A/33/PV.65 General Assembly

For 30 years now the international community has been trying to resolve what has come to be called the "question of Palestine". Without using euphemisms, what is involved here is nothing less than the tragic situation of a people that has been brutally stripped of its land, its homes, its property and its country, which is, the supreme asset of a nation. Similarly, what is involved here is the tenacious and heroic resistance of that people in order to regain what rightfully belongs to it. 2. Neither the highly expensive press campaign waged by Israel and fmanced by its imperialist associates against the just struggle of the Palestinian people nor the inhuman persecution that has been inflicted upon that people the past three decades has been able to vanquish it, much less convince the people of the world that there can be a true solution of the problems of the Middle East that is not based on recognition of the inalienable right of the Palestinians to self-determination and independence, their right to return to their homes and their historic homeland, and their indisputable right to be included among the sovereign States of the international community. 3. It is not fortuitous that the numerous resCilutions of the General Assembly supporting Palestinian rights have been systematically ignored by Israel and.·imperialism and that the Security Council has taken no action whatever on;he' requests from this international forum. 4. Notwithstanding the humanitarian rhetoric of the United States rulers, the irrefutable fact is that it is they, together with their Zionist ally, that are blocking a just, lasting and· honourable settlement of the Palestinian prob- lem-and consequently of the delicate situation of the Middle East-converting it into a constant focal-point of tension and a threat to international peace and security. 5. Throughout this period imperialism has focused its strategy in that area on the alliance with the Israeli Zionists, NEW Yf,'RK the clear objective of which is to divide the Arab nation. control its wealth and natural resources and establish ~n operational base to control access to the Suez Canal and the oil route, amI make it possible for it to exercise its reactionary influence over the coastal States of east Mrica. This policy, which includes logistical support for the South Mrican racists, closely bound to Israeli zionism, has been strengthened recently, since the revolutionary triumph in Ethiopia and the elimination of colonialism in Angola, Mozambique, Guiqea-Bissau and other countries freed from Portuguese rule. 6. The reactionary essence oi zionism is revealed not only in the piratical plundering of the Palestinian people but also in the Zionists' unrestricted support for the Vorster and lan Smith Fascists, their unconcealed complicity in the worst tyrannies on both sides of the Atlantic and their collabora- tion, now unmasked, with the genocide regime of Somoza, whose arms it supplies. This must be denounced, because the Israeli State occupies a signifitant place among the merchants of death and acts in colIu~ion with imperialism, serving as a spearhead against the peoples. 7. The Palestinian problem is at the very centre of the Middle East conflict, therefore any attempt to resolve it must necessarily involve the participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO}, the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. Moreover, any agreement which seeks to provide a solution to the Palestinian problem outside the framework of the United Nations and without the participation of the Pill, dis- regarding or restricting the exercise by the Palestinian people ofits inalienable rights, must be regarded as null and void and consequently as not being conducive to a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. In this sense, we feel that the so-called Camp David agreements do not meet the requirements for a true peace in the. region. 8. At the same time the repeated violation by Israel of United Nations resolutions concerning the territories oc- cupied by force in 1967 must be denounced. Equally unacceptable is its so-called "autonomy plan" for those territories which is really no more than an attempt at the bantustanization and subjugation of the Palestinian in- habitants. The United Nations must thwart that sinister manoeuvre. Only the Palestinial'l people cm legitimately decide its own future. No agreement manufactured behind its back can have any validity, because the rights of the Palestinian people, expressed in various resolutions of the United Nations, are not and cannot be negotiable. 9. The Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, in its letter to the Secretary-General of the United Nations makes this point very clearly when it quotes a memorandum from the masses "... any solution, regardless of its origin, not contain- ing a clear recognition of the right of our people to self-determination and to establishing their own indepen- dent national State."[See A/33/165, p. 3./ 10. It is quite evident that one cannot speak of progress in the situation of conflict in the Middle East if "the negotiations undertaken exclude the participation of the PLO, as the representative of the Palestinian people, on an equal footing with the other parties, on the basis of resolutions 3236 (XXIX) and 3375 (XXX) and under the auspices of the United Nations. In the opinion of my delegation, the proper organ for any substantive negotia- tions can only be the United Nations Peace Conference on the Middle East, with the participation of, in addition to the parties directly involved in the conflict, the Soviet Union and the United States. 11. My delegation welcomes the efforts made by the Arab countries members of the rejection front at its Baghdad Conference in September to prevent the division of the Arab world as a result of the imperialist manoeuvres and to strengthen support for the cause of the Palestinian people as well as their demand for a solution which will respect the inherent right of that people to self-determination, national independence and sovereignty in Palestine. 12. Any step taken towards a negotiated solution of the problem of the Middle East must be preceded by the evacuation of all the territories occupied by force in violation of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and of the relevant General Assembly resolutions. This is a sine qua non condition for the Palestinians to be able to exercise their inalienable rights in Palestine without fareign interference and in full freedom. 13. It is the inescapable du~y of the United Nations to contribute to a just solution of the Palestinian problem. In this respect my delegation endorses the recommendations of the Committee contained in its report [A/33/35 and Co". 1/Rev.1, paras. 55-58J and urges the Security Council to decide as soon as possible on the implementation of the recommendations in General Assembly resolutions 31/20 and 32/40. 14. Together with those measures, the internationill com- munity must, in keeping with the Committee's recom- mendations, reaffirm the natural and inalienable right of the Palestinians to return to their homes, lands and property, in two phases: Palestinians displaced after the 1967 war to return in the first phase and Glose displaced between 1948 and 1967 in the second. Their right to return to their homeland, recognized by the General Assembly and the Security Council.. must be wrung from Israel without any further delay. 15. The Cuban delegation expresses its unequivocal sup- port for the important work done by the Committee since its formation in 1975 as its work has certainly promoted the just cause of the Palestinian people in various con- ferences and international forums, in various publications 16. The Cuban revolution has always extended its militant and unswerving solidarity to the heroic fighters of the PW and their esteemed leader, Yasser Arafat. It is only natural that this should be so because we are brothers in the .struggle against colonialism, neo-colonialism, imperialism, racism, zionism, and all forms of oppression and domina~ tion, both internal and foreign. From the ranks of the movement of non-aligned countries, or simply as com- panions in arms, the peoples of Cuba and Palestine will continue waging their common battle together. 17. The separate agreement between Israel and Egypt, concluded with the assistance of the United States, has been achieved at the expense of the other Arab countries and bypassing them altogether, especially the Palestinian people, and it is designed to thwart a comprehensive and just agreement in the Middle East by imposing a partial agreement of benefit solely to the Israeli aggressors. 18. VIe condemn the continued occupation of the Arab territories and demand the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Israel. 19. Once again, we repeat that we are prepared to struggle for a just and lasting peace in the Middle East, one which will guarantee to the Palestinian people the exercise of their inalienable rights in a sovereign State and which wllllead to the progress and development of brother Arab countries.

The nations of the Middle East stand today at a crucial turning-point in their history. For the first time in 30 years of conflict and warfare, they have the opportunity to break out of a seemingly endless and intractable cycle of violence, destruction and suffering, and to embrace a new era of peace and co-operation. 21. The present session of the General Assembly began less than two days after the conclusion of the Camp David agreements" We are still in the midst of this ongoing peace process. Those who have exploited unrest and conflict in the Middle East in the past ana who cannot now reconcile themselves to the prospects for peace, are, predictably, trying to sabotage the peace talks. Indeed, they are attempting to su,?vert this forum, which is dedicated through the Charter of our Organization to peace and security, and to turn it to their own destructive ends in the days ahead. ~ ...;. 22. For 12 months now, since the historic meeting in Jerusalem between the President of Egypt and the Prime Minister of Israel, the attention of the world has been riveted on the difficult but determined efforts of Egypt and Israel to resolve the issues that divide us-in Jerusalem, in Cairo, in IsmluIia, in Leeds Castle, in Camp David and-in Washington. We have witnessed dramatic break-throughs and a willingness to compromise. Slowly and painstakingly, we have seen a real.and positive movement towards peace. 1 A Framework for Peace in Ute Middle East, Agreed at Camp David, and Framework for the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel, signed at Washington on 17 Sept,ember 1978. 24. The answers to these questions are painfully and tragically obvious. Instead of advocating constructive com- promises that take the interests of all parties into account, the General Assembly has continued to encourage the most extreme, one-sided and unrealistic expectations. Instead of advocating negotiations between the parties themselves, as required by Security Council resolution 242 (1967), the Assembly has endorsed-and is being asked once again to endorse-recommendations designed to bypass the nego- tiating process. Instead of dialogue, it has preferred diatribe. Instead of peace and co-operation it has en- couraged terror and violence. In short, rather than working to bring us closer to a peace agreement, powerful forces within the General Assembly have done everything within their ability to obstruct and delay a settlement. 25. While this negativism has characterized the General Assembly's approach on most aspects of the Middle East conflict, it has been particularly true in relation to the issue of the Palestinian Arabs, for in that area the policy of the Assembly has been Jirectly inspired over the past years by the so-called PLO. Indeed, it is no exaggeration to say that the policy of the General Assembly on the matter before us closely reflects that of the PLO. Because tile PLO rejects Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), the General Assembly has chosen to avoid reference to those resolutions when addressing itse!f to the issue before us. Because the PLO rejects the existence of the State qf Israel, General Assembly resolutions on the subject not only ignore Israel's existence, but, in fact, violate the sovereign rights of a State Member of the United Nations. Because the PLO sees the establishment of a West Bank- Gaza State as only the first step towards PLO control ove.r all of the former Mandated Palestine, including Israel, the so-called Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People adopts precisely the same two-stage policy, which is then promptly accepted by the General Assembly. Because the PLO rejects the Camp David agreements, the rejectionists withbl the Arab world and beyond equally attack the peace-making process. And because the PLO rejects a negotiated settlement, the very word "negotiation" is taboo for tll~ purposes of this debate. 26. Given the composition of the Committee, none of this is particularly surprising: 19 of its 23 members do not maintain diplomatic relations with Israel, and some of them do not even recognize its right to exist. 27. From the outset the observer for the so-called PLO has dominated the proceedings of the Committee; hence its recommendations formulated in 19762 are little more than a recension in United Nations jargon of the PLO's criminal design for the liquidation of Israel. 29. The United Nations has never hlld an international day of solidarity with the victims of international terrorism. Yet, it has seen fit to celebrate its sclidarity with the terrorists themselves. It is activities of this kind that have l:!rought the prestige of the United Nations to what must be an all-time low and that threaten to erode whatever little moral authority the United Nations may still possess. 30. But the travesty transcends the proceedings of the General Assembly. Lest the Secretariat of the world Organization retain. its impartiality, the PLO moved last year to subvert it. As a result, the automatic majority in the General Assembly created, in effect, an official PW office and propaganda outlet in the Secretariat. Sponsored and fmanced by the States Members of the United Nations, the newly-established so-caIled Special Unit on Palestinian Rights is at present engaged in preparing and disseminating, under PLO guidance, a series of bulletins, pseudo-scientific studies, fIlms, pamphlets and exhibitions propagating the PLO's criminal designs. 31. All this hostile activity is being fmanced from the United Nations budget, even though Member States which furnish over 60 per cent of the budget opposed the creation of the Special Unit. There can be little doubt that we are witness to the abuse of the Organization's means and machinery for aims that are clearly in violation of the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. The ultimate irony is surely what took place yesterday. Because the PLO d\}emed 29 November, the anniversary of General Assembly resolution 181 (11) of 1947, the most appropriate day to harness the United Nations to its propaganda effort, the General Assembly accordingly fell in with that perverse idea. 32. After 31 years, memories of the events follOWing the adoption of General Assembly resolution 181 (11) of 29 November 1947 seem to have dimmed. Certain quarters, including States Members of the United Nations, wilfully ignore the fact that all the States members of the League of Arab States in 1947 categorically rejected General As- sembly resolution- 181 (11). Those States formally reserved their complete freedom of action and then set out to destroy that resolution by the illegal use of force from the moment of its adoption. On 5 March 1948, on 1 April 1948 and again on 17 April 1948 the Security Council in its resolutions 42 (1948), 43 (1948), 44 (1948) and 46 (1948) appealed for an end to the acts ofviolence in Palestine. The .Arabs, within and outside Palestine, openly defied those resolutions. 33. The acts of violence perpetrated in Palestine with the active assistance of the neighbouring Arab States reached such proportions that on 16 February 1948 the United Nations Palestine Commission, in its first special report to the Security Council, bluntly notified the Council that: "Powerful Arab interests, both inside and outside Palestine, are defying the resolution of the General 34. Similarly, in its report dated 10 April 1948 tf the General Assembly at its second special session, th' same Commission advised the Assembly that: "Arab opposition to the Plan of the Assembly has taken the form of organized efforts by strong Arab elements, both inside and outside of Palestine, to prevent its implementation and to thwart its objectives by threats and acts of violence, including repeated armed incursions into Palestinian territory."4 35. With the termination of the Blitish Mandate over Palestine on 14 May 1948 the armies of seven Arab States illegally crossed the international boundaries of Mandated Palestine, in clear violation of the Charter of the United Nations and in breach of general international law. There- after, the Arab States refused to comply with subsequent cease·fire resolutions and appeals of the Security Council and the United Nations Mediator. 36. In the face of this unabating Arab defiance, the Security Council, in its resolution 54(1948) of 15 July 1948, taking into consideration that "the States members of the Arab League have ~jected successive appeals of the United Nations Mediator and of the Security Council, in its resolution S3 (1948) of 7 July 1948", determined that the situation constituted a threat to international peace and security within the meaning of Article 39 of the United Nations Charter, Action under Chapter VII of the Charter was also contemplated against those States members of the Arab League. 37. None the less, Arab violence against the fledgling State of Israel persisted. While this aggression was successful in destroying General Assembly resolution 181 (11), it failed in its other avowed purpose-namely, that of crushing the Jewish State. The fact that the Arab States failed in their armed aggression aimed at destroying Israel does not legitimize their violation of international law. At the same· time, that armed aggression precludes their invoking in any form the benefits of a General Assembly resolution which they both rejected and destroyed by force of arms. 38. The United Nations documentation of these historical events is uneqUiVOcal. It makes a mockery of the Palestine Committee's immodest celebration yesterday. 39. Now, I would not object so strenuously to all these activities if they were called by their real name and if deception were not such an integral part of the process. 40. While echoing the PLO programme, the Palestine Committee declared to last year's session of the General Assembly that it had "already demonstrated its impar- tiality" and was therefore "well placed" to clarify or even to influence the position of the participants.5 3 See Official RecordS of the Security Council. Third Year. Speekl Supplement No. 2. document 8/676, sect. I, para. 3 (c). " See Of/icitzJ Records of the General Assembly. Second SpeciJlI Session. Supplement No. 1. p. 10. S Ibid., Thirty-second &nion. Supplement No. 35. para. 20. "The fedayeen take one copy of the resolutions adopted at the United Nations, mix them with TNT and blow up Zion Square ., or one of our other occupied squares or streets." That is the true mandate of the Palestine Committee, and that is the meaning of the Committee's reports and recommendations. 42. In the three years since its establishment, the thrust of the Committee's work has changed not one iota. In sharp contrast to the initiative and imagination displayed by Egypt and Israel, the Committee and the General Assembly have continued to churn out one-sided and repetitive resolutions and reports endorsing the most extreme views. A fo(mer Permanent Representative of the United States, Governor William Scranton, descr.ibed the Committee's first report in 1976 as "unfair", "senseless" and "totally devoid of balance, with conclusions that are unworkable cmd recommendations which prejudge the outcome of negotia- tions".6 In the light of recent developments, that reaction is truer today than ever before. The Committee's work has changed in only one respect: its veneer of alleged impar- ti~ty has become more subtle in the last year. This has been parti~ularly true since it transfened its propaganda function to the Special Unit on Palestinian Rights and, by extension, to the U. jted Nations Secretariat itself. Thus, for example, the first so-caUed scholarly study prepared by that Unit was issuei:l earlier this month. Entitled The Origins and Evolution of the Palestine Problem,7 it bears the officiai stamp and emblem of the United Nations. Had the title read, "The Origins of the Palestine Problem: The PLO Version", I would have had no objection, except concerning the blatant misuse of United Nations funds to publicize the views of a -terrorist organization bent on the destruction of a State Member of the United Nations. But to disseminate a partisan and highly selective concoction of half-truths and distortions under the guise of an impartial . and scholarly study is the height of intellectual hypocrisy and dishonesty. By a process of subtle semantic double- talk, by careful omissions and by'a devious misuse of words and phrases, the document is liable to deceive those without independent sources of information and those who do not care to do their own research. 6 Ibid" Thirty-rust Session. Plenary Meetings, 16th meeting, paras. 78 and 82. 7 United Nations publication, Sales No. E.78.1.19 and 20. 44. That is just one example. In fact, every page and every paragraph contains another subtle omission, another half- truth, another misleading statement camouflaged by a subtle semantic distortion. Israel maintains that the history of international conflicts, and particularly those with complex historical origins, can be properly written only by objective historians who enjoy complete academic freedom. The practice of writing and rewriting history according to the transient interests of a political body is of course characteristic of certain regimes. It is most regrettable that the United Nations has now been drawn into that pattern. 45. That is the policy to which the General Assembly has been harnessed. That is the policy which we are now being asked to reaffirm and re-endorse. ut us at least be honest enough t') recognize it for what it is and to call it by its true name. Since a majority of the General Assembly is prepared to fall in line behind the PLO and to glorify its leaders, it behoves us to take a closer look at that murderous organization's aims and activities. 46. For years now Israel has been drawing attention to the so-called "Palestinian National Covenant" of 1964, as amended in 1968 and repeatedly reaffirmed by the PLO since then. We continue to do so because that document remains thP. basic document of the PLO. Article 19 of the document, the text of which may be found in the annex to document 8/11932,8 declares that "the establishment of Israel is fundamentally null and void, whatever time has elapsed ...". Article 20 of the PLO Covenant goes on to assert that "The claim of an historical or spiritual tie between Jews and Palestine does not tally with historical realities .•.". In other words, the PLO rejects 4,000 years of Jewish and world history. Everything else foHows logically. Article 15 of the document grotesquely defines it as a "national duty . . . to purge the Zionist presence from Palestine". 47. Those are not abstract declarations, but specific directives. Thus Articles 9 and 10 of the Covenant, which declare that "Armed struggle is the only way to liberate Palestine" and that "Fedayeen action, forms the nucleus of the popular Palestinian war of liberation", fully explains the PLO's terroristic practices. 48. Thus, when two bombs exploded under a tourist bus and near a Jerusalem gas station on the eve of the' Camp 8 Sce Offi;iIl1 Records of the Security Council, Thirty·rust Year, Supplement fOT January, February and March 1976. 49. The so-called PLO had had no inhibitions about violating the sovereignty and territorial integrity of many States Members of the United Nations and has shown little respect for the niceties of law, order and public security in those countries. It has been able to do this primarily because it enjoys the active support of known Arab Governments, which not only provide the said organization with ample fmance, training facilities, arms, intelligence, logistic support, documentation, means of escape and safe passage, but also put a~ its disposal their diplomatic privileges and immunities abroad. This unique situation has enabled the organization in question to become the linchpin of the "terrorist international", which is plaguing society throughout the world today, since it can service and supply the needs of other terrorist groups in Europe, Latin America, Asia and Africa, all of whi~h can, for example, train openly on PLO bases and plan and practise terrorist attacks without let or hindrance. SO. The grave threat to international security which is created in this way is further exacerbated by the encourage- ment which the PLO and its accomplices derive from the favourable attitudes and virtual immunity from censure from which they benefit here in the United Nations. 51. Most recently, PLO terrorism has been used to intimidate Paie~tinian Arabs willing to coexist peacefully with Israel. After President El-Sadat's visit to Jerusalem Jast year, the so-called Democratic Front for the liberation of Palestine, one of the constituent members under the PLO umbrell&, swore to assassinate any Palestinian Arab who accepted President EI-Sadat's invitation to the Cairo Con- ference in December of last year. The PLO made good its threat. Its information agency, WAFA.9 announced on 26 December that orders had been issued "to liquidate a number of agents" and boasted that it had already killed Hamdi Kadi, who was in charge of education in lWr..!llah. The same day the PLO obser:~r at the United Nations Asked by the disbelieving interviewer whether he actually condoned what had been done, Mr. Terzi replied: "Those who collaborate with the enemy should be executed, yes." 52. In its desperate attempt to sabotage any peace agreement, the PLO has escalated its campaign of intimida- tion. Other Palestinian Arabs have been assassinated, like Abd AI-Nur lanho, a Christian Arab merchant in Ramsllah who rejected the PLO because, in his words, "We must live together. Hatred helps no one." He and others like him have been the victims of PLO hatred. The PLO's message to the residents of the territories is clear. Kadi, Janho and others have become symbols of fear, allowing the PLO to claim that Palestinian Arabs reject any s:;ttlement with Israel. Sometimes, however, even PLO terror cannot quell a silent protest. As Janho's son, Khalil, reported to Flora Lewis, a correspondent for The New York Times: "When my father was killed, KhaJllf (the mayor of Ramallah) told me there wouldn't be three people at his funeral. Well, it was the biggest funeral ever seen on the West Bank. There were cars half-way to Jerusalem." 'this is from a News Service dispatch of 21 August 1978. 53. Here, at the United Nations, the PLO does not reveal its true colours. Intent on cultivating a false image of mc:sderation, it has mastered the art of double-talk in order to maintain an aura of respectability. But we in the Middle East hear the radio broadcasts that emanate daily from I»mascus, Beirut and Baghdad. On the PLO broadcasting station which calls itself the "Voice of Palestine", we have heard Yasser Arafat, in passing out a new class from a terrorist training course, declare that "these fighters are the people who will reach Jerusalem and Jaffa". For those who are perhaps unfamiliar with the geography of the region; the "Palestine Corner" on Damascus Radio explained on 18 September 1978: "Israel does not exist in the Arab nation, and there is no Zionist State in the Arab homeland. Only the Arabs have Palestine from Nll1areth to Rafah and from the Mediterranean Sea to the Jordan River." 54. Faithful to its goal of establishing a PLO-dominated State over the entire territory of the former Palestine Mandate, including Israel, the PLO in its IQ-point platform of 197410 has devised the "phased political programme" which is also known as the "twoo(lr three·~age policy". The essence of this programme was described by none other than Farouq Qaddoumi, who explained in Newsweek magazine of 14 Marcli 1977: ltThere are two (initial) phases to our return: the first phase to t.~e 1967 lines, and the second to the 1948 10 The transitional programme of the Palestine Liberation Organi- zation, adopted at the twelfth session of the Palestine National Co1D1cU. held in Cairo from 1 to 8 June 1974. "By moderation we mean we are ready ... to establish a State on a part of our territory. In the past we said, no, on all of it, i-mmediately, a democratic State of Palestine. Now we say, no, this can be implemented in three stages. That is moderation." 55. So as to avoid the impression that things may have changed in the intervening period, let me quote Ibrahim Sousse, the PLO representative in Paris, in a radio interview on "Europe I", in Paris, on 5 September 1978: "This is our formula for peace. I am going to repeat it on your station so that everyone listening knows exactly what the PLO wants ... "Our goal is to establish an independent, sovereign Palestinian State on every inch of Palestinian territory evacuated by Israeli forces. I repeat: on every inch of Palestinian soil evacuated by Israeli forces ... "This means that the PLO will acknowledge or accept the establishment of a Palestinian State in the West Bank and Gaza as one of the stages towards an enVisaged independent Palestinian State in all of Palestine." 56. We who live in the Middle East: who hear and read the PLO's own statements there and who have witnessed the mangled bodies of women and children being pulled from buses and stores bombed by the,_PLO, cannot be misled. 57. When I say "we in the Middle &st", I am referring not only to Israel. Indeed, the damage which the terrorists have inflicted on us is dwarfed by the havoc they have wrought in the territories ofour neighbours. 58. Jor<>::1 is certainly aware of Yasser Arafat's declara- tion in 1974 that: "Jordan is ours, Palestine is ours, and we shall build our national entity on the whole of this land after having freed it of both the Zionist presence and the rear;tionary traitor or presence"-that is, King Hussein. This was contained in a letter by Arafat to the Jordanian Students' Ccngress in Baghdad, as reported in The Washing· ton Post of 12 November 1974. 59. Indeed, point 5 of the 10 points approved by the PLO Council in June 1974 calls in effect, for a struggle against the Jordanian regime. That this was not idle rhetoric had already been demonstrated in the assassination ,-1 Jordanian' Prime Minister Wasfi Tal in Cairo in November 1971. King Hussein did not hesitate to call Pie PLO "criminals" when they threatened to tear his country apart. Nor has he forgotten the PLO's attempt to subvert his regime in 1970. Only last month, in its issue of 28-29 October 1978, the Germm newspaper, jJfunchner Merkur, quoted King Hussein, who had the following to say about the PLO: "The PLO as the sole representative of the people of Palestine? Ridiculous! How can half a dozen splintered 60. But the General Assembly's memory is selective. Now that Syria once again patronizes the PLO this body can conveniently forget Tel al-Zatar and the pitched battles between the Syrians and the PLO dUring the Lebanese civil war. It can forget President Assadts statement of 27 September 1976 on Damascus Radiot when PLO terrorists attacked the Semiramis Hotel in Damascus: "We condemn this act of terrort committed by a gang of traitors and criminals. We refuse to bargain with them.n And the Assembly can forget the article printed on 10 September 1976 by Syria's Defence Ministert General Mustafa rlass in 1ichrin, the official Syrian Army newspaper, where he bitterly attacked the PLO: "My Palestinian comradest the Moslems of Lebanon have begun to hate you because you are interfering in their daily life and their personal liberty. Whatt thent is the aim of your liberation? Is your sublime target the massacre of Lebanon? Or perhaps your grand design was to slaughter the residents of the Semiramis Hotel in Damascus? You are mistakent Palestinian comrades, because you arouse nothing but disgust among all honest Arab citizens." 61. But perhaps the greatest tragedy of all caused by the PLO is that which befell the people of Lebanon. Whatever the current political accnmmodations of Jordan and Syria, the Lebanese are still today suffering from the havoc wrought by the PLO. Perhaps the Assembly could ignore, for two full years, the pleas and statements emanating from Lebanese leaders in Beirut as their country was tom limb from limb. But when the Lebanese Ambassador to the United Nations himself described his country's plight in this very hall just tv.-o years ago, could we afford to forget so easily? Since yesterday's cerem'3ny implied just such forgetfulness, and since none of the speeches glorifying the PLO in this building recall that plight, I feel obliged to remind members of the words of Ambassador Ghorra of Lebanon in October 1976: "... Lebanon's tragedy should be a warning-and in- deed a stem one-that the security, nay the survival, of Membef States cannot be viewed with lethargy and ind!fference. Furthermore, we believe that small States should draw the proper conclusion and realize that they must be ever more vigilant and efficient in protecting their higher interests and national rights. They must principally rely on their national means to safeguard their independence and sovereigntyto.11 62. About the PLO, Amblllisador Ghorra had the follOWing to say: "... the origins of the tragic ... events in Lebanon •.. are to be found in ... the Arab rivalries and the assaults perpetrateu by Palestinians against ... Lebanon and ... its people.... "... [In 1973] President... Franjieh... denounced the illegal occupation of parts of Lebanese territory by Palestiniaa elements . . . "... [The Palestinians] increased the influx ot' arms into Lebanon...• They transformed most-if not all-of the refugee camps into military bastions.... "... common-law criminals fleeing from Lebanese jus- tice found shelter and protection in the camps.... Those camps in fact became centres for the training of merce- naries sent and financed by some other Arab States.... Palestinian elements belonging to various ... otganiza- tions resorted to kidnapping Lebanese-and sometimes foreigners-holding them prisoners, questioning them, torturing them and sometimes even killing them., .. They committed all sorts of crimes in Lebanon••.. 'lney smuggled goods.... They went so far as to demand 'protection' money.... "It is difficult to enumerate all the ill~'~al activities committed by those Palestinian elements ... "... Whatever grievances the Lebanese may have had among themselves or in their relationship with their Governmentt the Palestinians had neither the right nor the justification to becom~ a party to any internal dispute.... "... [There are] "-this was said two years ago-"Fifty thousand dead, 100,000 injured; 1 million Lebanese refugees in Syria, the Arab world, Europe and America. . .. all that could not be justified by any objective of the Palestinian revolution...."12 Ambassador Ghorra concluded: "... it became apparent that the Palesdnians had designs on becoming a major factor in the battle for political power in Lebanon. They openly allied them- selves, and continue to do so to this very hour, with one group of Lebanese against another."13 63. If I have. dwelt at some length on the policy and programme of the so-called PLO, it is because that is the policy and programme which the General Assembly is once again heing asked to endorse and accept. But I cannot conclude without stating that there is an alternative. It is an alternative with which eveIY Memoor State here is familiar and which gives the Palestinian Arabs, for the IlISt time in their history, the opportunity to govern themselves through . their freely elected representatives, while at the same time giving the citizens of Israel the peace and security to which they are entitled. 64. We have said before and we repeat here that it has never been the wish of Israel to exercise control over the lives and activities of the Arab inhabitants of Judaea, Samaria and the Gaza district. 12Ibid.• paras. 60-62, 64-68. 13 Ibid•• para. 67. 66. Under the agreement "A FJaIIlework for Peace in the Middle East", signed at Camp David, the Israeli military government and its civilian administration wlll be with· drawn from Judaea, Samaria and the Gaza district once a self·governing authority is freely elected by their in- habitants. The Israel defence forces will be redeployed·in those areas, and maintained for security purposes. The fmal status of Judaea, Samaria and Gaza and their relationship with their neighbours will be negotiated during a period of five years following the establishment of the self·governing authority. By taking part in these negotiations, the Pales- tinian Arabs will participate in the determination of their own future. 67. Unfortunately, there are those, in the Arab world and beyond, known as "rejectionists", whose determination to defeat the peace process was proclaimed before the ink had dried on the Camp David agreements. Members of the United Nations therefore have a choice that has never been clearer: to play a constructive role in encouraging the peace pro~ss in the months ahead, or to ally themselves with the shrill spokesmen of "rejection", whose undisguised aim is to keep the Middle East in constant turmoil. 68. By avoiding intemperate accusations and ill-considered resolutions in the current General Assembly session, the United Nations could throw its weight behind the most dramatic and important break·through in 30 years of Middle East peace effm:~s and thereby live up to its Charter, which is dedicated to the advancement of international peace and ~curity. The Assembly should encourage those of our neighbours who have so far refused to do so to join the negotiating process and engage in a constructive dialogue with Israel with the aim of resolving the difficult issues which separate us. 69. For its own part, Israel stands ready to negotiate peace. treaties with all its neighbours. The current negotiations towards the first Arab-Israel peace treaty mark the first historic step towards a comprehensive peace in the entire Middle East. 70. I cannot conclude this statement without making . some effort to set the historical record straigh.t, for countless distortions of fact and history have been uttered, in many cases with complete cynicism by those who should know better, in the course of this debate. Much has been claimed in the name of Palestinian Arabs. There has been a conspicuous absence of recognition of the Jewish people's inalienable right to the Land of Israel and its rights to self-determination and national independence. 71. The circumstances in which the Jewish people, its independence crusb.I:\d 19 centuries ago and large numbers of its sons driven into exile, maintained and preserved its connexion with that Land are among the most remarkable facts in the history of mankind. For 18 centuries the Zionist passion-the longing for Zion, the dream of the restoration, and the ordering of Jewish life and thought to prepare for the return-pulsed in the Jewish people. TI-at 72. The Jews were never a people without a homeland. Having been robbed of their land, Jews never ceased to give expression to their anguish at their deprivation and to pray for and to demand its return. Throughout the nearly two millenia of dispersion, the Land of Israel remained the focus of the Jewish national culture. Every single day in all those 70 generations, Jews gave voice to their attachment to Zion. In their daily prayers, they turned towards Jerusalem, t!-c£ heart and soul of the Jewish people, the one and only el.1mal capital of Israel. 73. The conscicusness of the Jew that the Land of Israel w~ his country was not a theoretical exercise, or an article of theology or a sophisticated political outlook. It was in a sense all of these and it was a pervasive and inextricable element in the very warp and woof ofhis daily life. Jewish prayers, Jewish literature are saturated with the love and the longing for and the sense of belonging to the Land of Israel. For every Jew-in his home on family occasions, in his daily customs on weekdays and on the Sabbath, when he said grace over meals, when he got married, when he built his house, when he said his words of comfort to mourners-the cont£ xt was always his exile, his hope and belief in the return to Zion and the reconstruction of his homeland. He carried Eretz Israel-the Land of Israel-with him wherever he went. Jewish festivals remained tuned to the circumstances and conditions of the Jewish homeland. Whether Jews remained in warm It~y or Spain, whether they found homes in cold eastern Europe, whether they found their way to North America or came to live in the Southern Hemisphere where the seasons are reversed, they always celebrated the spring and autumn and winter of the land of Israel. They prayed for dew in May and for rain in October. 74. Widely unknown, its rignificance certainly long un- grasped, is the no less awesome fact that throughout the 18 centuries between the fall of the Second Jewish Cnmmon- wealth and the beJdnnin~s of the Third. in our time" the tenacity 'of Jewish attachment to the Land of Ismel found continuous expression in' the country itself. It waS long believed, and still is, even in some presumably know· ledgeable quarters, ,that throughout those centuries there were no Jews in the Holy Land. The popular conception has been that all the Jews who survived the destruction of Jewish statehood in the year 70 Common~ Era went into exile and that.their descendant,; began coming back only 1,800 years later. This is not a fact. 0.;£ of the most astonishing elements in the history of the Jewish people- and of its land-is the continuity, in the face of the circumstances, of Jewish life in that country. The Jewish people has kept faith with its land and the land in turn has kept faith with the Jewish people: ~ 75. There was a time when this fundamental truth was acknowledged also by the Arabs themselves. Thus, for example, on 23 March 1918, there appeared in the Mecca newspaper Al·Qibla an article written or inspired by Sherif Husseiil, the leader of the Arab national movement at that time. That article was written two months after Hussein "The resources of the country"-that is, Palestine-"are still virgin soil and will be developed by the Jewish immigrants. One of the most amazing things until recent times was that the Palestinian used to leave his coqntry, wandering over the high seas in every direction. His native soil could not retain its hold on him. . . • At the same time, we have seen the Jews from foreign countiies streaming to Palestine from Russia, Germany, Austria, Spain, America. The cause of causes could not escape those who had the gift of a deeper insight. They knew that the country was for its original sons, for all their differences, a sacred and beloved homeland."-in the original Arabic li-abna'ihal-asliyin-"The return of these exiles to their homeland will prove materially and spiritually an experimental school for their brethren who are with them in the fields, factories, trades, and in all things connected with toil and labour". Times may have changed, but the historic truth is im- mutable.

The complex problem of the Palestinian question has been before the United Nations for 30 years. It has been debated earnestly by people with deep convictions. But that debate has not brought us closer to a resolution of the problem. 77. I have listened to many of the speakers during the past few days. While there is a sense of historical continuity to this debate, it is a sad debate. Lives and property have been lost, and violence has persisted because the core issues have not been settled. There is another aspect to the Palflstinian question. It is the lack of progress, the sterility of lmguage and the repetition of words that could have been spoken at any time since 1948. 78. AIl of us must break through this pattern. We must accord the Palestinians a role in determining their future; and their future must be in a peaceful solution in the Middle East. If we do not do so, speakers will follow us to this rostrum year after year to discuss this subject, like Sisyphus pushing his stone up the hill. Now there are practical means of solVing t.his problem. What we need is the will to involve ourselves in the practical hard work of fm.ding solutions. There is a peace effort maJ.dng progress today. Member nations can either reinforce and guide the progress of that effort or repeat historicalpoints and relive the tragedies we know too well. 79. The United States shares with most of the Govern- ments represented here, and certainly with most Pales- tinians, a deep desire to achieve practical progress towards a resolution of the Palestinian question in all its aspects. I hope we also share a common sense that a move away from the ideological and frequently emotional plane of debate is long overdue. The time has come to take effective measures to resolve this p::oblem in ways that will both ensure the security of all States in the area and be judged by most Palestinians and others involved to be just and eqUitable. 80. Efforts to solve the Palestinian problem must proceed from the recQgnition that there are today more than 81. The initial response of the international community to the plight of the Palestinian people in the years since 1948 has beep essentially a humanitarian one, dealing with their needs and difficulties as refugees. In this effort, to which the United States and other nations have contributed over the years, it was assumed that a resolution of the conflict and of the Palestinian question could be achieved in the short term. The list of initiatives and measures undertaken by the United Nations to cope with this problem is lengthy. This body has adopted many resolutions, some of which have provided practical benefits for the Palestinians. Others, because they were extreme and divorced from reality, were ineffective and raised false expectations among the Pales- tinian pe.ople. No one, least of all the Palestinians, needs to be reminded that none has been successful, whatever the effolis and sacrifices, in bringing peace, security and dignity to tile Palestinian people. 82. It has become increasingly clear since June 1967 that th€l Palestinian issue must be addressed as a political as well as a humanitarian question. No party to the conflict today dispu~s that the strong sense of Palestinian identity must be taken into account. That is why the President of the United States, Mr. Carter, the President of Egypt, Mr. El- Sadat, and the Prime Minister of Israel, Mr. Begin, devoted so considerable a portion of their intensive efforts at Camp David to devising a framework for further progress, through negotiations; towards a just and equitable solution to the Palestinian question. 83. These peace efforts have been and will continue to be finnIy rooted in guidelines established by the Security Council in resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). It always has been conceded, however, that those resolutions point the way to peace but cannot in themselves achieve it. Negotiations must take a working framework based on those principles and make ofit a structure for ~ace. 84. The agreements reached at Camp David provide a more detailed statement of the principles and procedures that would govern thore negotiations. The results of the Camp David summit meetings represent two important mij.estones on the road to a broader peace. For the first time they prOVide the means for Palestinians, particularly but not exclusively in the West Bank and Gaza, to have an effective voice in the determination of their own future. At Uie same time, the Camp David accords develop the logic of resolution 242 (1967) with regard to the Palestinians, recognizing explicitly that there are dimensions of· the question beyond the humanitarian which must be addressed if there is to be a solution. 85. It is essential that we take full advantage of what is the most intensiw and the most promising effort ever made to resolve··the Palestinian question. My purpose is to empha- size not only the central importance of this issue to a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the Middle East but also 86. The cause of peace and justice is too important for those who only contribute empty propaganda and one- sided condemnations to be allowed to diCtate its course. The Members of this Organization must forgo the euphoria of slogan~ering, which can only detract from the central issues of the peace process. They must lend support.to the efforts of those engaged in meeting the less dramatic but infinitely more effective and exciting challenges of peace- making. The legitimate rights and just requirements of the Palestinian people are recognized, but they can only be realized through the long and difficult course of negotia- tions, in which we intend that they should participate. 87. As we proceed in the effort to resolve the difficult question of the Palestinian people, it is. apparent that a comprehensive solution must deal with its many aspects. Such a solution must deal with the question of the Palestinian people, whether they are living in the West Bank and Gaza or elsewhere. As regards those concentrated in the West Bank and Gaza, the United States believes that they are entitled to live under an authority that responds to their needs and aspirations. At Camp T)avid we developed a process for establishing a self-governing body in the West Bank and Gaza in which the Palestinian inhabitants would play a leading role; they would then help to create the conditions that would make it possible for the final status of the West Bank and Gaza to be settled within five years. 88. The United States has a vision of a ~rue peace in the Middle East and has the will and determination to pursue a true peace. Those who wish to join us need only accept peaCe and recognition among neighbours as the declared objective of th~ process, of contacts and negotiations. This is no less true for the Palestinian people than for the States of the area which already have accepted Security Coun~i1 resolution 242 (1967) as the touchstone for their negotia- tions and cl comprehensjve settlement as their objective. We acknowledge that that resolution does not deal with the political dimension of the Palestinian issue, and at Camp David we tried to meet that need. Acceptance of the peace process does not bind any party to accept a particular solution, but it does obligate them to negotiat~ in good faith and to forgo, as. the Charter of the United Nations requires, the use or threat of force as an instrument of policy. 89. Despite the difficulties that remain ahead in the attempt to resolve the multifaceted Palestinian qcestion, the effort must be made for the sake of regional and world peace and for generations yet unborn. The United States is prepared under President Carter's personal leadership to continue a sustained and energetic effort to realize a just and lasting peace. The participation of the Palestinian people in this effort is an essential prerequisite for its full success. We are ready to work in this historic. endeavour with any and all Palestinians who are prepared to accept Council resolution 242 (1967) and to accept that the

In accordance with its consistent policy, Yugoslavia has always advocated a peaceful political settlement of the Middle East crisis. Allow me in this cOllIlexi.on to quote the position expressed by the President of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Josip Broz Tito, in the message he addressed to the special meeting of the Committee Oll the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinioo People on the occasion of the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People: "Yugoslavia has from the very outset held the view ... that ... it is essential for lsnwl to withdraw from all the territories occupied after 5 June 1'967 as well as to enable the Palestinian people to d~cid.c: its own destiny in peace and freedom and to exercise fully its legitimate rights to self-determination, independence and sovereignty, includ- ing the right to establish its own State. These rights emanate from the Charter of the United Nations and from the numerous resolutions adopted by the United Nations so far and endorsed by the overwhelming majority of Member States. It is also of utmost impor- tance that the Palestinian people be represented in all forums and negotiations concerned with, and exploring possibilities for, the settlement of the Middle East crisis and the question of Palestine by its sole legitimate representative-the Palestine Liberation Organi~ation­ which is a fun-fledged member of the non-aligned movement and a permanent observer to the United Nations." [See Aj33/403. annex.] At the same time, these are the conditions for the confinnation of the right of all the countries and peoples of the region to independent and secure development. 91. In this conne.xion, we proceed from the assumption that the Palestinian question constitutes the core of the Middle East crisis and that the core of this problem is the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-deter" minationand, further, that without the realization of this right there can be no just and lasting. settlement of the Middle East crisis. Yugoslavia has always lent full support to all activities encouraging positive trends and has sup- ported every effort aimed at fmding a peaceful, compre- hensive and lasting solution to this, in many respects, complex and acute crisis, on the basis of unequivocal implementation of the aforementioned principles. We are deeply convinced that only in this way is it possible to create conditions propitious for lasting peace, security and co-operation among all the countries and peoples of the region. The active role of the United Nations is of the greatest importance for the attainment of this aim. 92. The Palestinian people has been the victim of constant aggression for more than 30 years; it is subjected to various 93. Actually, the whole intemational community has recognized the national rights of the Palestinian people. It has not done this for emotional or ideological reasons, or out of special sympathy, but because the PalestiPian people and the PLO as its gen~rally recognized sole legitimate representative are a fact of real life and an integral part of the international community. The sooner all abandon the illusion that anything of lasting value can be achieved in the Middle East without the participation of all parties con- cerned, including of course the PLO, the better it will be for all and, primarily, for world peace. 94. All these are the common principles of non-aligned countries which have become components of the platform of the entire non-aligned movement. They were reaffirmed at the recently held Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Belgrade in July, which laid particular stress on totaIand effective support for the Palestinian people, under the leadership of the PLO in its struggle for the realization of its right to '.self- determination and return, in accordance with the principles and -decisions of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The active solidarity ofArab countries and the PLO is an essential prerequisite for the attainment ·of this aim, and all measures ·directed towards that objective deserve our sympathy mdsupport. 95. We are considering today the second progress report of the Committee .on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palest.ini:m people [A/33135.and Coni/Rev.]}. Al- ready at fitst glance we see that the Committee .concen- trated its attention on the implementation of 'General Assembly resolution 32/40 A and that it has completely fu1fi11ed the task .entrusted to it. A :coRsiderable part ofthe Committee"s ;activity w:asconcemed with the dissemination of information ·on the .essence .ofthe Pal~stinianproblem, on the Palestinians in ·general,on theirhistory ,and struggle., and on a broader understandingof this icentralaspect 'ofthe Middle East problem. All this can ·only contribute towards accelerating the peace process. 96. My delegation attaches special significance to the fact that the Committee has reaffmned the recommendations it adopted at its first session andelabora.ted 'On the basis of United Nations resolutions, inwmch the right of the Palestinian people to return and toself-deteimination, national independence a,nd .sovere-lgtrty has been very clearly dermed. 98. The right of the Palestinian people to self- determination, national independence and sovereignty, in- cluding the right to establish its own State, is of a universal character and emanates from the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations. It has also been recognized in resolution 3236 (XXIX) and other resolutions of the General Assembly. 99. In order that the Palestinian people may exercise its right to self-determination, Israel must withdraw its troops from the occupied West Bank and Gaza. The date of 1 June 1977 figures symbolically in the recommendations of the Committee as the target date for Israel's withdrawal. This date is, of course, only a reminder of unfulfilled inter- national obligations and of the continued occupation that threatens international peace .and security. Instead of withdrawing, Israel continues to reinforce the occupation by establishing settlements in occupied Palestinian and other Arab territories. Such acts and similar ones com- mitted Ol' pexpet!ated by the occupier during the presence of occupation forces are illegal, null and void. 100. In its recommendations this year the Committee on Palestine urges, in particular, the Security Council, as well as other organs within the United Nations system, to proceed to the implementation of the programme for the realization ofthe inalienable rights ofthe Palestinian people in a peaceful way. It urges the Security Council and recommends it to base its actions on the following principles: first, the Palestinian problem is the core of the N.Jddle East problem; secondly, the realization of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people can only contribute to the settlement of the Middle East crisis; thirdly, the participation by the PLO in all eff01'ts, conferences and decision-making on the Middle East under- taken within the framework of the United Nations is indispensable; and, fourthly, the inadmissibility of the acquisition ofterritory by force, must be reaffIrmed. 101. My delegation supports the demand of the Com- mittee that the Security 'Council should proceed to the implementation of its recommendations, as it ls obvious that failure 10 do so would be fraught with serious consequences for the peace· and security of the region and, more widely., of :the world. In the absence of such implementation the Committee should consider the situa- tion and make .adequate recommendations for further action. 102. I wi~ to avail myself of this opportunity to emphasize th,e constructive Iole played by the PLO in the efforts to~sure that the Palestinians achieve their rights and to l'e~ft) a peaceful settlement of the Middle East conflict. DUring the last four years, since it was granted observer .statusin the United Nations, the PLO has achieved full international.affmnation and is generally accepted as an equal partner in decision-making on very important issues in almost all fields of activity of the United Nations. Besides having observer status in the United Nations, the !' I 103. At the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in Colombo in 1976 the PLO was admitted to full membership in the non- aligned movement and was elected a member of the Co-ordinating Bureau of Non-Aligned Countries. The PLO has thereby enriched its function as a liberation organiza- tion with new content and is asserting itself constantly and in many ways as the only genuine representative of the interests and aspirations of Palestinians, irrespective of ideology, religion or present place of residence. Thanks to the programmes and efforts of the PLO, the Palestinian people has gained an awareness of its identity and has become an active participant in international relations. In spite of all the suffering of the Palestinian people, the PLO has provided countless proofs of its readiness to assume, by adopting a constructive attitude, its share of responsibility in the search for a peaceful solution through various forms of co-operation with the United Nations. All this testifies to the statesmanlike responsibility and full self-confidence of that movement, which no power can prevent from achiev- ing its ultimate objective-national liberation. It is our duty to help it in this. In the message I mentioned earlier, President Tito emphasized the following: "In the present-day world, in which the destinies of all peoples are interdependent and interrelated, it is inadmis- sible that one people-the Palestinian people-be denied the right to its own territory, integrity, independence and freedom, that is, to the achievements enjoyed today by all the Member States of the United Nations. This dJsqui.eting fact makes it in~umbent upon us to pledge o~selw$ most resolutely, in the interest of peace and intem~tional understanding, to the reinforcement of all efforts of the interna.tional community aimed at the immediate t:ealization of the inalienable national rights of th~ Palestinian people." [See A/33/403, annex.J 104. M,r. Al,J\LI (Iraq) (interpretation from Arabic): In recognltion of theit: effective and positive efforts in the service of freedom and justice, se important to all mankind, I wish to convey my l)ppreciation lPld profound admiration to the Chainnan iilld members of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. They have presented us with an excellent report, and I hope th.ey will continu~ their efforts with great success. 105. It may safely be said that no single humanitarian question is more closely related to the history of th.. United Nations than the question of Palestine. For over 30 sessions of the General Assembly, that issue has constantly been before the international community: beginning with the ~d.o,Ption in 1947 of the resolution on the partition of Palestine {resolution 181 (II)J, through more than 200 subsequent resolutions, and ~nding with General Assembly resolution 3236 (XXIX), which again recognized ilie in- alienable rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to return to th~ir homeland, to self-determination, sovereignty and national independence and to create their own independent State in Palestine. "fa) The question of Palestine is at the heart of the problem of the Middle East and consequently no solution to the Middle East problem could be envisaged without taking into account the rights of the Palestinian people; "(b) The realization of the inalienable rights of the Pale~tinian people to return to their homes and to self-determination, independence and national sov- ereignty would contribute to a solution of the crisis in the Middle East; "(c) The participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization, the representative of the Palestinian people, on an equal footing with all other parties on the basis of General Assembly resolutions 3236 (XXIX) and 3375 (XXX) is indispensable in all efforts, deliberations and conferences on the Middle East undertaken under the auspices of the United Nations; "(d) The inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force and the obligation which devolved on Israel to withdraw completely and qUickly from all territory so occupied." [A/33/35 and Co".l/Rev.1, para. 58.J 107. Those principles have been approved and adopted by the international community. They are the basis for a logical and fair solution of t!te problems of Palestine and the Middle East. But some pennanent members of the Security COWlcil, including the United States, have turned a deaf ear to these principles. Therefore, the United Nations has not been able to play the role it was expected to play-that is, to find a just and lasting solution to the question of the Palestinian people. The United States has stubbornly and persistently sought to use all kinds of devious means, such as conspiracies-and treacheries, which the Central Intelligence Agency and the Pentagon prOVide in order to remove the Palestine question ftom the framework of the United Nations and to liquidate this problem by means of separate deals and unilateral solu- tions. 108. All this led to the Camp David meetings, which produced two documents-the first setting forth the frame- work of the agreement between Egypt and the Zionist entity; the second establishing a general framework for the settlement of the problems of the West Bank and Gaza. 109. A cursory review of the various international condi- tions tl!at led to the creation of the Zionist entity in occupied Palestine, as well as a clear and logical ming for the study of the various factors that produced the entire situation, convinces us that that entity could not have been created for any purpose other than to guarantee the intertwined vital interests of colonialism and their preserva- tion for an unlimited period of time in our Arab region in order to keep that region under colonialist influence. Sixty-one years ago almost to the very day Lord Balfour, the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, who was well 110. Thus, colonialism and zionism went on claiming for a long time that the creation of a Jewish homeland was only t.'le expression of a humanitarian idea and the establishment of this religious homeland would put an end to the discrimination and torture inflicted upon the European Jews, especially before and during the Second World War, and would protect them from the kind of savage persecu- tion inflicted upon them by the Nazis. These ideas were repeated so often in the last 30 years by the various information media in the Zionist and Western Press that this big lie of our century was made to appear almost like a basic truth. Th.at propaganda erected a wall of deceit to mislead many people, particularly in Europe and the United States, about the real meaning of these events. We know that Lord Balfour's promise regarding the creation of a Jewish homeland was made in 1917-that is, long before the Nazis came to power in Gennany. That, of course, is further proof of the correctness of our theories and statements. Ill. Further negotiations took place between the British Government, represented by Iloyd George, Lord Balfour, Herbert Samuel and Mark Sykes and the Zionist organiza- tions, represented by Lord Rothschild, Mr. Weizmann and others. The British side presented this promise and the Zionists, of course, exerted all possible efforts to assist Great Britain in its war against Germany and turn the .United States against Germany, in addition to obtaining considerable material and fmancial help from all over the world. This co-operation behveen the British Government and th.:-Zionist movement continued until the time the UnitedStates inherited, as it were, the responsibilities ofthe colonialist British Empire and completed the deal by giving effect to the Balfour Declaration. Thus the Zionist entity was established, by means of all the influence that the United States could bring to bear in the United Nations and outside it. Since that time, the United States has established programmes and drawn up plans to serve the follOWing . objective: to consolidate the Zionist entity, to the detri- ment of the inalienable rights ofthe Palestinian people, and to give Israel further encouragement to occupy more and more of Palestinian and Arab territory. It has encouraged Israel to create more Zionist settlements, leading, of course, to the further dispersal of the Palestinian people, who have been evicted from their own country. The United States is making further efforts to impose its domination and will on 112. The United States has proposed different plans and programmes, all of which are aimed at the ,fulfillment of such imp6.dalist objectives. That was true of, am(\ng others, the Iohnston plan. Eric Johnston was an envoy of former President Eisenhower. What was involved then was the exploitation of the waters of the Jordan River. The plan was designed to consecrate, as it were, the acquisition of the Jordan River for exploitation to promote the economy . of the Zionist entity and for the creation of mutual interests and working commitments between that entity and the neighbouring Arab countries, so as to facilitate the signing ofa peace treaty. 113. In 1955 th~ then Secretary of State of the United States, Mr. Dulles, also presented proposals aimed at settl- ing refu~es in Arab States and trying to liqUidate the Palestinian refugee issue, in the interests of colonialism and zionism. That was yet another attempt at influencing UNRWA and preventing it from carrying out its main task. 114. Mter the Zionist occupation forces committed ago gression against Arab States in 1967 they were able- through ~Jrect and indirect support from the United States-to consolidate their occupation and acquire other positions not only in Palestine but also in the territories of three other Arab States. American imperialism had begun its new march towards the full implementation of the Zionist-American plan which, under the cover of false slogans-such as the so-called peaceful settlement of the Middle East conflict-had led to further proposals by Mr. Rogers in 1970, followed by agreements and conven- tions, thanks to the good offices of Mr. Kissinger, both former United States Secretaries of State. All this fmally led to the Camp David agreements. 115. More than half a century has gone by during which the Alab nation has acquired conJiderable experience with colonialism and zionism, and this has enabled it to acquire a rich fde on the conspiracies and deceit that have been practised. This has also endowed the Arab nation with the ability to uncover eyery attempt made against its indepen- dence, freedom and clignity. All this led to a firm .and unanimous Arab rejection of the Camp David agreements. Those agreements constitute the final link in a series of conspiracies all aimed at the Palestinian people and at the future of the Arab population; despite all the false allegations made by their 'Signatories, and despite the staging of a fabulous scene aimed at deceiving others, it was not only one Arab State or one sector of our Arab people but all the sons of the Arab nation without exception that rejected them. But because ofthe dangers inherent in those agreements 'and their grave consequences-not only for the Arab region but also for the rest of the world--we must evaluate them and make an effort to ascertain their possible results. 116. First, the agreements call for the partition of Sinai in such a way that one part ofthat territory would be brought under the theoretical sovereignty of Egypt while the remaining part would be outside even its theoretical lOvereignty and would, in away, become a zone ttivested of 117. Secondly, in conformity with those two agreements, the parties decided that the West Bank and the Gaza Strip would remain under Zionist military sovereignty for "five years". Later, using "security measures" as a pretext that military domination would continue. That clause is actually aimed at consolidating the existing Zionist military bases in the two regions and at ensuring the perpetuation of Zionist sovereignty and domination in that area. 118. Thirdly, ~If·gov'.lrnment, as envisaged in the Camp David agreements, was a plan initiated by Begin which E1·Sadat claimed to have rejected; the sole purpose of that plan was to enable certain local agents to play their role in performing certain administrative duties under Zionist direction. 119. Fourthly, the Egyptian party gave in to Begin's insistence that Jerusalem be excluded from the provisions of the agreements, and it was so excluded. That means that E1·Sadat accepted Begin's stand when the latter said that "unified Jerusalem" wo~d be the capital of the Zionist entity "for ever". 120. Fifthly, the Egyptian side's recognition of the enemy will prevent Egypt from using its military, materiai and human resources for a specific period of time in the Arab struggle against the Zionist entity. That potential might even be used against the Arab and African liberation movements. Consequently, an alliance in the region will emerge between the Egyptian regime and the Zionist entity, with American support-an alliance aimed at using some sort ofmultipartite militaxy forces against Arab and African liberation movements. 121. Sixthly, the two agreements include the establish- ment of United States military bases under the pretext of pIescrving peace and warding off any danger. In other words, the agreements v...ill guarantee th~ return of imperl- a1ist power to Egypt. 122. Seventhly, th~ two Camp David agreements tran- ~nd the accords reached by the international community through its various organizations concerning the recognition of the existence of the Palestinian people, their liberation movement and their right to struggle through various means 'io realize their national objectives. The agreements in very clear terms provide for the liquidation of the Palestinian people. their cam'e and their struggle. 123. Eighthly, the two Camp David agreements confer a legal dimension on the relations to be established between Egypt and the Zionist entity. which will serve as a 1egithilate cover for .the aggressive designs of the Zionist entity and of the United States. 124. Ninthly, those agreements ~ in flagrant contradic- tion to the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, for the following reasons. First, the agreements are aimed at perpetuating Zionist colonialist imperialism as well as at creating a legal precedent for the annexation of the 125. This analysis does not cover all of the results that will flow from the implementation of those ltgreements; there will also be other consequences, other practical results, which will be intensified by the fact that the agreements will be implemented under Zionist occupation and with the assistance of the imperialistic United States. 126. The Camp David agreements therefore are not an invitation to that just and lasting solution of a very complex world problem that would be so important for the future of all the peoples in the world, but are rather an invitation to capitulation and an acceptance of the Zionist and colonialist demands. They are not an invitation to recognize the rights of the Palestinian people, who were disinherited and evicted from their country when Zionist colonialist hegemony was ir.stituted-in an unprecedented manner-over Arab territories, but would amount to drag· ging this region again into the swirl of aggressive imperialist alliances. Those agreements are certainly not an invitation to peace but rather an invitation to war, as was so well said by the representative of the PLO. 127. Those agreements are designed to put an end to any progressive step taken by the Arabs throughout their lengthy struggle and to eliminate the movement of legiti· mate Arab and Palestinian struggle, the movement of a people who only wish to recover their inalienable rights. Those agreements are aimed at dividing the Arab States and eradicating their cause so as to prevent the Arabs from building their future and the civilization so vital to their development. ~ • 128. Inspired by those national principles, to which we pledge our allegiance, Iraq is convinced that the future of the Arab nation requires unity. We therefore extended an· invitation to President Hafez EI·Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic to visit Iraq between 24 and 26 October 1978- During that meeting intensive negotiations and discussions took place animated by a positive spirit and by a feeling of national responsibility, which produ~d a National Charter of Joint Action, in which both Syria and Iraq agreed to participate and which fmally led to the institution of a high-level political body under the chairmanship of those two countries which will supervise the bilateral relations between our States in various fields-political. military, 129. First, it is stated that the two Camp David agreements: "... affected the rights of the Palestinian people ,:"d the Arab nation and the occupied Arab territories. These agreements have been made outside the framework of the collective Arab responsibility and are contradictory to the resolutions taken by the Arab Summit Conferences, particularly those held in Algiers and Rabat, and con- tradictory to the Arab League Charter and the United Nations resolutions on the Palestinian issue. "They do not lead to the just peace to which the Arab nation aspires, and as such the conference resolved not to agree QU the two agreements and not to deal with whatever consequences may be produced thereof and to reject all related political, economic, legal and oilier after-effects." [A/33/400, paras. 4 and 5.} 130. Secondly, the Summit Conference greatly appreciates the expressions of solidarity and support of the Arab cause "made by the Islamic countries and the non-aligned States, as well as those by member States of the Organization of African Unity, the socialist countries and other friendly countries, and the Conference appeals to all those countries to continue their adherence to the position of principle which they have adopted in respect of the Zionist entity and its aggression against the Arab States. 131. Thirdly, the Conference also expressed its apprecia- tion and respect for the role played by the Palestinian 132. The negotiations at Blair House were sometimes described as compIicateri and sometimes as important; at times they provided for the partial withdrawal of one delegation and sometimes they called for the delegations to join around the negotiating table. But these negotiations nevertheless remained one ridiculous act in the colonialist farce which has lasted far too long and which is now coming to its end, not only because of the differences between the negotiations but also because of the results of the Baghdad Summit.Conference with respect to the Camp David agreements, and the drafting of the Naticnal Charter of Joint Action by Syria and Iraq, and also because of the firm attitude adopted by the entire Arab nation with regard to these agreements and the attitude taken by the Pales- tinian people both inside and outSide the occupied terri- tories, at the behest of the PLO, with regard to those ins.truments of treachery and surrender. The strong re- actions both among the Arabs and at the intemationallevel, and the rejection of the Camp David agreements on the grounds that they had not been arrived at through international unanimity, prompted the negotiators to adopt a new tactic in the current negotiations at Biair House. If this were not so, what meaning would there be to the words of one of the negotiators when he said that "more than 80 per cent of the agreements has been achieved". The meetingrose at LIO p.m.