A/33/PV.59 General Assembly

Before calling on the first speaker, I should like to propose that the list of speakers in the debate on item 31 be closed tomorrow, Tuesday, at S o'clock. If I hear no objection I shall consider that the General Assembly adopts that proposal.

I call on the Chairman of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, Mr. Mefloune Fall of Senegal. 3. Mr. FALL (Senegal), Chairman of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People (interpretation from French): When, dUr!ng the thirty·second session of the General Assembly, I COl:1i'~t~di,~d my presentation of the report of the Committee 01! the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinia'.t~ I:"&~)ple I suggested that the General Assembly shQuld take that opportunity once again to appeal to the &,curity Council to approve without delay the recommendations conveyed to it by the Committee and to regard th~mas a basis for a solutior of the question of Palestine.! 0' 4. As is known, the General Assembly, in its attempts to restore the rights of the Palestinian people, defined those rights md adopted a programme for their implementation pursuant to the proposals submitted to it by the Committee for the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian PeopleIresolUtion 32/40J. s. The implementation of that programme requires the active support and assistance of the Security Council. NEW YORK Unfortunately, that body has been incapable of acting as yet because of the attitude taken by certain ~'.Ountriest and I say "certain countries"advisedly, because when the COWl- cil had to consider for the second time the programme for the implementation of the inalienable rights of the Pales- tinian people most of the members of the Council that spoke at that time once aga!'1 reiterated their support for it. 6. Since then, the Committee's recommendations have remained before the Security Council without any decision having been taken on them, because of the opposition of certain Western members of the Council, particularly certain permanent members which have the right of veto. 7. The very unconstructive attitude of those members of the Council is particularly difficult to understand sinCf' the Committee's recommendations are all based on United Nations resolutions which have been adopted either by the General Assembly or by the Security Council. 8. The members of the Committee, as well as their Chairman, aware of the fact that the paralysis of the Security Council was creating a dangerous situation for peace in the Middle East and that it was the fate of an entire people that was at stake, endeavoured to establish a dialogue with the delegations of those members of the Security Council which were opposed to the recommenda- tions of the Committt.e, in order to dispel their fea~ and to help them to understand the principles on which the work and the purposes of the Committee were based. 9. Unfortunatelyt it must be confessed that those States never made the necessary effort to take an impartial View of our work. They continued t<f.') obstruct the successful completion of the work of thF.J 'Committee, on the grounds that they hA,,; not voted in favour oJ the resolution which originally cf(~t~ted it [resolution 3376(XXX)j, although they stated that they all recognized.the national rights of t.l}e Palestinian people. 10. This selective approach to the reso'utions of the United Nations, of cours@, cannot but encourage Israel's failure to implement those resolutions. Therefore those States, without wishing it, are Ieally responsible for the longevity of the Committee, because they refuse to give it any opportunity to discharge its mandate, while at the same time complainiIig about its existence. . 11. Therefore, it is necessary for the General Assembly, if it wants its recommendations on the question of Palestine to be put into effect, to tlb~e steps to put an end to this obstruction by the Security Council. I shall return later to this problem. 12. The relations of the Comniittee With the other bodies of the United Nations have fortu.'1ately been much more 13. Furthermore, in accordanc~ w'ith paragraph 1 of reso-. lution 32/40 B, the Secretary-General established within the United Nations Secretariat a Special Unit on Palestinian Rights. 14_ In this connexion. I must congratulate the SecretaJ:Y- General and his colleagues on the understanding and objectivity they demonstrated in the process cf setting up this S~cial Unit. IS. The Special Unit, during the first year of its existence. has carried out a considerable amount of work in trying to disseminate objective information about the Palestinian question. 11le Unit has thus published studies and bulIetins and has also contributed to the preparation of a mm on the rights of the Palestinians. 16. The Special Unit also prepared, under the Committee's direction. the holding of an International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People. which is an event of tremen- dous importance in the history of the question of Palestine in the United Nations. Our Assembly should be particularly usociated with the celebration of this Day of Solidarity. since the United Nations bears a large measure of respon- sibility in the tragedy which is at present being experienced by the Palestinian people. 17. All the activities of the Special Unit. which have been carried out by highly qualified international civil servants who ue honest and devoted to their work, have made it possible to give the lie to the false accusations of those who do not wish to hear anything said about the rights of the Palestinian people. Those detractors. who sometimes use as arguments threats. blackmail and attempts at sabotage, have stopped at nothing to discredit the Special Unit. But the Special Unit, faithful tt,) the Committee's directives, has not allowed itself to be intimidatad and has produced valuable work, on the basis of the prii1l;itlles. resolutions and decisions of the United Nations. Since this is a body of the United Nations. its ~oncern has always been to give objf~tivc information to the public and to carry out research on the question of Palestine, in order that that can be seen as it truly is and in its true context. This is something which those who criticize the Special Unit t1nnot appreciate. because their essential role is rather to preYent at all costs any expression of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, as defmed by the General As!embly. 18. But the Special Unit, under the Ccmmittee's guidance, will not aUow itself to be distracted from the task entrusted to it by the General Assembly Md will attempt effectively to promote the legitimati:. inalien..~le rights of the Pales- tinim people, pursuant to Assembly resolutions 181 (II), 194 (Ill) and 3236 (XXIX). 20. First. the Committee received a petition from eminent Palestinian leaders in the occupied territories. In that petition the leaders reaffirmed the role of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] as the legitimate representa- tive of the people of Palestine. and their rejection of any attempt at a solution which would deny the right of the Palestinian people to self·determination and the creation of their own national State. 21. This petition provides further proof that the Pales- tinian people is a great people. and that it would be neither rellFstic nor fair to decide its fate without consulting it. still :""",s in a way which would be against its interests. 22. The Committee, which is convinced that this petition conveys the sentiments and aspirations of the Palestinians. wherever they may reside. requested the Secretary-General to distribute as an official document of the General Assembly a letter which contains its main elements [A/33/165]. 23. The Committee has another subject of concern, which was equally serious. in the Israeli invasion of southern ubanon. In a statement made before this Assembly on 21 April 1978.2 I laid particular emphasis on the fact that the prime objective of Israel in this particular circumstance was the physical and moral a~struction of the Palestinian people. The invasion of southern ubanon was only the most cynical '\od brutal phase of an entire plan to break the Palestinian. people determination to preserve their identity. if it was not an episode in the process of seeking a "fmal solution" to the Palestinian problem. On the same occasion. I drew attention to the dangers of the situation and c~lled on the Security Council to act in a more resolute way in order to bring about a just and lasting settlement of the "question of Palestine. 24. The implementation of the 'decisions taken in this connexion by the Security Council has always been thwarted by the action of heads of armed bands protected by the Israeli authorities. Pers~aally, I am always thunder- struck at the impertinent pretensions of those who pose as defenders of the Christians in Lebanon while in Jerusalem they deliberately violate the Holy Places of Christianity and in Palestine arres~ and. torlure Arab priests and Arab Christians. 25. Furthermore. the Con1l11ittee has on several occasions had before it cases of ill treatment inflicted by the Israeli occupying authorities on PalestinIan prisoners. The Com- mittee, while employing every means to put an end to th"se - acts. has witnessed once again the deleteriQus effects of Israel's prolonged occupation of the Arab territories. 26. That occupation, which is taking on the charar~er of colonization pure and simple. is contrary to &curity 27. In this connexion, the Committee was given occasion for further concern when the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Israel stated on 9 October 1978 befm'e the General Assembly: "The Israeli settlements in Judaea, and Samaria and in the Gaza district are there as of right. It is inconceivable to us that Jews should be prohibited from settling and living in Judaea and Samaria, which are the heart of our homeland'" [26th meeting, para. 94.] 28. If, therefore, Israel considers the West Bank of the Jordan as its homeland, it is very easy to understand why its Government refuses to undertake to withdraw from that territory and, on the contrary, does everything it can to strengthen its colonies of Jewish settlements. 29. Thus, Israel has arrogated to itself the sovereign right of settling in the lands of others, while refusing the Palestinian refugees the right lO return to their own homelands. 30. Thirty years ago, on 17 September 1948, Count Bernadotte, the President of the Swedish Red Cross and United Nations Mediator on Palestine, was assassinated by Zionist terrorists of th~ Stem ~ng. On the very day of that odious assassination the United Nations, which at that time was meeting in the Palais de Chaillot in Paris, had just received the report ofits Mediator, in which he stated: "... no settlement can be just and cOD).pl~te if recogni- tion is not accorded to the right of the arab refugee to return to the home from which he has been dis- lodged .. "'.3 That statement formed the basis of General Assembly resolution 194 (III) .of 11 December 1948, which OUI Committee is requesting be implemented. 31. Our Committee was also much disquieted when it heard the words of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Hebrew State before this Assembly in connexion with the Holy City of Jerusalem. According to him: "For us, the city of Jerusalem is the one and only eternal capital of Israel. We have not, and we shall never have, any other capital city;' whether or not others recognize it as such." [26th meeting, partL 96.J 32. The Holy City of Jerusalem comprises the Holy Places of the three reyealed religions, Judaism, Christianity and Islam, which together have, more than 1.2 billion adherents. And now the Jews, who number less than 1.5 per cent of those believers claim to arrogate to themselves the right of exclusive control over that sacred city. Fortunately, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Israel himself recognized that the "others"-meaning by that the k'est of the inter- national community-did not in fact recognize. Isra~l's claims. 34. In order to show that even the opinions of their friends, members of the Security Council, count for nothing, the Israeli leaders are now transferring a number of important ministries to east Jerusalem, hoping thus to present the internation~ community with an irrevei'Sible situation. . 35. Those who have prOVided almost unconditional sup- port for Israel should nevertheless realize that the methods and the claims of their protege are a long-term threat to their true interests. 36. The language of faits accomplis, together with a total disregard of the rights of other peoples, can only lead to resentment, to hatred and, fmally, to a war which will end inevitably in a victory for the forces of justice. It is therefore high time, since the hour has now come for efforts and action, to make Tel Aviv understand that peace and security can only be founded on respect for the riga'lts of others, on equity and on respect for the elementary principles of morality and contemporary international law. 37. But it a~pears that some would like to appease their consciences by making the Palestinian people pay for the crimes of which the European countries were the insHgators or in which they were accomplices. The past sufferings of the Jewish people cannot be absolved by the present martyrdom of the Palestinian people. 38. A number of attempts to settle the question of the Middle East have been made quite recently. Our Com- mittee, which has been attentively follOWing those en- deavours, is not in principle opposed· to any efforts designed to settle the question of the, Middle East peace- f\!l1y.,W~ consider, nevertheless, that sue!'.. an attempt, if it is tu yield results which are satisfactory to all, should not only take account of the rights of all parties concemed,.as defmed in the Charter and in all,the pertinent resolutions of the United Nations, but also make it possible for all intere&t.", c'; ).'U1:ies to p~·ticipate. 39. Turning more specifically now to the question of the settlement of the Palestinian question, the Committee felt it necessary to recall the following principles: first, the question of Palestine is at the heart of the Middle East ' situation and consequentiy we cannot envisage any solution in this area which does not take full account. of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people; secondly, the full attainment by the ,Palestinian people of their in- alienable right to return to ,their homes, repossess their goods and accede to self·determination, independence and national so.vereignty will prove to be a .decisive factor ,in bringing about a final global settlement of the Middle East crisis; thirdly, the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territories by force imposes upon ~srael a consequent obligation to evacuate fully and swiftly all occupi~d territories in. accordance with Security Council resolution 242 (1967); fourthly, the participation of the PLO, which. is tht legitimate representative of the .people ofPalestiJi~, 40. These principles so defined have been made known to all parties to the conflict, including Israel, and to the Co-Chairmen of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East, the United States and the Soviet Union. 41. "The operation carried out by the Israeli army in Lebanon has made the PLO a full partner in any agreement reached in that region. That is a fact, and those who assert the contrary are harbouring illusions"-those are not my words; they were spoken by GO.neral Mordechai Gur, the former Chief of Staff of the Israeli Army, when corn- nlenting on the situation in souther.> Lebanon in an in\erview pubijshed on 31 M3l'ch 1978 in the Israeli daily M'l~,iv. We would like to make it clear that General Gur, who only ll:}ft his position on 31 March, was still Chief of Staff during the Israeli o}H'rations in southern Lebanon. 42, The Committee was heartened in its position on the settlement ofthe Palestinian question by the support which the fiftaenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, meeting at Khartoum in July, and the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non~Aligned Countries, moeting at ~lgra<le also in July, reaffirmed in connexion with its recommendations. 43. This means that the position of the Committee is widely held and has been supported by practically all the countries of the Middle East. 44. At the conclusion of the present debate I should like on behalf of the, Committee to call upon all States to reaffmn their support for the General Assembly's recom- mendations regarding the exercise of the inalienable rights of the people orPalestine. This will confirm the faithfulness of the Gtneral Assembly to the task which it has assigned itself: I refer to the recovery by the Palestinian people of their inalienable national rigllts. 45. Another matter which should be dealt with as a matter of priority by the Assembly is that of breaking the deadlock in progress in regard to the rights of the Palestinian people that hll$,been occasioned by the paralysis ofthe Security Council. 46. The General Assembly has already made it clearly understood that it WQuld like its recommendations to be implemented. For that to be done, the Security Council will have to take a decision on the matter. So far this has been impossible because of the use or threat of U~ of the right of veto. Howevcr~there can be no doubt that, if those who enjoy the right of veto continue to demonstrate a hostn~_ aItd pa@slij). attitude towards the recommendations of the General AsseUlbly instead of proceeding to consider them objectively. the General Assembly must fmd some other way of maJQng progress in this matter. The im~ mobilizing of the Security Council by a minority when intemational, pe!!~ ~d security are threatened requires that the General Assembly shoulder its responsibilities. h1 47. Nevertheless, it is our hope that those few permanJnt members of the Security Council that up to now have been hostile to the Committee will demonstrate a more flexible attitude and will show more openness of mind towards the Committee's recommendations. In that way they would be able to show, if not their impartiality, at least their desire not to consider only the rights of Israel. This preoccupation has for a long time prevented a just and objective approach to the question of Palestine. 48. Those who denigrate our Committee have blamed us for not taking account of the rights of Israel in the recommendations we have submitted for ap~rova1 by the General Assembly. We have replied to them that the mandate of the Committee is limited and does not extend to that area, adding that the rights of Israel do not need any defenders because today Israel not only enjoys its rights but even goes beyond. them, whereas the people of Palestine are constantly frustrated in their attempts to gain what belongs to them by right. 49. After four wars of conquest Israel has more than quintupled the area of the land it controls. The 14,400 square kilometres allocated to it under the partition plan of 1947 [resolution 181 (11)J have now become 80,000. These are specific facts which are easy to check and not merely elements of propaganda in favour of any particular party. 50. Therefore, if those States which are so concerned with the defence ofjust causes are sincerely concerned about the rights of the Palestinian people as they have sometimes said, why do they refuse to give positive consideration to the recommendations of the General Assembly in this con- nexion? Why do· they associate themselves with campaigns of slaDl!ar against the Committee 01. the Exercise of the . Inal:'~I.~I-~,: Rights of the Palestinian People when they kPl';~ fu_: Jl1.U Committee is advocating neither the ,',' - ....:1;1<..'11 of ~ ..... ~! nor the violation of any resolutions of l... ,) ( cl N' : n"; Why have they no trust and con- ffd( .. : J in the :i~!IlblY"s capacity to devise sound direc- tives for the settlement of the Palestinian question? Ignoring the General Assembly might lead to sham solu- tions based on faits accomplis and on contempt for the inalienable rights of the people of Palestine. , ' 51. There can be no doubt-that in the Middle East peace cannot be just if its establishment requires the destruction of the parties to the conflict-in this case the Palestinian people; nor can it be durable if it is imposed by brute force and pennaneat oppression. Therefore we venture to express the hope that all the Members of 0}lI' Organization will be. able to resist the intoxication of brute force and power and return to marC' democratic positions, which would take more account of the clet.!'!y expressed will of the General Assembly. Only then can we hope tO'do something useful, since it will be something that is juat and lasting, 52. 'The PRESIDENT (interpretation from Spanish): I now invite the Rapportcmr of the Committee on the 54. I should like first to express my p'rofound admiration for the leadership exercised and the dedication shown by the Chainnan of pur Committee, Ambassador Fall of Senegal, and also fpr the enthusiastic co-operation of the officers and memlirs of the Committee in the very difficult task that has been assigned to us by the General A~mbly~ The Chainnan of our Committee has already, very ably, given an overview of our work. Therefore I shall try not to repeat what he has so eloquently described. 55. Set against the objectives we now seek, after decades of neglect, it is a noble but challenging duty that we have collectively assumed. To guide a dispossessed people to nationhood by peaceful means, utilizing fully the potential of our Organization in the process, is an admirable undertaking which attempts to advance the purposes of the United Nations and to put its principles into practice as far as the rights of the Palestinian people are concerned. The modalities for such an approach are contained in the recommendations of the Committee, elaborated after very careful consideration. In the words of the present report, "a prescription for peace had been drawn up and had won the endorsement of the international community ...~' [A/33/35, para. 36]. 56. However, measuring this against the actual imple- mentation of the Committee's recOInmendations, we can- not but candidly admit great disappointment, for nothing tangible has been done so far that gives the Pale~tinian people cause for great optimism. The aspirations of the Palestinian people have been expressed quite recently in several letters addressed to the Committee; we 'can readily un~erstand their strong feelings and, so as to share with members of the Assembly the feelings of the people directly concerned, the letters have :been circulated as an official documentf A/33/165J~ Their hunger for progress is acute; their sense of frustration is growing. Their very future is at stake, and they want an active role .in its determination. 57. That, therefore, is the dilemma we have to consider together in the brief debate that lies ahead dUring the next few days. 58. Once again 1 'should like to express the very strong hope that, for a 'start, on ;this occasion our limited time would be used productively and dispassionately to evaluate objectively what has taken place since we last met and what we can do collectively to stimulate comprehensive progress on this question of tremendous political and humanitarian importance; for it would be tragic if we were to .allo~ 1he simmering resentment again to erupt into unfortunate division or conflict, with potential world-wide con- sequences. "... to determine whether the recommendations of the Committee fall within the previous decisions of this Organization, whether they serve the required purpose, and whether they respond to the will of the international community".4 On the second occasion, after even more thorough analysis, and in the absence of any additional constructive sugges- tions, your endorsement was more favourable than the first. 60. Other organizations have followed yell!' lead. The Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers, the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity, the Min- isters for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries have repeatedly endorsed the recommendations of theCom- mittee and stressed the need for their urgent imple- mentation. 61. On the Gther hand, the Security Council, while seized of the question of Palestine, still has not taken decisive action; and yet the role of the security Council is a paramount element in the implementation process as envisaged by the Committee. The last occasion when this question was discussed by the Security Council was last year, on 27 October.s At that meeting, all delegations which spoke supported the Committee's recommendations, but the meeting was inconclusive. The next meeting was to have been fIXed after consultations among members. The Committee sent several reminders on the need for the holding of such a meeting. None, however, has been held so far. 62. Since the Committee's essential function was to elaborate comprehensive suggestions fora peaceful solu- tion,in the Absence of decisive action by the Security Council, ,the Committee had perforce to limit its activities over the past year to :reaffIrming the validity of its recommendations and stressing the urgency of theirapplica- tion; to making its work more widely known by selectively attending and addressing important meetings and con- ferences; to reminding the various oodiesof the United Nations of the basic considerations concerning the Pales- tinian question which should be at the forefront of all discussions; to maintaining contact with all sectors of the United Nation£: system which coUld have a potential role to play in -achieving progress; to taking special account of the preoccupations of the people directly concerned, while at the same time keeping its forum open to all sectors of -qpinion; and, fmally, to providing guidance to studies and a film.production which might make better understood:the origin, complexity and evolution of the Palestinian question from its inception to the present day. 63. All this we have done, and the detaiIs.are to be found in the report. New studies have been oompi!ed,and a fum 4Jbid., Thir:ty-just Session. Plenary Meetings, 66th meeting, para. 58. 5 See Official/Records of t.JI.eSecuril)' Council. Thirty-second Year, 2041st meeting. 64. Current events in the region have now ~:ilched a more critical phase. Events have taken place in the course of the period under review as a result of which some movement has been generated into a formerly static situation. Some of the details arising from these events have only recently been made public and have not yet been thoroughly analysed. The Committee has always recognized that the countries in the area have a primary role to play. and that the recommendations of the Committee would comple.nent their efforts. A sense of urgency has in fact been a consistent theme running through every single communica- tion issu.ed by tile Conllni.tte~ S:iiw it was first set up and it has remainlld an urgent theme throughout the course of the year under review. 65. In this connexion I should like to remind this Assembly of an impo.ttant paragraph which, under the pressure of time and events, may have been overlooked in the past. but should not be forgotten today. 1 refer to paragraph 56 of the Committee's first report, and to save representatives the effort of looking it up I shall quote it in full. It was a suggestion which won the acquiescence of all members of the Committee. It roads: "The suggestion was made that since the Security Council remained the only forum in which all parties to the conflict had been able to meet, this unique circum- stance might be more actively utilized for constructive moves towards a settlement. The Committee could also play a role in ascertaining what constructive steps might be taken hy the Security Council to overcome the existing impasse and to move towards a general settlement; the members of the Council. assisted by the Secretary- General. either in closed session or through informal consultations, could search for those constructive moves which would contribute to an over-all settlement. The hope was expressed thatal! the parties cow~d would show statesmanship and genuine willingness fo:.n~gotiate­ necessary prerequisites for achieviilga co!Jlprehensive political settlement of the Middle East problem.u6 6 Sce OfFICial Records of the General Assembly. Thirty-Jirst u ••• positive action by the Security Council on the recommendations endorsed by the General Assembly could create the necessary conditions for a just and lasting peace in the Middle East.u [A/33/35, para. 57.J In the subsequent paragraph the Committee stresses basic principles, none of which, we are convinced, can be overlooked if the expectations of peace and progress in the area are to be fulfilled. 67. I stressed last year? the fundamental importance of the fact that influential voices in nearly all countries are laying great stress on the central role of the Palestine issue within the grave Middle East situation. It follows Ingically that no lasting solution can be envisaged for the area which does not provide at some stage for adequate participation by all the parties concerned, in particular that of the recognized representatives of the people whose future is at stake. 68. The principal role in this agonizing drama remains that of all the parties most directly involved, but the guidance of this Assembly is also required. The Committee's report is intended t\) facilitate this exercise on a question in which our responsibilities are particularly heavy. 69. As membe·rs ponder over this question. let them listen to the anguished voice of one of the mayors in the occupied West Bank in a letter he addressed to me in my capacity as Rapporteur of the Committee, on 28 July this year-less than four months ago. After describing the living condi- tions, he writes: '. "For how long are we ask~d to endure such cruel and inhuman treatment? For how long are we to endure, at a time when the principles of human rights have been receiving prominent attention from world leaders and the mass media? For how long can the worid afford to be gilent? UNo people in the world have been asked to endure such a miserable life. "In the name of humanity, we call upon you and the international community to come to our assistance. I believe that our people have suffered long enough". 70. It is the firm conviction of the Committee that unless the rights of the Palestinian people are ~feguarded. permanent peace and security for all States and peoples in the Middle East will not be achieved. 71. Carr we not. therefore, "this year take a positive and significant step forward. after so many year., of lost opportunities? It is for members to d:cide_ 72~ The PRESIDENT (interpretation from Spanish): The rust speaker in the debate is the representative of the PLO, who will speak in accordance with the provisions ofGeneral Assembly resolution 3237 (XXIX). 7 Ibid.. Thirty-second Session, PleTUlry Meetings, 84th mccUng, paras. 3~44. 74. I should like warmly to congratulate you, Mr. Presi- dent and to associate myself with those who have preceded me in expressing our unlimited confidence in your wisdom, your integrity and your wise guidance of our deliberations, which will benefit our proceedings. May I express through you to the friendly people and Government of Colombia the warmf'st congratulations of our people and to wish you progress, success and prosperity. 75. I should also like to pay a tribute to Mr. Waldheim, the Secretary-General of the United Nations and to praise his tireless efforts in discharging the great humanitarian mission of the United Nations and in holding aloft the banner ofjustice and peace. 76. For more than 30 years, which is approximately the age of our Organization, the question of Palestine has consistently been on the agenda of the General Assembly so that a solution may be found that will put an end to the tragedy of the Palestinian Arab people, a people who have suffered from the greatest political crime ever seen by our contemporary society. The lands of the Palestinian Arab people have been despoiled; their national identity has been destroyed; and half of them have been expelled, losing all human rights, starting with their identity and ranging all the way to their sovereignty and destiny. 77. In this same week in 1947, this Assembly adopted a resolution on the partition of Palestine into two States: one JeWish, one Arab {resolution 181 (II)}. Although this recommendation was unjust, its first part was implemented. The Jewish State came into being by force of arms and occupied an area exceeding that recommended by the General Asst>mbly and enveloping 60 per cent of the lands that-had been assigned to the Palestinian Arab State. Some years later, the Jewish State occupied what remained of the land of Palestine, which has been under the yoke of Israeli occupation in its entirety since 1967. 78. The United States Government was··one of the States that approved the partition of Palestine, and hence the principle of the sovereignty of both the Palestinians and the Israelis. At a later date, that same Government supported the right of the P·a1estinian refugees to retu~ to their homeland or for who did not wish to return, to receive compensation. Today we find ourselves in the same month as that in which the partition was decided upon, and we witness a serious development at Camp David which ignored our rights to self-determination, to return to our homes, and to national independence, rights that the United Nations representing the international com..'nunity has acknowledged as ours. Those rights were reaffmned at every session of the Assembly since 1974. This same Assembly, desirous of ensuring the exercise of those rights, 79. The PLO then assessed the report of the Committee aild found in it positive and practical measures which would assist our people in flfiding a way to break the deadlock in the Palestinian problem, which has been imposed on them since the creation of this international Organization. Our National Council, which is the highest legislative authority as far as the Palestinian political entity is concerned, reacted favourably to the sincere international efforts intended to ensure Cl just peace. I repeat, our National Council at its session held in Cairo in March 1977, endorsed General Assembly resolution 3236 (XXIX), which affirms the will of the international community to recognize the legality and the inalienable rights Qf the Palestinian people, including the right tOfeturn to their homes and property, their right to self-detennination, their right to national independence and sovereignty, and their right to the establishment of their own State in Palestine. During the same session our Council approved the participation of the PLO on a footing of equality with the other parties concerned as an indispensable principle in all forums and conferences dealing with the question of Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict. It goes without saying that this decision of the PLO is a most important contribution to efforts designed to ensure the establishment of peace and security in our region within the context of international legality and it reflects the devotion of our people to the issue of a just and lasting peace, as well as their faith in the solution of the problem. It also shows the importance of a solution for all mankind, obviously within the framework of the exercise of our legitimate rights. How can our people not believe in peace when they have suffered ceaselessly from all the scourges of war and its corollaries, namely, devastation, ruin, displacement and bloodshed? 80. One factor which helped to give a serious tone to the peace efforts made by the General' Assembly W::':; the publication on 1 October 1977 of the joint Soviet-United States statement on the Middle East, in which the two super-Powers affirmed the legitimate. rights of the Pales- tinian people and announced that tte two super-Powers were determined to reconvene the gel1eva Peace Con- ference on the Middle East before the end of that year. Our delegation was one of the first to welcome the joint statement by the two super-Powers, which bear the main responsibility for peace in the world, because we saw in that statement positive indications of the search for a just solution to the Palestinian problem. - 81. I have given an outline of the situation as it was then, of the international determination to act justly and the manner in which the itltemational community envisaged dealing with the problem of Palestine and with the Middle East crisis. But what has happened since last year? 82. First of all, the United States Administration went back on the joint statement even before the ink on it was dry. That aroused severe disappointment in the inter- national community regarding the credibility of the pOSi- tion of the United States. Doubts then arose about Washington's intentions regarding the Middle East. 88. Moreover, the Camp David agreements ignored the PLO, although our people have declared their total support for- this organization, which was recognized by all Arab countries at the 1974 sixth Conference of Arab Heads of State or Government in Rabat as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. The United Nations has also recognized the PLO as representing the Palestinian people and has also invited it to participate in its work as an observer, pursuant to General Assembly resolution 3237 (XXIX). Furtherrr.Jre, the PLO is a full- fledged member of the League of Arab States, the Islamic Conference, the rlon-aligned movement and most world organizations. 84. Thlrdlyt so that they might be totally free from any obligation und.er the terms of the joint Soviet-United States stateluent, a first and then a second working docume:;t was published which omitted any reference to the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people and tried to get around the principle. of the representation of the Palestinian people only a few months after the President of the United States had made a statement recognizing that the PLO represented an essential part of the Palestinian people. 89. To sweeten the pill of the Camp David agreements and to mislead people into believing that the agreements dealt with the core of the struggle being waged in the Middle East-the Palestinian problem itself-the participants in the Camp David meetings found a formula that would give autonomy to the occupied Palestinian lands; they did this to mollify what they call "the population of the West Bank and of the Gaza Strip", classifying in this way our people into distinct groups so that it might be said that each group has a unique problem and therefore requires a unique solution. Thus the parties to the Camp David meetings expressly violated the international law laid down by the United Nations in its resolutions which affirm the need for the entire Palestinian people, both those within and those outside of the occupied Palestinian territory, to exercise their right to self-determination, to return to their home- land, :md to enjoy national independence. It would seem that to the participants in the Camp David meetings we ai<: still underage as a people and that we need a guardian and a protector, despite the fact that we have been fighting for 60 years side by side with a number of other countries in the world which have become independent and are now represented here. at the United Nations. 85. Fourthly, when the United States Administration found itselfunable to live up to its responsibilities regarding the legitimate rights mentioned in the joint Soviet- American statement, and having withdrawn from every obligation assumed therein, the President of Egypt, Mr. El' Sadat, visited occupied Jerusalem with American encou- ragement in order to destroy the foundations of the eqUitable settlement that your Assembly has always sought to strengthen and to implement. 86. Fifthly, with the protection, encouragement and guidance of the United States Government, bilateral agree- ments were concluded at Canl~ David between Egypt and Israel. l~asmuch as the Camp David agreements9 implied an insldioull, planned attempt to alter the facts for world and Americ,," public opinion by presenting them as the greatest achievement of United States foreign policy and as a great Vh:tOfY fOf the caUse of pea~ in the Middle East, it behoves the PLO, the legitin\8te representative of the Palestinian people within and outside the occupied lands? to make clear to th~ Assembly\ objectively and in detail, our rejection of 90. The Camp David agreements failed to mention any obligation regarding the city of Jerusalem, even though the Security Council t a few years ago, rejected all measures taken by Israel to annex Jerusalem t to eliminate its Arab, religious and historical character and to profane. its sacred values. tho~ !tgr~ementaand our determinaticm not to accept them or their cOJlsequence$. Our {casons lJJ:e as follows. 91. The Camp David agreemeras, moreover, did not make it mandatory for Israel to remove its 'settlements from all the occupied Palestinian and Arab territories,: If'we take into account the five-ye'!f trapsition period which is to lead to .so-called autonomy-which, incidentally, represents the maximum concession to our aspirations under the Camp David agreem:)nts-it is apparent that those agreements would enable )srael to continue .to Judaize the occupied Arab territories and to entr~nch its civilian and military presence there by establishin~ new settlements and enlare:- . ing the existing ones. Israeli leaders declare as much daily when they refer to the West Bank as "Judaea and Samaria", and to Jer.lsalem as "the one and only eternal capital of Israel" [26th meeting, para. 96J and as "the heart and soul of the Jewish people" [ibid.J, as did the Israeli Minister for Foreign Affairs when addressing the General Assembly at the. beginning of this session. 87~ The agreements m;lke no mention of the inalienable national rights of the Pal~·tini.anpeople as defined by the United ~atipns General As~mbly, which, at every session since 1974J haS ft~iterated th~t thos~' rights must be re$~cted. Those rights are: the right to stif-determination, ~ch i$ ens.nined in the United Nations. Charter; the right of return, wmch the American delegation proposed individ- UiII¥ and has reaffinued eve-r ye;u: sinl.» 1949; and the 8 fb.id., UUll Ult\:iting, p~as. 2-53- 9 A framework: for l'ea~ in the. Middle. East, Agreed at Camp o.yjd. an.d fram~wo~ fOf ~f,} Conc.!.l,ISion. of a Peace Treaty l~J~ ~t In.d ls~c:l, signed ~t Wasbjngton on 17 September 1918_ fpt the ~~"' sec 'Week{y Co11l[Ji4ztion of PresilUlItitd 1Jocumtntf £Wuhin&to~tD.e.. GoWllIAlent Printing ~, 1978), VQl. H. No. 38. pp. lS2~H528. 93. That all those agreements were concluded at Camp David without consulting the Palestinian people and with- out their assent or participation was obviously and clearly manifested in the texts of the agreements. Today, appar- ently, it is claimed that divergences exist between the Governments of Egypt and Israel on what is called "linkage" between the agreements on Sinai and on the West Bank, so that if the agreements are concluded Israel will present itself as having made new concessions and Egypt's position will be benefited. Whether or not there is any linkage, our rejection of the Camp David agreements rests essentially on the approach taken in them and on their content, not on the means of implementing them. 94. The PLO considers the Camp David agreement as bilateral agreements between Egypt and Israel which in no way constitute a·framework propitious for the attainment of a just and comprehensive peace in our area. That position is not taken by the PLO alone; it is a stand taken also by powerful and effective Arab countries and by many international organizations. 95. From the Palestinian point of view, our people in all categories, groupings and organizations in the places where they are concentrated, mainly in occupied Palestinian lands-have expressed their rejection of the agreements by every available means: either by organizing demonstrations, strikes and popular congresses or by submitting petitions, some of which form part of United Nations documentation. Even at the level of political contacts made by Americans sent to occupied Palestine, our people have expressed their opiiiion in a manntlf which in no way differs from that of the PLO, to which they have expressed their support and dedication.. 96. The attempt to divide our people from the PLO and divide our people in the occupied Arab lands from those in exile, to dilute our international personality and to present the results of the Camp David meetings as the maximum that can be obtained has had the effect of reaffirming and proving that our people, because of their experie,nce in the struggle against the plots hatched in the past 81ld of their years of struggle and defiance; are capable of encompassing the failure of any attempt to separate oudeaders from our peopie or deny the unity of our people and our rig.'It to self-determination and the exercise of sovereignty and independence in our own homeland, Palestine. 97. At the Arab level, the Arabs firmly believe that peace must be established. They realize the dangers threatening them as a result of the signing of the Camp David 98. The ninth Arab Summit Conference, held in Baghdad from 2 to 5 November, reaffirmed the refusal of the Arab States to accept the Camp David agreements and their consequences [see AI331400J. That Conference reaffirmed the dedication of the participants to the rights of the Palestinian people ana expressed their determination to support their struggle under the aegis of their sole legiti- mate representative, the PLO, both within and outside the occupied lands. 99. The Baghdad Conference was a success and is the best proof of the fact that, as regards the problem of Palestine and the rights of its people, all Arabs join ranks and mobilize their potential and their energies in the service of the supreme national interests of the Palestinian people. 100. In this connexion, I cannot fail to express the feeling of pain of ali participants in the Baghdad Summit Confer- ence at the fact that Egypt, alone among the Arab countries, did not participate, despite the fact that it had borne the major responsibility in the Arab-Israeli conflict for 30 years. 101. If the signing of the bilateral Egypt-Israeli agreements removes Egypt from the amphitheatre of the Arab-Israeli struggle and causes a major strategic loss for the Arab group that cannot be underestimated, the Baghdad Summit Conference and, before that, the Syrian-Iraqi plan of action represent a measure of compensation and' reflect our will to continue our national struggle, so that the purposes of the Arab nation may be assured, including the liberation of the occupied territories and the guaranteeing of the national rights of the Palestinian people. 102. I should also like to say that the Baghdad Conference revealed the unanimity of the.Arabs in rejecting the Camp David agreements and showed how isolated the policy of Egypt is in the Arab world and how American policy in the Middle East has failed. 103. Internationally, the Camp David agreements were a defiance and violation of the principles andmethods which the international community has adopted to achieve a just peace. The Government ofthe United States was among the countries committed to employing those methods ·to achieve peace when it si...llIled the jointSoviet-Ut:lited States statement on 1 October 1977. How can one place a just peace on a solid foundation in the absence of the parties concerned and Li the absence of the Soviet Union? 104. Likewise, it will have been noticed that during the general debate on policy matters at this session most 108. It is from this point of view that we warn all States that we are on the threshold of a new stage, which the General Assembly has always tried to avoid and is stUt trying to avoid by means ofguarantees, especially since ihe Middle East region might be the scene of outbreaks which could spread to other parts of the world because of incitements and provocations by the Government of the United States of America. 1OS-. In bdef~ I would say that representatives understand our position when we. as the PLO, question whether the Camp David agteements have brought us nearer to peace or nearer to war. Being aware of our responsibilities, we declate from this rostrum, to those who are concerned and interested in international peace, that the Camp David meetings were an invitation to war and not to peace, because they have placed a thorn in the heart of the Arab world by isolating Egypt from its Arab brethren, have not changed the essence of the conflict and have not provided a Just solution. This in itself creates new dangers, the consequences of which will spill over from the Middle East region. 109. Our Palestinian people, despite whatever Zionist and imperialist forces may combine against us and whoever may join those forces, can never accept that the exile to which we have been condemned should be eternal, nor can we accept the perpetuation of the occupation of our lands. We shall lift on high our banner of armed struggle, a banner that will be handed on from one generation to another until our national rights can be exercised in our own Palestinian homeland. 106. We can make this general categorical jUdgement in the light of- our pastei:.perience. The General Assembly must beat in mind that the creation of Israel in 1948 has cost our region 30 years of war. bloodshed, trials and tribulation$, deprivation and death. Now we :ue convinced that the. Camp David agteements have brought the region to the threshold of further long years of war. To make this cleat. it will suffice to remind the General Assembly that MonaMeOl Begin declared. aCter the signing of the Camp David agteements. that the accords said "No" to the Palestinian State. UNo" to the PLO and UNo" to a refer~ndum in the occupied PaIesfule territories. He there- fore recognized that the Camp David agreements constitute a violation and a patent contravention of all United Nations res.olutiQPS regarding the questio.n of Palestine and regard- ing ~ in.alienable national rights of our fighting people. 'I'bey a.{O) in padiculup a violation ofpar.agraphs 19 and 20 or the report of the Conunit.tee: on the Exercise of the Ina\U~nablc;Righl$ of the Pale.stinian People [A j33/35/. 107. The developments: which we have described, from the ~ of President El-Sad~t)s visit to occupied Jerusalem to tM ti(l.'le of the Camp David. agreements: and their follow· up-agreements which we regard as bilaterallsraelHyptian agn)O.ntents-aro all paving the way for Israel further to C()030141lt~ its occupation and its confiscation of Pales~ tiniao: an<l AJ:alt!andt before it ac.ts against the Palestinian combatants: by cuting them into prison or places 'Of detentiQn. desV:Qying their villages-. making them disappear. redeploying the iewish population and encouraging the emigtation of Palestinians from the occupied Palestinian land.s:. Thi! must be viewed. therefore, as a master blow which Pre$idont Carter carried out most adroitly at Camp David.What is. developing is rather a plan to impose an American hegemonistic,. imperialistic. policy on our region by di~ding it and pateellli:ag it out in accordance: with the im~a1i~t- ~nttiit-y· which dominated the nilreteentlt centufY' and is now bringing back tetlife a policy of alU~~~. a,l)d miUtaIy zones. nus is- reflected in the proPQSll by Senator Jackson of the United State's senate fot an; l~li-Egyptian mUitlltY alliAA.ce to protect imperial- ist' in~~$ts: in;. the Mid.dl~ Eas.t and in Africa against the SQviet Uni(U}~ This is a threat to th.e policy ofinternational 110. The PLO believes that this international Organization continues to be the most suitable framework for the establishment of a just peace in our region. We launch an appeal to the General Assembly to redouble its efforts, which we greatly value and appreciate. We hope that this General Assembly will stand finn and will exercise pressure, so that we may fmd a way out of tb.'~ spiral in which the imperialists and Zionist forces would like your Assembly to be trapped. The relevant United Nations resolutions are there, as is. the will to implement them. These resolutions must now ge beyond the stage of mere adoption and must be applied. 111. If our international Organization is not able to affirm its existence and tu serve as a substitute forum for Camp DaYid for the purpose of fmding an eqUitable solution of the Palestinian problem, the only other remaining forum will be the battlefield, a battlefield which may extend Beyond the geographical area of the Middle East. 112. We have stated at length our opposition to the destructive and aggressive approach followed at Camp David because we are convinced that the United Nations offers the best forum and the best means for finding a proper solution. Under your guidance, Mr. President, we trust that the General Assembly will. assume. its responsi- bilities before it is too late and before the doors fa peace are closed.

Mter having listened to the representative of the Palestinian people, my delegation is going to speak as briefly as possible, particularly since we agree with an that he has. said and we support it. I i 4. FIrst ofall, I want to take this opportunity to extend the thanks: and gratitude of my delegation to the Com- mittee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. We appreciate the efforts made by the Committee dUring the past year and the report which it submitted during the last session of the Genelal Assem- 115. The Committee's report reflects the increasing belief throughout the world in the rights of the Palestinian people and the justice of their cause, and affmns that the peoples of the world and the majority of the countries represented in the United Nations now strongly and firmly believe that peace in the Middle East cannot be realized without a recognition of the Palestinian people's right to self-deter- mination on their' territory in complete freedom,as stipulated by the resolutions of the General Assembly beginning with resolution 3236 (XXIX) in 1974. 116. The increase of internati'onal faith in the right of the Palestinians confirms the Palestinians' strong belief in their rights, because, despite the fierce campaigns against their existence and despite the misleading .information and propaganda against their cause and their historical rights, the belief of these struggling people in their cause is growing more profound every day. 117. The increasing international belief also confirms the increase in the Arab belief in the Palestinian rights as expressed in the Rabat sumniit conference in 1974, at which the historic decision was taken that the PLO was the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. 118. Despite the conspiracies that are being hatched against Palestinian rights and against Arab rights, history can never be turned back and the accomplishments of the Palestinian people cannot be annulled, but will deepen and strengthen. 119. Gone is the day when oppressive 3"1d tyrannical forces used to railroad through the resolutions of this Assembly; there is no room now for unjust resolutions like that on the partition of Palestine in 1947 or the resolution which recognized the Zionist entity, the usurper of the Palestine lands, in 1948. 120. These truths area reflection of the achievements of the people struggling against exploitation and imperialism and the consecutive defeats of the exploitative imperialist and racist Powers since the end of the Second World War to this moment. 121. The Palestinian issue is a clear-cut one, despite the attenpts to falsify history and misrepresent the truth such population~ and the Palestinians owned 99~5 per cent of the hmd. In 1917, when Lord Balfour, the representative of British imperialism, promised the Zionist movement a national home in Palestine, the Jews in Palestine amounted to no more than 7 per cent of the population. The aid given by the British Administration in Palestine and the other imperialist Western forces to the Zionist movement after the First World War allowed it to move further immigrants into Palestine and allowed it to enlarge the Palestinian territory it controlled. 123. From 1917 to the end of the Second ,World War the Zionist movement carried out the Zionist will of Mu Nordau, who addressed the British authorities in 1919 as follows: "We lmow what you expect from us. We shall have to be the guards of the Suez Canal. We shall have to be the sentinels of your way to India via the Near East. We are ready to fulfill this difficult military service, but it is essential to allow us to become a power in order to enable us to do our task."! I 124. A few years later Yigal Allon reaffirmed that fact when he wrote in his book The Making ofIsrael's Army, which was published 1n London in 1970: "The object of the [Haganah] military actions was not to destroy the British forces in Palestine .... It was •.. above all to convince Whitehall once and for all that without the consent of the Jews Britain could not keep Palestine as a safe and workable base in this vital region."12 125. The response of the British autboritiesto this policy was confined to taking fake police measures against the oppressive and tynulnica1 Zionist ptactices against the Palestinian Arabs. The British troops brutally suppressed the struggle of the Palestinian people and .1h.eiruprising against the Zionist invaders, as well as tile demonstrations that occurr~d in Palestinian villages and towns and the Palestinian strike in 1936, which is known to have been the longest strike in history. 126. The consequences of the Second World War and the ifiability of the British authorities to control their rebellious colonies contributed to the establishment of the Zionist Statp, in Palestine in 1948, and the transfer of-imperialist hegemony from Britain to ·the United States also led the 11 See Max Nordau to his People: A Summons and a Challenge (New York, Scopus Publishing'Company, Inc., 1941), p. 57. 12See Yigal iUlon, The Making of hrael's Army (London, Vallentine, Mitchell & Co., Ltd., 1970), p. 25. 127. Despite the fact that the Zionist entity, through propaganda and. through its agents and allies, tries to convince the world public that it is nothing more than a small, weak, peace-loving country surrounded by enemies and struggling for its existence, the colonialist, expansionist and racist nature of the Zionist entity is revealed by the aggressive wars it launched against the neighbouring Arab countries and by its expansion through the occupation of Arab tenitories in 1967. 128. Here I could giv~ many quotations from many writers throughout the world, but I will merely mention what has been stated by one famous Israeli writer. Uri Ameli, in his magazine Hao/am Hazeh, Tel Aviv. September 1972. said: "The occupied territories, in all respects except that of form, are Israeli colonies. The regime there does not differ from that in South Africa and Rhodesia and from the ,'it.,wpoint of certain aspects the similarity !s fearful." Uri A ~lJleri goes on to say: ''11!e eX.Qioi'2ation of the working classes in the West Bank, Gaza and the Sinai, the monopoly of the occvpied territories as a mllrket fOI Israeli goods and the confis- cation of Arab temtories for the construction of Jewish settlements all create a clear-cut de facto l~oloniaIist situation, as was the case in Kenya and Algeria yesterday and is precisely the ease at present in South Africa and Rhodesia." 129. We have to note that this recognition by an Israeli writer of the Zionist imperialist existence is still incom- plete, because the traditional im~rialists did not try to eradicate the occupied peoples or to annihilate them and their culture, whereu Zioni$t racist imperialism is unique, inasmuch as it is trying to eradicate tb Arab Palestinian people and'to annihilate their characteristics and historical culture~ The Assembly denounced that racist policy in 1975 when it equated zionism with racism, which is part and parcel of the. Zionist movement. The policy of annihilation has ~en clear from the beginning and is I;:ontinuing. Since 1948 the Zionist authorities have destroyed in the occupied 130. From this rostrum we declare our objection to and denunciation of the two Camp David agreements. For the following reasons, the principles which underlay those two agreements constitute nothing but grave danger for and do great harm to the struggle of the Arab nation and to its values and ambitions. 131. First, the peace stipulated by the two agreements is no more than a peace of capitulation, the result of which would be to serve the imperialist United States, world zionism and local reactionary interests, to loot the wealth of our nation and to desecrate our shrines. 132. Secondly, the contents of the two agreements radi- cally contradict not only the supreme interests of the Arab nation. but dso intemationallaw and charter instruments, because the agreements advocate the annexation of the territory of others through the use of force. 133. Thirdly, the issue of the eecurity of the Zion!st entity is the crux of the United States pea~ project. TiiQ&e two apeements provide a security belt for the Israeli enemy, allOWing it to'expand further and commit aggression in the future. 134. Fourthly, the agreements not only recognize the legality of the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, but also consolidate it and confirm the dispersal and laceration of the Arab Palestinian people, be~ause they speak of partial withdraw~-bx which is meant the redistri- oution of Israeli forces for security measures related to Israel, not their complete withdrawal from the occupied Arab tenitoriell. 135. Fifthly, the agreements legalize the ousting of the Palestinian Arab people and their expulsion from their homeland, and are contradictory to what is stipulated in international law and in enactments by this Assembly and otherintemational organizations and institutions-namely ~ the right of the Palestinian people to return to their homeland, their right to se:~determination,and their right to establish their own national States in their independent tenitory. 137. Before the ink was dry on these two agreemf.>.,tl) Zionist officials continued to announce their expanS~qnlSt plans and their plans to expand and increase the num't.er of their settlements in the occupied Arab territories. What kind of peace Is it, what kind of peace are they speaking of, when the agreements are based on expansion and aggression and the usurpation of the territory and the rights of ot4ers by the use of force? 138. The Arab nation is fully aware of the reality of the conspiracy and will not allow it to succeed. 139. Zionism, supported by world imperialism, is an enemy not only of the Arab nation but of all peoples of the world. By supplying weapons to them, it supports th~ other racist regimes in the world. United States newspapers themselves publish reports to the effect that there is no racist or FaJCist regime or dictawrship based upon the oppression of peoples that is not receiving weapons and support from the Israeli entity. Zionism, which ~1aims that it represents the Jews of the world? is exploiting the Jews. It is using them as tools to serve its own interests and those of its imperialist allies. A minority of Zionists, with vast power, controls Jewish groups through oppression and blackmail and makes them subservient to its interests; it oppresses all who speak out to proclmm "I am not a Zionist". 140. Zionism has misled a lot of Jewish communities in the world, but many of them have begun to realize the conflict between their interests as Jews and the interests of the Zionist movement. We have read many reports in the newspapers that thousands of Jews have fled the Zionist 141. There is a bitter fact that we cannot overlook when we speak of Zionist aggression-namely, that this aggression could not have continued had it not been for the continued unlimited support of the United States. J.t is' the United States of America that is supplying the Zicnist entity with the weapons of aggression and with the modern weapons of destruction that allow it to continue its aggression and its expansionist manoeuvres against the Palestinian people and the Arab nations. It is the United States of America that is supplying the Zionist entity with billions of dollars so that it may continue to build its settlements in occupied Arab territories, at the expense of the United States taxpayer. Recent reports indicate that the Zionist entity receives about $5 billion from United States governmental sources and about $2 billion from tax-exempt contributions col- lected by Zionist organizations. Consequently, we have to regard United States policy as being basically responsible fer the Zionist aggression against the Arab Palestinian people and the Arab nation. 142. The interests of the people~ lies in just and perma- nent peace, and just and permanent peace in the Arab region cannot be achieved without the restoration of the usurped rights of the PalestiIrlan Arab people,- through complete and comprehensive withdrawal from the occup:ed Arab territories and the guaranteeing of the right of the Palestinian people to return to their homeland, as well as their right to self-determination and the establishment of their own national State in their independent' territory, as stipulated in United Nations resolutions. The meetingrose at 1.10 p.m.