failed to produce tangible results-as we saw at the fourth session of UNCTAD and at the United Nations Conference on the Establishment of the United Nations Industrial Development rreanization as a Special- ized Agency-or have produced vague commitments, often on marginal issues, as in the restructuring exercise, in the Conference on International Economic Co-operation itself and, lately, at the United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries. 36. My delegation does not underestimate the efforts that have been made, but the prevailing evidence is clear. Increasingly, the events in the world at large are running counter to the direction in which the North-South dialogue is supposed to be taking us. In defiance of our stated objective to seek a more open, equitable and balanced trading system, tariff and non-tariff barriers to trade have increased; the dependence of developing countries on manufactured imports from the industrialized world has expanded; and the fluctuations in commodity markets have persisted. In defiance of our stated objective to ensure that' the transfer of real resources from developed to developing countries would be increased, the total flow of official development assistance has actually decreased, measured as a percentage of the gross national product of the indus- trialized world. In defiance of our stated objective to ease the debt burden of the developing world, exorbitantly high interest rates are still applied b:,: international funding institutions, whereas the developiIl,f! countries are not even given a chance to be heard in those institutions. 38. The more specific our stated objectives become, the more do we see actual·performance-or, to be more precise, the lack of such performance-moving in the opposite direction. In the question of the flow of real resources, for example, the need has repeatedly been stressed for the flow to be continuous, predictable and assured. Even within UNDP, where the concept of voluntary contributions is considered sacrosanct, attempts are under way to bring about some agreement on multiyear pledging and burden- sharing. And yet in those very cases where the means for these stated objectives of continuity, predictability and assurances are best guaranteed-that is, through the utiliza- tion of funds from regular budgets for programmes of technical assistance-the negative position of some de- veloped countries is at its most pronounced. We have witnessed this negative position in the discussion of the conversion of UNIDO into a specialized agency. Even more recent events. aimed at diminishing that already-existing element of regular funding of technical assistance pro- grammes, are particularly distressing. 39. The atmosphere of unreality pervading the whole North-South dialogue manifests itself particularly in the debate we are now conducting. There is a clear awareness that an agreed conclusion on the specific question at issue has already been reached, and that this agreed conclusion will be read out at the end of our debate. And yet here we are conducting our debate as if an agreement is yet to be reached, instead of concentrating on pursuing our discus- sions beyond the point already attained. By tacit agreement we are all refraining from raising those critical questions which eventually and inevitably will arise in respect of next year's work of the Committee of the Whole, which-as if symbolic of our indifference-we persist in leaving without a name. 40. The name of the Committee is only one of these questions; there are many more substantive ones relating to the agenda, the timing and the co-ordination of the Committee's activities with other major activities in 1979 an(l 1980. All of these are questions which could very well result in a stalemate similar to the stalemate on the functions of the Committee, which has taken one whole year to unblock. 41. Would it therefore not be reasonable to assume that our time might be better employed in dealing with these unresolved questions? In the absence of active discussion of these real questions one cannot avoid the frustrating impression that our activities have often taken the form of a ritual of movement and gestures after the completion of which the protagonists withdraw, their former positions 43. For their part, the developing countries have made it abundantly clear over the years that their insistence on the absolute need for structural changes in international eco- nomic relations has nothing rhetorical about it. The problems posed are real and the solutions sought are unavoidable. Would it be impertinent to point out that the developing countries, after all, are much better placed to judge the facts than the developed countries could ever be? 44. It is il1 the midst of the developing countries that the human suffl~ri..'1g and degradation deriVing from the in- equiUes of existing structures are manifest. Would it be unrealistic to point out that human suffering and degrada- tion will not be exorcised by ritualistic exercises; or that it cannot be eliminated through m~~eshift expedients, which by their very nature are more costly and less efficient? 45. Furthermore, there shopId be no misunderstanding as to the attitude which the developing countries are taking in the dialogue. Their attitude has been patient and con- ciliatory even in the face of dubious tactics and ma- noeuvres. This arises out of a deep awareness of the disastrous implications of other possible alternatives, whether of defeat or of confrontation. The policy of division would be counter-productive. Developed countries which might seek to erode the basis of the present dialogue should appreciate that this would seriously weaken the voice of those which believe in a rational and harmonious appruach to the dialogue. 46. The implications are clear. The choice is not whether or not we can proceed without fundamental change but whether the changes a.re to be effected by peaceful, rational means or otherwise. 47. Must we wait for an avalanche of economic upheaval which would affect the whole world, developed and developing countries alike, before we act? Already we have lost much valuable time, but there is still time for the necessary political determination to emerge. However, the suffering world cannot wait indefinitely. The sense of justice and commitment of the developed countries con- cerning the disadvantaged must be translated into effective action which goes beyond rhetorical repetition. 48. Our discussions in connexion with the Committee of the Whole have led me to make these observations and to echo many of the sentiments that have already been expressed by other speakers both in this debate and in 50. One specific issue which has emerged with a certain clarity over the last few months is the question of the central mle of the General Assembly in the dialogue on international economic relations.-Many of my colleagues have expressed concern at the fact that certain develop" ments seem to have been prompted by the desire to question the role of the General Assembly and even its agreed procedures. I have little to add to what has been said on this matter. The objective of the developing countries as it evolved over the years and as it was formulated during the sixth special session of the General Assembly was to seek an open and comprehensive dialogue over the whole spectrum of intern"_t~onaleconomic relations. Any attempt to pursue the dialogue in bits and pieces cannot be considered satisfactory. Similarly, any attempt to pursue a wide-ranging dialogue but within a restricted forum will also fail. The experience has been tried, in the Conference on International Economic Co-ooeration, and it has been shown to be unproductive. The'· Gp.uer2.1 Assembly is the only forum in which the dialogue can be pursued satis- factorily. In stating this, the developing countries are after all only reaffirming the commitment which is the basis of the United Nations Charter. 51. [n relation specifically to the Committee of th~ Whole, the point could be made that the General Assembly already posse.;ses the necessary mechanisms for pursuing an open and integrated dialogue: its specialized organs, UNCTAD and its regular or special sessions. This is indeed the case and my delegation for one reposes great faith in the mechanisms which already exist, in particular UNCTAD. 52. However, it must be conceded that over the past few years these mechanisms have not functioned with the required effectiveness, or, rather, have not been permitted so to function. In calling for the establishment of the Committee of the Whole and in seeking to give it a clear-cut m.andate the developing countries have reasonably signalled their determination to ensure that a stalemate in the regular forum will not be permitted to disrupt the dialogue, but that, on the contrary, it will be translated into uncom- promisirig insistence and concentration at the centre. Then we hope, opportunities for real progress will emerge.

I am privileged to partici- pate in this fateful dialogue and I have delayed my departure to return to my duties as Foreign Minister of the Philippines because of this discussion and knowing that UNCTAD will be held in Manila. I wish to extend a warm welcome to everybody in advance. 54. However, I wish to speak today on behalf of the States members of the Association of South East Asian Nations: Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand and the Philip- pines. 56. For our part we have held that the Committee of the Whole should be a forum for negotiations on central policy issues and problems in the field of development and international economic co-operation. The raison d'8tre for this Committee was the failure a.year ago of the North- South dialogue in Paris that was conducted within the framework' of the Conference on International Economic Co-opel'-ttion. The Committee was intended to give the North-South dialogue the necessary political impetus and help to facilitate the negotiations on the establishment of the New International Economic Order. Indeed, much hope and many expectations have been placed in this Committee, with its universal membership, in particular, hope for the resolution of outstanding world economic issues. But, unfortunately, the Committee, like Sisyphus, has found itself after almost a year in virtually the same place in which it began. 57. It is our high hope that the Committee can move from dead centre and proceed with the task envisaged for it. With a modicum of co-operation and understanding between the developed and the developing countries this is clearly possible, as indeed it was thought to be under the terms of General Assembly resolution 32/174. 58. Vital, however, to all our negotiations in this As- sembly is the need for a positive demonstration of political will on the part of Governments and peoples, particularly those of the developed countries. In the ultimate analysis, they will have to make the hard political decisions needed to overcome the impediments to genuine global co- operation and development. 59. Without doubt, it was the absence of political wdl that spelt the doom of the Second United Nations Development Decade. And as we stand on the threshold of the third development decade, we will have to harness the poHtical will to make the 1980s and beyond a truly momentous period in human history. 60. The Secretary of State of the United States, Cyrus Vance, in delivering his notable policy statement before the General Assembly recently said something of deep rele- vance to the hopes and concerns of the developing countries. It is good for us to remember his words: "Our challenge today is to summon the political will to act in concert towards the goals we share, to go beyond the rhetoric of interdependence and to begin to recognize its inescapable implications for the national interests of each of us." {14th meeting, para. 110.] 61. The poor and developing nations agree, certainly, with Secretary Vance. Rhetoric will not help us to feed our hungry, clothe and shelter us, educate us, or heal our sick. In brief, it will not help us raise the quality of our lives from the lowest levels to meet minimum standards of humanity and decency. The time for rhetoric has long passed; the time for actIon has long been upon us. 62. The 1980s, unmistakably, will be mankind's last chance to establish a new economic order that is just, humane and equitable. The foundations have been laid for the creation of that new order by the General Assembly at its sixth and seventh special sessions and in its numerous resolutions relating to the New International Economic Order. The concept and objectives of the New International Economic Order have now been crystallized within and outside the United Nations system. 63. The newly appointed Director-General for Develop- ment and International Economic Co-operation, Mr. Kenneth Dadzie, speaking recently before the Second CommiHee defined in clear terms the concept of the New International Economic Order as the "... international dimension of a world-wide process of restru:.:;turing political, economic and social relations aimp.d at ensuring, in accordance with the United Nations Charter, a life of dignitY,justice and material and spiritual well-being for all people." 1 64. UNiTAR in one of its studies2 has listed the objectives of the New International Economic Order in regard to 25 key issues of the world economy. These include those of aid and development assistance, international trade, finan- cial and monetary matters" industrialization, the transfer of technology, business practices, and political, institutional and social questions. 65. I must repeat that this is the time, therefore, for action. There is no more room for delay or procrastination in translating into concrete and valid terms the principles of the Declaration and the Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S- VI)]. Our inaction in this regard merely strengthens the grip of the forces wanting to preserve their hold on the existing economic structure and enlarge their domain within it. The same forces continue to perpetuate the inequities and inequalities which have contributed-for so long to the lopsided devel~pme!1t of the world economy. "The emergence of the NIEO as the crucial item of international political-economic negotiation in the mid- 1970s was not accidental; it represents the culmination of a series of historical factors which can be ultimately traced to the rise of the formerly colonized peoples of the Third World, at a time; of increasing world trade, energy, and materials consumption, and emerging resource con- straints."3 67. Thus, it is necessary to grasp the historical relevance of the N~w International Economic Order as an essential condition for the development and improvement of human society. The international community must itself rescue from degradation and poverty the lives of 450 millions of human beings who are virtually without food every day. Our sophisticated and technologically advanced global society of today has the means and the resources to achieve this goal. An affluent society that can spend $450 billion for armaments every year, an amount equivalent to two fifths of the combiIied gross domestic product of all third-world countries, \certainly can afford more than the $14 billion of official \development assistance extended to developiQ.g countries in the past year. This $14 ';'illion has meant an expenditure ratio of $32 for armament for every $1 for development. Nothing conveys more graphically the irrational hierarchy of our priorities, or challenges more acutely the assumption that the human species is sapient. 68. The establishment of the New International Economic Order should be accepted without equivocation. It is as much in the interest of the developed countries as it is of the under-developed world to have .a restruct~red global economk system. The former will not find safety or serenity in affluence in a world made turbulent, restive and ang~y by deprivation and a deep sense of injustice. All nations and peoples, not just 30 per cent of the world's ;,opulation, must share in the benefits of development. The, parasitic dependence on the rich industrialized nations of the developing countries as mere suppliers of raw materials is no longer tenable. The spirit and manifestation of global interdependence, wherp there is mutual sharing and where as a result there will be more benefits and more differential treatment for developing countries, should inspire all of us in the exciting task of creating a better world. 69. And in this adventure of development, all nations, regardless of political, economic and ideological persua- sions, must participate. This is how it should be, because the struggle against poverty in the developing countries is certainly a common concern, and a shared responsibility. 70. I shall conclude with some thoughts which the President of my country, His Excellency Ferdinand E. Marcos, articulated before the Third Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77 held at Manila in 1976, and which are still very relevant and valid today. He said that what the developing countries want is equal access to wealth and to decision-making. The poorer nations, he said, do not expect 3 Ibid., p. xxi.

One of the most challenging tasks that we are confronted with today is to create conditions in the world which will enable developing countries through their own efforts to improve steadily . their economies and the welfare of their people. Strenuous efforts are being made on all sides, but the task is an immense one and, furthermore, 'we are burdened by the particularly difficult economic conditions existing in the world today. 72. Needless to say, this is a highly complex problem, the essence of which is a continuous proces5 of evolution requiring different measures of solution as circumstances change. And precisely for this reason, constant communica- tions between developed and developing countries are of vital importance to promote mutual understanding and enable close collaboration. Since the problem is of a continuous and evolving nature, moreover, the dialogue should also be a continuous process. 73. This is' why we attach very great importance to the Committee of the Whole establislted under the General Assembly last year because of the strong feeling among Member States that the dialogue, which had been taking place ip. various international forums, had to be co- ordinated at a higher level and to be accelerated. The participation. by an countries in the dialogue of the3e dimensions marked a new step forward in the pr9ctss of the North-South dialogue ~d, therefore, it has been a disap- pointment that the Committee has not sol far been functioning as expr.cted to produce concrete resdlts. 74. However, I am of the view that this was not only due to the differences in the interpretation of its mandate: it also reflects the difficulties of the problems involved. My delegation shares the view expressed by Mr. von Wechmar on behalf of the European Community [35th meeting, paras. 132-137/ .that the very existence of the Committee of the Whole and the discussions which took place in May have had positive effects on many international decisions. Indeed, several significant and positive measures have been taken by my Government in the areas of international co-operation, taking fully into consideration the various discussions at the May session of the Committee. 75. We are hopeful that clarification of the mandate of the Committee is about to be agreed on and my delegation would like to thank you, Mr. President, Mr. Jazairy, the Chairman of the Committee of the Whole, and those who have put enormous time and efforts to make this agreement possible. 76. Japan recognizes th.e aspirations of the developing countries for the establishment of a new international economic order a1].d is willing to join in international efforts for the development of the developing countries and the world economy as a whole. I would like to take this opportunity to reaffirm the readiness of my Government to

I was very pleased to hear the reference made this morning by the representative of Jordan to Shakespeare's soliloquies. Shakespeare is read passionately in my country, as in all Spanish-speaking countries. 78. As regards the projected-what some have called the phantasmagoric-New International Economic Order, I am more impressed by what Hamlet said about "Words, words, words u than by the dramatic soliloquy of "To be or not to be." I shall add my own words, but with the desire for action and decisions. 79. Earlier this morning the Secretary for Foreign Affairs of the P~ppines, Mr. Carlos Romul0, a patriarch of the United Nations, said that rhetoric will not cure hunger, although it may certainly be indigf!stible. 80. In the int,ense verbal tournament of this thirty-third session of the General Ass~mbly-and I would recall that it was in 33 years that Jesus Christ, at least for us, the Spanish Americans, changed the destiny of mankind with fewer words-the Foreign Minister of my country expressly referred {11th meeting} to the urgency of ushering in without delay the new international economic order, which runs the risk of being drowned in a deluge of speeches and of becoming merely a matter of universal frustration. . 81. In opening the debate you, Mr. President, mentioned eight burning questions and referred to the tragedy of the great inequalities existing in the world, the problem of the prices of primary and manufactured products, the deterio- ration in the terms of trade and, in addition, the tragedy of dependence which, as I see it, is structural, within an unjust system based on the exploitation of two thirds of the world since the bad old colonial days, the shadow of which has not yet been dispersed. It was you, Mr. Presid~nt, an enlighteh:d Latin American, who said t~at "unfortunately we cannot say that we are coming any nearer to find solutions" in the objective establishment of a new inter- national economic' order, which has time and again been brought L1l)to the verbal bargaining in the last four years. 82. My delegation endorses that .view and fully supports the statements of all representatives who have spoken here, particularly those of Peru {35th meeting} and Venezuela {ibid.}, and we emphasize that the "outdated international economic structure" no~ existing will, as the,representative of Mexico ~aid {36th meeting},. be ~hanged only if at last the industrialized countries heed us and realize that in helping 'us they,h~lp themselves, and if'the so~called "great" Powers are able to prove "their "greatness;', to quote. the happy expression of our wise colleague from Ecuador {ibid.}. ' 83. The delegation of Bolivia supports the. statement,made by the representative of the Dominican Republic {37th meeting} who, on behalf of Latin America, referred.to the staggering 10-year repetition of "development'" decades s~atistical data on t~e discrepancy betw~en their population growth and income and the expenditure on a monstrous arms race in the rich countries. 84. The Programme of Action for the Establishment of a , New International Economic Order adopted by the General Assembly at its sixth special session and confirmed at its seventh special session is practically stalemated. There has not been the necessary political will to adjust the me- chanisms in order to make it feasible and to transform hope into reality, to translat~ the project into action. 85. Since the Thid Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77 in Manila there has been little tangible progress. Countries holding the reins of economic power, far from giving up at least a minimal part of their prosperity to those who contribute to their bonanza, have increased their own income and, in the guise of a policy of co-operation favourable to their interests, almost always through a system of preferences, continue to make us more and more dependent. 86. H has been repeated to the point where it is wearisome and yet in vain, that there is an imperative need to stabilize income from the sale of commodities al:d that they should be sold at equitable and remunerative prices, but we have yet to see that particular miracle take place. 87. My country, Bolivia, continues to be one of the countries suffering most from the consequences of unjust t.rade in its sole mineral product, tin, which lowers our income by un.ilateral measures. To this must be added the constant threat of arbitrary measures which are alien to the free interplay of supply and demand and which do not allow for rational and adequate planning of the opening up new sources of production. 88. My delegation regrets *at the special fund for the land-locked developing countries established under General Assembly resolution 3504 (XXX) has not been more 'widely, accepted and that contributions have been very limited. My country had placed great hopes in that Fund. 89. My delegation expresses it,S full support' for the Committee of the Whole, which, as has been said in the Assembly, does not invalidate or inhibit the work of other negotiating bodies and which should lead·once and for all to action of mutual benefit. Such action is called for by the renewed threat of a food and energy crisis which we shall have to meet jointly with a true sense of interna.tional justice and solidarity. ' 90. Our colleagues repre~enting developing countries have already ,said all that' is relevant 'on' agenda' item' 58" (a), .action on .which will prove our own effectiveness as a world organization. 91. In congratulating the Chairman of the Group· of. 77 ,and the Chairman of the Committee, of the Whole on their perseverance and their efforts which have already resl:llted 92. As regards the new international economic order, as in all matters affecting n.;,illkind in this time of disenchant- ment-a time that may be the dawn of the third miller.ium or the final doomsday-the so-called great Powers cannot yet again disclaim all responsibility.

Four years have elapsed since the General Assembly adopted at its sixth special session resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI) containing the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New Internationcl Economic Order in view of the increasing disparities between the developing and the developed countries. 94. The General Assembly at its seventh special session reaffinned in resolution 3362 (S-VII): "... the rights and duties of all States to seek and participate in the solutions of the problems afflicting the world, in particular the imperative need of redressing the economic imbalance between developed and developing countries". 95. Since that special session the international community ~as become involved in an' apparent dialogue. Filled with hope, the countries of the so-called third world have gone from one international economic forum to another calling for a radical change in the present structures and seeking equity and justice and the elimination of dependence, inequality, exploitation and the dismal consequences of the evils engendered by imperialism,. colonialism and neo- colonialism. 96. But the reality has been different. The open and sincere dialogue and positions of the utmost flexibility of the developing countrie$' crashed against the insur- mountable barrier. of the stands taken by the developed capitalist countries J which· have been unyielding in their positions. Th~s. is :proved by. the total absence of practical results at the .negotiating.conference, on the common fundS and the. multilateral trade negotiations under the auspices of .GATT, the individual negotiation'S on specific products within the framework of the Integrated Programme for ,4 Subsequently circulated as document A/33/L.4. 5 United' Nations Negotiating Conference on a Common Fund under the,Integrated Programme for Commodities. , 97. The International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade included errors which we must not repeat today. Basically it confined itself to setting target growth rates without taking into account the undeniable differences in the growth and development processes which are today recognized by the international community. It lacked realism in setting growth and financing targets, since it did not take into account the real difficulties in reaching those targets. It used as a standard for assistance a mistaken egalitarianism by considering in the same manner all developed countries, with no percet>tion of the fact that some of them actually apply selfless aid policies, while others are mainly respon- sible for the maintenance of the structures of exploitation which prevail today in international economic relations. 98. The Conference on International ECOIlI:>mic Co- operation, or the Paris dialogue, was undermined from the beginning. That came about as the result of a circumstance in the international economy which compelled the indus- trialized Western countries to go to the negotiating table, not to give a positive response to the demands of the developing c.)untries, but as a short-term expedient to detract from the power which they had achieved because of their unity regarding the principles of the new international economic order and the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States {resolution 3281 (XXIX)]. 99. In brief, they managed to halt the decision-making process, which is of vital importance for the developing countries, in the main international economic organizations and conferences. That opposition to any substantive change in the present international economic order has so far , caused the failure of the Committee of the Whole, which was established by resolution 32/174, and which, one year after coming into being, has achieved no positive result whatsoever. 100. Until a few days ago we were tied up in discussions on concepts of interpretation of the powers conferred on that Committee~thus avoiding the substantive issues, which are the ones that are really of concern to the developing countries. If this situation continues we shall be compelled to take energetic measures to change it. If a new phase of confrontation emerges the guilty parties will be clearly seen, since we must consider whether the mechanisms use<i to establish the new international economic order have been effective and the years to come will show wheth~r dialogue, with all the negotiating efforts involved, is a proper method for our continued use. 101. The developing countries must remain watchful to ensure that any negotiating process is carried out within the framework of the United Nations and to prevent the emergence of restricted negotiating,bodies made up of only a few countries, because that development would not 6 See Proceedings ofthe United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Fourth Session, vol. I, Report and Annexes (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.76.II.D.I0 and corrigendum), part one A, resolution 93 (IV). 103. The developing countries must have guarantees that the negotiations will not become a delaying process used by a given group of developed capitalist countries to gain time 104. The situation which the developing countries face makes it essential for us, without any further loss of 'time, to go beyond the stage of good intentions and the identification of problems and proceed to adopt tangible solutions, for the benefit of the international community as a whole, not just a part of it, that will promote develop- ment, peace, equality, co-operation and social justice.