A/33/PV.7 General Assembly

This afternoon the Assembly will hear a statement by the Prime Minister and Minister of Defence and Internal Security, Minister of Information and Broadcasting, and Minister of Civil Aviation of Mauritius. I have great pleasure, in welcoming His Excellency the Right Honourable Sir See- woosagur Rarngoolam and inviting him to address the General Assembly.

Mr. Presi- dent, your election to the presidency of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly deserves my sincere congratulations. Your long experience in diplomacy, gov- ernment and journalism, combined with your knowledge of theUnited Nations, make you eminently suited to that high office. The delegation of Mauritius assures you of its co-operation in the fulfilment of your mission. 3. We greatly appreciated the excellent work of your distinguished predecessor, Lazar Mojsov, during the thirty- second session and the tenth special session, on disarma- ment. The dedication and devotion" of the Secretary- General and his staff over the last year also, deserve our praise. The appointment of Mr. Kenneth Dadzie to the post of Director-General for Development and International Economic Co-operation is greatly appreciated by all. His long experience in the United Nations and inthe service of his country will, I am sure, be of great value to all of us. My delegation also welcomes the admission of Solomon Islands to the great family of the United Nations. 4. Finally,! should like to express my heartfelt sympathy and condolences to the Governments and peoples of those Member States, such as India, Bangladesh and Iran, which 'have recently been the victims of natural disasters, and to NEW YORK the Government and people of Kenya in their bereavement on the loss of their great President, Mzee Jomo Kenyatta. 5. My country views with concern the intensifying con- flicts among African States on the continent of Africa. 6. The process of "destabilization" of peace and progress there only endangers the frail economies of the newly independent States. Though this serious conflict in Africa is among African States, the role of foreign Powers there is certainly of importance. If there is an opposition of interests among different African countries, it is obvious that there is also, regrettably, the expansionism of certain outside Powers. 7. The background of the conflict in Africa is, I believe, an everlasting desire for recolonization on the part of old or new masters. For us the fundamental problem is that Africa, which is'fighting a hard battle against poverty, finds itself in a dependent position in the present world economic order and has no hope of redress in the foreseeable future. There is no projection for world development pointing to a reduction of the gap in production and consumption which separates the rich from the poor in the world. . 8. Inequality and dependence mean that our economic structures are organized around the needs of the multi- national corporations, and thus the development of na- tional capital is retarded, our pattern of investment distorted and the result is the stagnation of technical development and of the advance of productivity. 9. Debt increases and service payments are becoming a serious burden, thus causing a chronic balance-of-payments problem. A deficit country must deflate, devalue its currency, or borrow. Borrowing solves nothing in the long run. Devaluation neither changes the fact that oneis poor nor improves the ability to compete against the rich. And deflation makes sustained expansion impossible. In such a system a country which begins in poverty ends in poverty. 10. These deficiencies in the present world economic order constitute a serious drawback to our development and impose inequality upon us, thus perpetuating suffering and poverty. During the last decade we have begun to . understand what the world economic order means for us in Africa. We find it increasingly difficult to accept the prospect of permanent stagnation and deepening poverty. The process of change continues even after independence. Self-assertion and intensified nationalist pressure are al- ready evident in every part of Africa. The developed countries find that they are dependent upon the main- tenance of existing economic and political relationships. They need our exports and our labour. 12. Just as Africa is trapped in an inequitable world economic order, so are the people of southern Africa trapped in apartheid and coloniaiism. The DAU Assembly reaffirmed its support for the liberation struggle in southern Africa and decided to increase its support and assistance to the liberation movements there. 13. My Government fully appreciates the efforts of the five Western Powers of the Security Council and those of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, regarding Namibia. We have no doubt that they, in turn, have appreciated the co-operation of the African delegations, as well as that of South West Africa People's Organization {SWAPO]. The hope of a peaceful settlement in Namibia is real now, despite recent public statements by South Africa. The efforts of the five Western Powers have borne fruits which may still be green; but with more sustained patience the harvest will be rich. I am satisfied that the Secretary- General, with' his wisdom and patience, will find a solution possible after the new Government in South Africa has been nominated. 14. My delegation fully supports the report of the Secretary-General,' which is in accordance with the man- . date given to him by Security Council resolution 431 (1978) of July 1978. The clarifications and interpreta- tions are now clear. The Security Council should, therefore, in my opinion, be in a position to adopt a draft resolution approving the report of the Secretary-General and to give him a mandate regarding the United Nations Transition Assistance Group. 1S. Both the future of Namibia and the authority. as well as the credibility, of the United Nations may today seem to be in jeopardy. However, I am confident that the Security Council and the Secretary-General will know how to take appropriate action and to ensure that Namibia achieves genuine independence and sovereignty. 16. As to the illegal regime in Zimbabwe, it can hardly be expected to last much longer. We can look forward to early independence for its people, who have suffered so much. The internal settlement has proved sterile and has shown 18. My Government welcomes the efforts of the President of the United States, Mr. Carter, the President of Egypt, Mr. El-Sadat, and the Prime Minister of Israel, Mr. Begin, to move towards a solution of the Middle East question. We welcome the Camp David accords> as a first positive step in the right direction. We reiterate our view, however, that only the Peace Conference on the Middle East under the auspices of the United Nations and under the eo-chairman- ship of the United States and the USSR, with ',he participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization, "'Jill provide the framework for a just and lasting peace in the region. 19. My Government also welcomes the efforts made by the Government of the Republic of Korea and those of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to achieve, through friendly and constructive negotiations, a solution accept- able to both countries and the international community. 20. Mauritius, as you know, is particularly concerned with events in the Indian Ocean. Recent events in the Horn of Africa and in the western Indian Ocean have stirred considerable anxiety in my country. We have constantly been calling on the great Powers to refrain from increasing their military presence in our region. We should like to see in the near future the convening of a conference of all the littoral and hinterland States of the Indian Ocean, under the auspices of the United Nations, with the object of finding effective means for ensuring the creation of a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean. My Government has already offered Mduritius as the venue of such a Conference. 21. The problem of arms limitation in the Indian Ocean is quite crucial for Mauntlus. It is only one aspect, however, of a larger problem about which we are all concerned. 22. Mankind is confronted with an unprecedented threat of self-extinction arising from the massive and competitive accumulation of the most destructive weapons ever pro- duced. The danger" of -war, including nuclear war, is increasing despite efforts to strengthen international peace and security. Disarmament is no longer an option; it is the only alternative to universal destruction. I have repeatedly stressed the imperative need -for such action. The tenth special session of the General Assembly that took place in May and June of this year offered a unique opportunity to achieve this end. Though it had limited success, yet it laid the foundations for an international disarmament strategy " , 2 A Framework for Peace in the Middle East agreed at Camp David, and Framework for the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel, signed at Washington on 17 September 1978. 23. The task before the members of the international community is to rise to a different level of understanding of both their rights and duties in international relations and to conduct their policies in conformity with the universal interests of peace, security and development all over the world. 24. In order to strengthen the rule of law and the means for the peaceful settlement of international disputes, I reaffirm the previous proposal of my country to establish a body of the General Assembly for the peaceful settlement of disputes in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister and Minister of Defence and Internal Security, Minister of Information and Broadcasting, and Minister of Civil Aviation of Mauritius for the important statement he has just made.

The General Assembly will now hear a statement by the Prime Minister of New Zealand. I have great pleasure in wel- coming His Excellency the Right Honourable Robert D. Muldoon and in inviting mm to address the General Assembly,

It is my great pleasure to congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of this session of the General Assembly and to wish you well in the discharge of your onerous respon-· sibilities. 28. I also extend a special welcome to the newest Member of this Assembly, Solomon Islands, whose application for membership New Zealand was privileged to sponsor. We are neighbours in the South Pacific, members together of the South Pacific Forum and the Commonwealth. In those settings, and now in this one, New Zealand looks forward to a close, warm and co-operative relationship with Solomon Islands. 29. New States enter upon their nationhood today at a difficult time. As an international community we face enormous political and economic problems. If the measure of a healthy civilization is its ability to govern itself, to match its demands to its resources, to manage its technolo- gy and its institutions in a sane and rational way, then we are heading for trouble. The problems we face as a global community, as a group of "united nations", are both menacing and daunting: issues of peace or war in many parts of the world, the crippling and dangerous arms race, the risk of nuclear catastrophe by deliberate decision or mischance, the widespread denial of human rights, food shortages, energy problems, population pressures, dwindling non-renewable resources and a whore 'range of economic ills, including high rates of inflation, unemployment and 31. This is not, in New Zealand's view, the way to deal with the great issues of the day. Self-indulgence and self-interest proved fatal to earlier civilizations; they may well, unchecked, be fatal to ours. The international community, of which the United Nations is the symbol, cannot survive let alone prosper if we, the members of it, withdraw into our shells. The agenda of international problems, however frightening, needs to be addressed by all of us squarely and determinedly, mindful of course of our responsibility for. the security and welfare of our own people but mindful also of the needs of the global community. We need, in short, fewer barriers between us, better machinery for consultation in the economic, social and political spheres, and above all the. political will to engage in the sort of co-operation which allows, us at least to make a start towards correcting the gross social and economic injustices that now prevail. 32. This is not simply an economic issue. If we are to move in a discernible way to cure current ills the issues of national security, of international law, of intergovernmental organization-all the major political issues of the day-are of paramount importance. Solutions to those problems will determine the freedom of States to make the appropriate responses in the economic sphere. Nor is it, as I have pointed out. the concern of just a few States; the problem is an immediate one for all of us. 33. The great Powers, however, have a primary role. Their attitudes to each other condition the environment in which we all live and operate. What the great Powers do, and what they do not do, .carry consequences for all of us. We welcome therefore those co-operative arrangements that betoken an effort to contain crises, tu co-operate in the avoidance of nuclear war. to reach agreement on arms- control measures, to extend relations over a broad range of social and cultural fronts and to reduce the harshness of the rhetoric between them. 34. It is not, of course, only up to the great Powers. International relations are both intricate and complex and there are opportunities for constructive contributions from the small and middle-sized Powers as well as from the great. 35. These opportunities would be immeasurably enhanced if the smaller States. learned to work together. In New Zealand's part of the worl:', the south Pacific, we are making an effort to do so and we are attempting to bu!!d up a sense of partnership in the region. I have just come to 39. If countries are to produce and export those things which their human and material resources and their historic development priorities suggest as logical and economically efficient, they must do so within an international economic environment that allows scope for their diversity. That means an open international trading system. Protectionism must be resisted, especially in the area of· agricultural commodity, trade, where there is a dangerous disposition among the richer developed countries to apply more restrictive policies than in the industrial commodity area. I recognize that the principles of an open multilateral trading system raise difficult domestic political problems, but economic development is about change and innovation and we need to look at today's problems with our eyes very firmly fixed on the longer term. These wider principles are very much at stake in the current series of the GATT negotiations. Only to the extent they are recognized, and acted upon, will the Tokyo round of negotiations be judged successful. 36. Another major topic discussed at the Forum was economic development and ways of minimizing the twin evils of protectionism and declining terms of trade. We suffer from these in New Zealand and we understand the difficulties facing developing countries and in particular our south Pacific neighbours, most of whom have an even narrower range of export products and less stable markets than we do. To tackle these problems we have together established an industrial development scheme to provide financial backing and incentives for companies to develop manufacturing industries in the islands. In addition, we are currently reviewing the numerous factors affecting entry of island exports to the New Zealand market. Our bilateral aid programme continues to have its primary focus in the south Pacific and this year 60 per cent of New Zealand's bilateral aid will be directed to the region. In the fields of shipping and civil aviation substantial progress has been made. A regionai shipping line started operations in May and the number of direct air services between countries of the region is increasing. 40. The maintenance of an international trading system is not, by itself, enough. An international economy to which all countries and all people are contributing to the maximum extent possible needs to take account of the diversity of the international economy in another sense too. We need to recognize that there are very different kinds of economies. I do not mean that we should endeavour to come up with a new and sophisticated classification; rather that we should recognize, in the interests of the interna- tional economy, as well as in the interes-ts of peace and justice, that some countries will need special assistance on a : long-term basis... The world's poorest "nations will 'need ' special aid and trade measures; so might the land-locked countries and the developing island countries. The aid and trade policies of some, countries, including my own, are already taking account 'of these special requirements, and the more advanced developing countries are following suit. Technical co-operation among developing countries, a concept which the United .Nations had done much to promote, has in this last month been the subject of a world conference in Buenos Aires.3 It is a most welcome development and one which exemplifies the sort of practical co-operation I have been advocating. 37. These are practical issues-a serious effort on the part of aD the regional States to stimulate new thinking and to create greater opportunities for the development of trade and economic advancement in our part of the world. Their purpose, however, goes beyond mere economic considera- tions. Solutions are vital if democratic processes and political stability are not to be placed in jeopardy. 38. In New Zealand's view, the same sort of co-operative effort-and for the same reasons-is needed in the global arena. As I see it, the world's economy today is distin- gUislll~d by two rather paradoxical characteristics-its inter- dependence and its diversity. We have to grapple with both. Take interdependence. I do not question the argument for individual countries fostering a degre. of economic self- sufficiency_ There are certain skills aM certain industries which every country needs to have eve~hen the cost of establishing those skills is, by internation standards, high. I believe, however, that most countries, inc uding my own, have far more to gain from participating in the International economy than from standing outside it. Decisions made in the world's major trading nations have a critical effect on the economic well-being and on the development patterns of the more peripheral economies. In the reverse aspect, recent years have shown 'that the world's major trading 41. This sense of community, of co-operative partnership, of working together to discuss and solve problems, not only must underpin our aid and trade initiatives; it must be demonstrated also in our.treatment of political problems if our systems and institutions are not to become irrelevant. 3 United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among - Developing Countries, held at Buenos Aires from 30 August to 12 September 1978. 42. This is surely the lesson of what is now happening in the Middle East New Zealand has no special knowledge of the Middle East question nor would we presume to offer an answer to the tangled web of issues at stake. But it does seem to us that certain fundamental principles need to be accepted if the will to reconcile and co-operate, which has been demonstrated in a dramatic way by the leaders of Egypt and Israel over the past year, is to be turned into a fair and lasting peace. Above all, we believe that Security Council resolution 242 (1967) contains the essential ele- ments which should form the basis for a negotiated settlement. But just as our support for Israel's right to exist as a sovereign State within secure and recognized bound- aries is fundamental to our approach to the dispute, so we are convinced that the rights of the Palestinians, including the right to self-determination and to establish an inde- pendent Palestinian State if they so desire, must be recognized. It is clear that a settlement which meets these 'two criteria requires that Israel withdraw from areas occupied in 1967, so as to permit the Palestinians full freedom to exercise their right of self-determination. A Middle East settlement would not only' confer inestimable benefits on Israel and its Arab neighbours, but would remove a potential and ever-real danger to world peace. We have therefore been tremendously encouraged by the will for peace and reconciliation displayed at the recent Camp David summit meetings. Early progress in pursuit of the agreements reached at Camp David by the leaders of Egypt and Israel, with the active partnership of the United States, must be our common hope in this Assembly. 43. It is true also that these lessons of co-operation have still to be learned in southern Africa. The history of relationships between black and white in that continent; between those who exercise power and those who, though in an overwhelming majority, have had no say in their destiny, is one -of so many opportunities lost to work together in harmony and cc-operation. In Namibia recently, it is true, there has' been encouraging progress towards independence as a result of the persistent efforts of the five Western members of the Security Council and the front-line African States. It would be tragic if progress were to be held up now by intransigence on the part of any of those involved. It is New Zealand's hope that free elections will be held at the earliest practicable date and that Namibia will soon be able to take its rightful place as a Member of this Organization. New Zealand is anxious to support this process in practical ways. Most recently my Government has contributed substantially to a Commonwealth fund for the education and training of Namibians who will soon be in. a position of responsibility in their own country. 44. In Rhodesia it is clear from the increasing scale of the armed conflict that the "internal settlement" introduced in March of this year' has failed to produce the cease-fire that 45: Other States, and especially the neighbouring African States, can play a constructive part in creating the climate for a settlement through mediation and diplomatic support. Or they can meddle, as some States far from Africa have chosen to do in. various parts of the continent, by encouraging divisions,and even by direct intervention. That is a prescription for conflict, not for settlement. We trust that the pattern we have already seen in some AfriCAn countries wlll not be repeated elsewhere. 46. Even after peace is established in other parts of southern Africa, the most difficult problem of all will remain in South Africa itself. It is there that a co-operative effort, even a dialogue, is most desperately needed. The institutionalized racism which is apartheid offers no hope of a peaceful future for South Africa. It must be aban- doned. Change must come. There is no other way. A policy of apartheid is not only wrong; it is suicidal. It seeks to impose what cannot be imposed, to deprive people of rights and freedoms that cannot be denied. The delusion of those in power in South Africa that they can succeed in their purpose if they are tough enough and determined enough is a delusion common to Governments which refuse to listen to the voices of those they oppress. Sooner or later those voices make themselves heard and the result is both predictable and destructive. There isstill time to avoid that result in South Africa, but not much. New Zealand is and alwayswill be utterly opposed to apartheid. Wewant to see justice and common sense prevail. This is the Oi ly way to prevent conflict. 47. Our concern for human rights in southern Africa must not blind us to deprivations that occur elsewhere. New Zealand upholds the principles enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. proclaimed 30 years ago by this General Assembly-among those rights: freedom of movement, the right to leave one's country and to return, the right to a nationality, the right of freedom of opinion and expression. We are concerned when these rights are denied, wherever that denial takes place, and it is shameful that, 30 years on, there are countries, including some who w.ere founder nations of this Organization, who still deny t~if"jiimttms of citizens these basic human rights. How can the international community ignore that? 48. In New Zealand this year the Human Rights Commis- sion Act came into force, establishing a national Commis- sion on Human Rights to deal with complaints of racial, religious or sexual discrimination, in conjunction with the 54. The worldis an increasingly complex place. Within our own societies, and in our internationallife, there are forces at work that are changing our perceptions, altering our values and demolishing our traditions at a bewildering pace. There are many competing interests to be accommodated, conflicting philosophies and approaches to be reconciled. We can accommodate and reconcile them only by being honest, understanding, straightforward and fair with each other-not only with our friends, for that is relatively easy, but more importantly with those with whom we may disagree. If we can work towards this sense of co-operation and partnership as a world community we can, I believe, if not solve all our problems at least reduce them to a manageable dimension. For its part my Government pledges itself to work with others in this spirit and to this end. 49. I want before I close to turn very brieflyto two major issues that have preoccupied the international community, and this Assembly in particular, over the pastyear-the law of the seaand disarmament. 50. On 1 April of this year New Zealand brought into force its jurisdiction over a 200-mile exclusive economic zone. Some 330 foreign fishing vessels from three countries are now licensed, pursuant to agreements with New , Zealand. to catch fish wh..eh is surplus to the capacity of the New Zealand fishing industry. The expansion of the New Zealand industry, upon its own initiative and through joint ventures, represents a significant economic opportu- nity for us.

On behalf of the General Assembly I thank the Prime Minister of New Zealand for the important statement he has just made. 51. I want to emphasize therefore the importance for New Zealand, and for very many of the small and middle sized countries in the Pacific and elsewhere, of a speedy and successful conclusion to tha Third United Nations Confer- ence on the Law of the Sea. The adoption of a widely acceptable international convention will give us and many other countriesa secureand stable basis upon which to plan and develop the utilization of the resources within the 200-mile zone. It is in no one's interests that the oceans shouldbecome a battleground for competingclaims and the focus of conflictsoverthe extraction of resources. Both our national interest and a wider interest in the rule of lawand a stable regime for the oceans lead my Government to attach great value to the achievement of a wide-ranging treaty along the lines on which the Conference is now working.

Mr. President, permit me rust to express to you the congratulations of our delegation since the General Assembly has with discernment electedyou to preside over this session, whose agenda includes subjects for study and decision that are of much importance for the Stateswhich make up the United Nations. We are certain that your wisdom and your experience will mean that our common endeavourwill prevail, both in the searchfor just solutions and in the results to which our deliberations lead. It is therefore our hope that, guided by the values you repre- sent, we shall be able, when our work is done, to say that the thirty-third session of the General Assembly made substantial progress and was able to dispel the intangible factors that have halted the advance towards a new policy of understanding and effective decisions in the difficulttask imposed on us by the expectationsof our timesand by the United NationsCharter.' .' 52. In last May and June this Assembly met in its tenth special session in an attempt to stem the arms race and to begin. in a real sense. the process of disarmament. There will be differing views on the success of that session. New Zealand's view is that wehavemade a small beginning, that the special session has given a modest impetus to the disarmament causeand that the establishment of machinery for discussion and negotiation marks a step forward. We hope that other steps will soon follow, among them the early conclusion of a, treaty putting an end to nuclear- weapon testing in all environments. Time is short, but it snould stiD be possible, in New Zealand'sview, to present this treaty to this thirty-third regularsession of the General Assembly. 57. We wish to avail ourselves of this opportunity to extend our most cordial congratulations to SolomonIslands on its becoming a Member of this Organization. We are sure it wilt make a positive contribution towards the building of a better world, a task to whichweare all committed. 58. The history of the Dominican Republic has been characterized by heroic deeds in the defence of liberty. In this difficult task, this is part of the contribution that American independence has made to the principles of democracy. Up to now we have been guided by and have followed thoseguidelines. 53. My Government sees disarmament as among the most urgent requirements of our time. Progress has been slow.

Mr. President, may I first cordially congratulate you on your election as President of the thirty-third session of the General Assem- bly. The Yugoslavdelegation, and I personally, are gratified to be able to address our congratulations to you, an outstanding statesman and diplomat and a prominent representative of friendly Colombia, with which Yugoslavia has fruitful and close co-operation. 91. I am happy to be able to welcome in our midst the representatives of the new Member State, Solomon Islands, by whose admission our Organization has taken one more step closer to the realization of the principle of universality embodied in the Charter of the United Nations. 92. It is a cause of satisfaction to my country that full credit has been given to the representative of Yugoslavia, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, for the way in which he presided over the General Assembly at a significant period of its activity, with one regular session and three special sessions devoted to very important questions of international life. 93. The agenda of the current session of our Assembly includes important problems affecting international peace and security, as well as issues concerning long-term ques- tions of the development of the world in which we live. Regular sessions provide us with an opportunity ~o give 9S~ Our hope and our firm belief that the difficulties of our time can be successfully overcome are based on the tremendously increased determination of peoples and coun- tries to fight for their independence and free development and to contribute to the establishment of a new system of international relations founded on freedom, equality, inter- dependence and justice. Guided by these noble aspirations, the non-aligned countries, which represent the greater part of the membership of the world Organization, gathered this summer at their ministerial Conference in Belgrade," the capital of my country, in order to make their voice still stronger and to render their actions for the achievement of these objectives still more determined. 96. The Belgrade Conference attracted the attention 'of the world public precisely because it strengthened and· further elaborated all the basic principles and the role and orientation of the policy of non-alignment as an indepen- dent, non-bloc world factor actively involvedi- the struggle for new international relations. 97. Having this in mind, the Conference adopted positions on all the important and burning issues of contemporary international relations. It underlined the importance of the actions of non-aligned countries within the United Nations and their readiness to co-operate, particularly with the other"developing countries and with all those favouring the general application of the principles of active and peaceful coexistence. 98. The Conference also firmly rejected all attempts to divide the non-aligned countries on political, ideological and other grounds. It also adopted specific recommenda- tions for the. peaceful settlement of disputes between non-aligned countries. It charted the political course for the preparation of the forthcoming important meetings of non-aligned countries, including their summit conferences. The final acts of the Conference have been circulated as a document of the General Assembly [A/33/206/, and we believe that they will be studied with due attention. 99. Opening the Conference, President Tito emphasized that: "World stability has been discussed for years now as wholly dependent on a balance of power and fear, and bloc accommodation. At the same time, however, we have been witness to persisting instability, as the end result of precisely these premises." [Ibid., p. 150./ 7 Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Belgrade from 2S to 30 July 1978. 101. This was even more strongly underlined in the stand taken at the Belgrade Conference that the struggle against the old and the new evils of our world, against imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism and racism, against allforms of foreign domination and interference, and the fight against political and economic hegemonism and all forms of subjugation, must be waged at the same time asthestruggle for the realization of a different vision of the world in which the system oflifewillnot be based on blocdivisions, even if it were possible' to achieve a so-called balance of blocforces andinterests. 102. Thisapplies primarily to our conceptof the character and substance of detente, that is, of the process of relaxation of tensions in the world, to which 'Ne attachsuch greatimportance. 103. Detente is today in a state of serious stagnation, particularly with regard to relations among the great Powers, and it is also plagued with some new cold war elements. We must see how to set in motion again its positive trends, since without detente there are no real prerequisites for a more effective elimination of the main, hotbed's of crisis in the world. 104. Of course, we must be aware oi' the fact that, no matter how important relations among the great Powers may be, detente must not be directed solely towards mutual accommodation among 'blocs and their mutual coexistence. Detente must become universal. It must encompass all regions and allaspects of international life. It must not amount to a conservation of existing conditions of dependence and the status quo, but must be a means of promoting movement towards peace, independence and social progress with the active and equal participation and responsibility of all the members of the world community. Our Organization, by its efforts and deliberations, can greatly stimulate sucha direction of detente. 111. We believe, in particular, that the plan envisaged for Namibia, including the sending of peace-keepmg forces of .the UnitedNations to erisure a peaceful andjust process for the gaining of independence, should be broughtto comple- tion resolutely and without delay. My Government is prepared to' lend its full support to this, deeplyconvinced that it is a positive step towards the final liquidation of racism and apartheid, in South Africa and Rhodesia, the attainment of independence by the people of Zimbabwe and the securing of stability andpeace in that sensitive area of the African continent. . 105. Within the context of the weighty subjects on the agenda of our session, my delegation considers that we should at present devote particular attention to action for the fmal liquidation of colonialism in allparts of the world. Colonialism is an anachronism of the past which is desperately maintaining itself owing to the continued existence of bloc-motivated strategic needsand the interests of international monopolies which are tied to the remaining regimes in southern Africa. 106. The racist regimes of South Africa and Rhodesia are aware of this situatlon, That is why they take advantage so widely of the insufficien1 effectiveness of the world 108. My delegation wishes to call the attention of this Assembly to the fact that such obstruction, accompanied by the perpetration of brutal crimes and'genocide against the African population and the undertaking of aggressive actions against sovereign African States, particularly the front-line States, by the racist regimes of South Africa and Rhodesia will continue aslongasthe worldcommunity and our Organization do not apply the necessary measures against those regimes more consistently and resolutely. 109. Racism and apartheid have been condemned by the United Nations as a crime against humanity anda threatto peace and security in the world, and yet the embargo on the supply of arms to South Africa, and economic and other sanctions against Rhodesia are, regrettably, not being consistently implemented by all. 110. We should once again reafflrm our clearly defmed policy and pledge ourfull supportand assistance to peoples fJghting for the eliminatlon of those racist regimes and for their national liberation. We mustlend full support to and recognize all the legitimate rights._of the liberation move- ments of SWAPO in Namibia and the Patriotic Front in Zimbabwe. There can be no genuine aud lasting achieve- ment of independence and transfer of powerto the African majority without the participation of SWAPO and the Patriotic Front. 112. In the tolerance shown of the insolentchallenges and manoeuvres of the racist regimes the African countries rightly see new nee-colonial aspirations and tendencies towards the recolonization of certain African regions. We, the UnitedNations, must not close our eyes to thisfact. 113. The failure to settle these and other crises in Africa will result in new grave disturbances in international relations and will open new areas for the rivalry and conflicts of foreign interests and confrontations. Precisely for that reason, we consider the roleplayed by the OAU in African affairs to be very important. For this the OAU deserves the full support of the United Nations. 115. Aware of the gravity of the problem with which we 'lre confronted there, as welL as of the need to do everything to prevent a further deterioration of the dangerousstate of crisis and fmd ways conducive to a just and peaceful solution, we wish to welcome and support all efforts that genuinely tend towards achieving those aims. 116. We must also be quite realistic, however, in assessing all the elements of the existing crisisand carefully appraise which steps bring us closer to and which possibly take us further away from a just and lasting solution. We are deeply convinced that all peace initiatives must keep that in mind and must be evaluated precisely from that standpoint. 117. As a consequent concept of the spirit and letter of the resolutions adopted by the United Nations as well as positions determined at a number of conferences of the non-aligned countries, a comprehensive and lasting settle- ment of the Middle East crisis must embody three fundamental principles: first, the complete withdrawal of Is~ael from all the Arab territories occupied. during the 1967 war; secondly, the exercise by the Palestinian people of its inalienable national right to self-determination and the establishment of its own independent State and recognition of the Palestine liberation Organization as the only legitimate representative of the Palestinianpeople; and thirdly, the right of all countries and peoples of the region to security and independent development. 118. We believe that only the steps taken in accordance with the aforementioned principles and aimed at their full implementation will be likely to lead to a comprehensive, lasting and peaceful settlement of the crisis and ensure peaceand stability in that region. 119. Now I should like to refer to our thinking and positions on the Cyprus crisis and the question of Korea. The prolongation of the Cyprus crisis, which deprives an independent country of its right to full sovereignty, alerts us also to the existence of a constant threat to peace in that part of the world. We are convinced that away out can be found only through a -consistent and comprehensive implementation of General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX), which contains all the necessary elements and measures for the settlement of this crisis.We think.that this should be achieved by refraining from actions amount- ing to interference and pressure from outside,by construc- tive dialogue between the two communities and, ir. particular, by the United Nations playinga more active role in implementingits resolutions. 120. We should not forget for a single moment that the continued maintenance of the-division of Korea is one of the potential sources of a wider international conflict. We must, therefore, lend clear and constant support to the :i'J';t aspirations of the people of Korea for peaceful reuniflca- 121. One of the most important questions in the life of the world community is the problem of disarmament. It was debated at length at the recent tenth special sessionof the General.Arsembly,which was convened on the initiative of the non-aligned-countries.. 122. Although the results of that session do not give us cause for excessive optimism, we are nevertheless convinced that it is quite realistic to say that that session was important as it expressed the definite resolve of our Organization to deal with this question directly and actively in the future as well. What we adopted there constitutes a good starting-point for our future efforts in this domain. That applies in the first place to the general principles involving the primary responsibility and.central role of the United Nations. . 123. The decision to reaffirm the inalienable right of all States, without discrimination, to develop, acquire, and use nuclear technology for peaceful purposes with a view to promoting their own economic and social development[see resolution 8-10/2, para. 36J, is of great significance. This decision is all the more important as tendencies to maintain the existing nuclear monopoly are still very much present. Reconciling ourselves to the strengthening of such mo- nopoly would lead to a widening of the already dangerous gap between the developing and the developed countries, which would strengthen technological colonialism,create new grounds for instability in the world and engender new dangerous tensions in international relations. It is important now to implement as effectively as possible the decisions we have taken and to ensure that the organs we' have formed should start functioning as soon as possible. 124. The tenth special session failed to find positive solutions to some key problems, such as the prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons or the giving of guarantees to countries which have renounced those weapons that.such - weapons will not be used against them. We consider that without this commitment the Treaty on the Non-Prolifera- tion of Nuclear Weapons capnot fulfil the purpose for which it wasintended. 125. The outstanding questions of the liquidation of foreign military bases and the concrete establishment ·of. zones of peace and co-operation in various parts of the world have also remained unresolved. And, most important, it seems to us that the efforts of the world Organization in this sphere should be aimed at overcoming the present trend towards negotiations concerned with balancing armaments and at fmally setting in motion the genuine process ofdisarmament. 126. Because of existing resistance, motivated by bloc interests, it has not been possible to adopt more than provisions of principle on the subject of zones of peace and co-operation. To our mind, these provisions of principle should apply wholly to the region of the Mediterranean. That has been endorsed by the majority of Mediterranean countries. These provisions must provide a basis for the future efforts of Mediterranean countries and their deter- . 127. Within the framework of our efforts to strengthen security in the world we attach great importance to the promotion of confidence among peoples and States. Confidence can be promoted in various ways, inter alia through the establishment of zones of peace and eo-opera- . tion and nuclear-weapon-free zones; by refraining from military manoeuvres along borders and their use to exert pressure on other countries; by the outlawing of terrorist organizations and their activities against other States; and by refraining from hostile propaganda. 135. My country, profoundly convinced that political systems must serve the human person, and not vice versa, accords a very high priority to the question of human rights. Therefore, we wish to draw attention once again to the importance of the initiative of the non-alignedcountries concerning the elaboration and adoption of an integral and comprehensive approach to human.rights. 128. Terrorism is a form of international crime which is deliberately directed against the independence and free and peaceful life of peoples and countries. It is a form of indirect aggression and an instrument of destabilization of the internal systems of sovereign States with a view to imposing alien ideological and political systems on them and destroying the independence of those countries. 136. In this connexion we also devote particular attention to the provision in the Declaration of the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries concerning the need for strict respect for the rights of ethnic and religious minorities [see A/33/206, annexI, para. 156J. We believe that the nation that constitutes the. - majority is responsible for the realization of the rights of the national minority, as it is difficult to imagine a majority enjoying genuine freedom if it has not ensured the same freedom to the national minority. 129. We are convinced that all the members of the world community must bear equal responsibility for an energetic and constant struggle against this crime. 137. For my country, this is a very important principle, both because of the federal and multinational character of our. community, in which all nations and all nationalities .' enjoy optimal and equal conditions for their free national development, and because of our strong belief that national minorities, provided they enjoy all the necessary rights, can be one of the most valuable links between countries and peoples, and can foster confidence between them. 130. We wish to draw attention, in particular, to the danger arising out of the existence of double standards in the approach to terrorism, according to which one type of terrorism is treated as a crime and another as a form of political opposition, and to the attempts made to discredit as terrorism national liberation struggles against foreign domination. It is clear that purely ideological criteria and remnants of cold war concepts about two worlds, or endeavours to maintain colonial relations, lie behind such attitudes. 138. I am convinced that there is no particular need to demonstrate the uncertainties that are engendered by attempts to maintain old relations of in~quality, privilege ·and exploitation in international economic relations. This system of relations is in a state of absolute crisis, and we witness, at the same time, a complete standstlll in negotia- tions on problems whose solution would bring about a radical and indispensable change in international. economic relations. 131. Just because of the existence of such double stand- ards regarding terrorist groups, we wish to call the Assembly's attention to the fact that the draft international convention again~t the taking of hostages, which is before the General Assembly [item 120J, should be construed as indicating a readiness to apply the same criteria to allkinds of acts of international terrorism, and to combat them resolutely and in the sameway. 139. It seems to us that, owingto selfishnessand a lack of readiness to grasp the core of the problem, no.real dialogue has yet been established bejween the most developed and the developing countries, as a result of which no progress has been achieved with regard to the solution of a single substantive question. Owing to such obstruction, the first year's work of the Committee on the new international economic ordere has ended in complete failure. It is not possible to endorse the thesis that this was due to differences of interpretation concerning the character and 133. Proceeding from the principles of the United Na- scope of its mandate. tions, the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Conference pointed out that the issueof human 140. The least we should do, confronted as we are by this rights cannot be isolated from its national, economic and critical situation, is to create by joint efforts, at this session; social context. This position is inspired by the conviction that the free.dom of the individual is inseparable from the 8 Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution JI freedom of the people, and.that the human rights and the 32/174. 132. Permit me to refer to an important question for the world community, that of human rights, which has given rise to deep controversies and, regrettably, has become the object of frequent manipulations inspired by various ideological concepts, and to draw attention to the positions adopted by the conference of Ministerof Foreign Affairsof Non-Aligned countries, hel~ recently in Belgrade. 141. We believe that the Committee will be able to continue its work by the beginning of next year and that it will be in a position to make its concrete contribution to· negotiations on the most important issues which are under way, and thus ensure a favourable political atmosphere for preparations for the new international development strat- egy and the successful outcome of the fifth session of UNCTAD and of the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development. 142. The establishment of the new international economic order has become the primary task of the international community. Closing our eyes to this reality not only would exacerbate the existing crisis in economic relations, but would inject new and dangerous disruptions and crises into political relations in the world and, in the final analysis, jeopardize international peace and security. 143. Our vision of new international political and eco- nomic relations and their realization calls for a decisive role to be played by the United Nations. The non-aligned countries have always considered that the strengthening of the effectiveness of the, United Nations is one of the essential tasks of the international community. For their part, they have made a key contribution to the realization of this process, particularly with respect to the elaboration of universally acceptable platforms for the solving of crises and the elimination of sources of conflict, the establish- ment of the new international economic order, the elabora- tion of a programme of general and complete disarmament and the removal of the danger of armed conflicts. 144. We must firmly oppose the growing tendency to withdraw substantive problems from our Organization and to by-pass the United Nations in solving them, and to work for the most effective implementation of its decisions and resolutions. 145. We still live in conditions characterized by contradic- tions and bloc divisions that are tearing our world apart and pushing it into new confrontations; but, on the other hand, we live in an epoch of ever-greater interdependence that compels us to co-operate in the struggle for peace, equal rights, security and progress in the world. 146. Imbued with a sense of the greatest responsibility towards our own peoples and towards mankind as a whole, we can ensure that this thirty-third session of the General Assembly will prove to be a successful step on the long road leading us to the realization of the noble principles and purposes enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. It is precisely in this light that we view the great commitment of all of us, the great responsibility and important role of our Organization.

I bring this Assembly the warm greetings of the people of Bangladesh. My delegation deems it a high honour to have the opportunity of participating in the deliberations of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly of the United Nations and to share 149. The Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, deserves our sincere appreciation of his continuing efforts to serve the world community. The dedication and impartiality with which he has pursued the objectives and ideals of this Organization have evoked the admiration of all, including the people of Bangladesh. 150. Bangladesh warmly welcomes the admission of the sovereign and independent State of Solomon Islands as the one hundred and fiftieth Member of the United Nations. It was a great honour for Bangladesh to join in sponsoring the draft resolution leading to its admission to membership. Bangladesh looks forward to working with'Solomon Islands in close co-operation. 151. Bangladesh mourns with the rest of the world the death of two outstanding personalities. Pope Paul VI enjoyed world-wide respect and esteem for the great concern that he showed for moral and human values and also the contribution he made in promoting understanding, tolerance and peace among peoples of the world. President Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, a great leader and statesman, symbolized the spirit of resurgence in new Africa. The examples of courage, sacrifice and vision that he set as a freedom fighter and a nation-builder will remain a source of inspiration for generations to come. 152. As we survey the crowded agenda before this session we are acutely conscious of the crucial issues before the world community: how to safeguard peace and resolve smouldering conflicts by peaceful and just means; how to achieve a disarmed world free from interference and spheres of influence; how to accelerate social and economic development, redress gaping disparities and move rapidly to a more stable and equitable international economic order; how to ensure world-wide respect for basic human rights -ieconomlc, social and political; how to promote the fundamental right of self-determination and genuine independence; and, fmally, how to foster recognition and respect for the rule of law and universal norms of conduct. 153. For 33 years the United Nations has been grappling with those problems in their varying forms and aspects. Implicit in the search for their solution is the conviction that peace is indivisible. While· the awareness grew, that humanity did not necessarily share a single approach.to this search, it was also recognized that peace through intimida- tion or peace through purchase was ephemeral. If there is 155. It is to that high ideal that the Government of Bangladesh is firmly committed. We believethat the United Nations constitutes a vital catalyst in the evolution of anew awareness in the international community. In early years the dominant influence governing international relations stemmed from the tension between the great Powers. Today that has been eroded and in its place has emerged the equally disturbing phenomenon of unequal relations among States posing a threat to peace, security and progress. Today, the United Nations in also vitally con- cerned in forging that necessary instrument ofco-operation capable of harmonizing the national policies of 150 States. The challenge lies now in achieving that amalgam between national and international interests so that they may coincide, rather than conflict, in the larger interests of all mankind and in the undoubted recognition of their interdependence. 161. Bangladesh views with deep distress and dismay the fact that southern Africa still continues to bleed under the repressive rule of racist minority 'regimes. We express our total solidarity with the brave African people and reaffirm our full and unequivocal support of their heroic and legitimate struggle in Zimbabwe, Namibia and Azania for independence and the immediate transfer of power tothe . true representatives of the majority people. Bangladesh believes that independence in these last remaining bastions of colonialism can and must be achieved without conces- . sions to the principles already embodied in the resolution of the United Nations. 156. For Bangladesh, this process of evolution has a crucial significance, Our commitment to the United Nations goes far beyond the mere formalization of the sovereign independent status inherent in our admission to United Nations membership. Adherence: to the principles and obligations of the United Nations Charter is enshrined in our Constitution, and around it we have developed the fabric of our foreign policy. We cannot overlook the fact that the United Nations benefits the developing nations most of all, for the essential motive force of the Organiza- tion is safeguarding the interests of those countries through the generation of a greatersense of collective responsibility , and the strengthening of collective capacity to deal with world problems. It is therefore imperative that the devel- oping countries have an effective voice in the decision- making organs of the United Nations. 162. The task of finding a workable balance between national fears, suspicions and preoccupations on the one hand and the long-term interests of the world community ..on the other is clearly contingent on the pace of progress towards disarmament. 157. Another corner-stone of Bangladesh policy is its strict adherence to the principles of non-alignment. Bang- ladeshlays special emphasis on freedom from subjugation and exploitation, however subtle their form, the right of peoples to govern their own national destiny without pressure, intimidation or interference, the freedom to retain independence of judgement and, above all, the fostering of peaceful coexistence among all nations irrespective of differences of ideologies or socio-economic systems. The end objective is the creation of an environment of peace in which people could harness all available resources to combat the scourges of .poverty, hunger, disease and 158. It is in the broad context of these principles that we turn now to some of the specific issues on our agenda, particularly those which have a special bearing on inter- national peace and security and, hence, call for urgent global co-operation. 159. Despite several peace initiatives taken during the year, the international political situation continues to remain disquieting with many more crisis spots appearing on the political horizon than was the case a year ago. 160. The Middle East continues to remain an explosive area of tension. If there is any substance to peace with justice, then three cardinal precepts must be recognized and enforced. No country can be permitted to enjoy the fruits of aggression. Secondly, no people can be denied their inalienableright to their homeland. Thirdly, no country can be allowed to embark on a policy of conquest and expansion through force to alter the political, demographic and cultural character of territories so occupied. There can thus be no lasting peace in the MiddleEast wH~hout Israel's withdrawal from all the occupied Arab territories, including the Holy City of Jerusalem, and the restoration of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, includ- ing their right to establish a State of their own in consonance with the resolutions of the United Nations. 163. The non-aligned movement can take justifiable pride that its overriding concern and incentives on this critical issue were to lead to the first historic special session of the General Assembly devoted exclusively to disarmament, and to the adoption by that session of a consensus document [resolution S-1O/2/ in spite of ingrained difficulties and deeply entrenched positions. It is difficult to measure the achievements of that historic session in terms of any tangible progress towards the limitation or reduction of arms. Nevertheless, the.most important successwas a moral one-the initiation of a process of continuing dialogue and the acceptance of a comprehensive approach towards determining the essentials of' :a new strategy for dis- armament-a strategy setting out goals and priorities governing future negotiations within a prescribed frame- 164. Bangldesh's position on these issues is clear and unequivocal. Our endeavours must be directed along two parallel fronts: the first would aim at a warJess world through a series of comprehensive measures not merely for the stabilization of armaments but for the substantive reduction and elimination of such arms through a phased programme with the ultimate goal of general and complete disarmament; the second would involve simultaneous pro- gress towards an adequate system of world security to fill the void-a system based on the rule of law and on the collective responsibility of all nations for maintaining peace, renouncing the use of force and settling disputes through peaceful means. We believe that' increasing and overriding attention must be devoted to strengthening the capacity of the United Nations in this direction, partic- ularly through the effective implementation of the relevant provisions of the United Nations Charter. 165. Bangladesh has been unflinching in its efforts to promote peace and stability in the South Asian region through the creation of a climate of trust, understanding and co-operation on the basis of mutual respect for sovereign equality and non-interference in one another's internal affairs. Progress made in this direction is demon- strated by, first, the agreement with India on the 25-y~ar old problem of sharing the Ganges waters; secondly, the agreement with India and Nepal on the use of the overland route through India between Nepal and Bangladesh; and thirdly, the agreement with Burma on the' repatriation of the Burmese refugees. These agreements reflect the states- manship of the leaders of these countries and their faith in the principle of peaceful settlement of all problems. Our friendly relations with our other neighbours in the region- Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Afghanistan and Bhutan-continue to grow in strength. ' 166. We have always considered Bangladesh as a bridge between South and South-East Asia and have sought by all means to strengthen the traditional ties of friendship and co-operation between Bangladesh and the countries of South and South-East Asia and the Pacific. 167. Internally, Bangladesh is passing through an impor- tant phase of political and economic transition. The first presidential election was heldin June this year on the basis of universal adult suffrage, The elections to the local bodies ware held earlier and the elections to the National Parliament are scheduled to.be held this coming December. The 19-point programme of President ,Ziaur, Rahman envisages far-reaching political, administrative and eco- nomic reforms. The reorganization of the administrative and services structures is now under way with a view to gearing them for economic and social development. The two-year approach plan for economic and social develop- ment i!: also now under implementation and will be followed by a five-year plan wjthin the frame of a 20-year perspective.plan. Top priority has been assigned to achiev- ing economic self-sufficiency through increasing agricultural production, rural development and population control. A 168. Bangladesh's experiences in the field of development, however indicate certain constraints embedded in global factors which call for closer co-operation among the nations of the world. 169. It has now become more abundantly clear than ever before that the problems of poverty, hunger, disease and illiteracy' that plague the developing countries cannot be effectively resolved as long as those countries remain shackled to an economic order built during colonial times and oriented essentially to subserve the colonial system of production and trade. The existing economic system is both unjust and outdated. It is stifling the g!owth. of t~e developing countries of the third world and impedingtheir progress in attaining their development potential by denying them fair access to world resour~s. world m~rkets and world trade. It deprives them of a fair opporturuty of.. " deploying their vast manpower for productive emplo~ment. It continues to widen the inequalities between the nch and the poor nations. 170. The iniquitous character of this system and t~e grotesque distortions it produces in the growth pattern will be evident from the following illustrative··facts. First, despite the development efforts extending over two decades and a half, the world population living in absolute and abject poverty has risen to 800 million and constitutes.40 per cent of the 2 billion population of developing countnes, according to a recent World Bank report. Secondly, for 1 billion of the world's population the annual per capita income remains as low as $US 150 in terms of 1976 prices-which will be much less in real terms-compare~ to the percapita income of over $US 6,000for the population of the industrialized, countries. Thirdly, the share of developing countries in world industrial production, which was a mere 8 per cent before, has now declined to 7 per cent. Fourthly, the debt liability of the low-income countries rose to 200 per cent of their export earnings in 1976 and the total external indebtedness of developing countries today stands at .$U8 220 billion. Fifthly, iron- ically enough, the international assistance programme under the existing scheme of things also has a colonial flavour, inasmuch as it is resulting in a net outflow of resources from the poor to the rich countries,. 171. Prisoners of this anachronistic economic system, the iIidustrially rich countries are being increasingly driven to protectionism through tariff and non-tariff barriers in their agonizing ,struggle agalnst inflation, recession .and unemployment, with its deleterious effect on the quality of lifeof their people. ' 172. The existing world economic order is, .therefore, clearly unsuited to contemporary. world needs. It is . detrimental to the interests of both the poor and the. rich countries. The restructuring of the existing economic system is, therefore, an imperative in the global interest, 173. It cannot be overstressed that the new international economic order aims'at raising the quality of life of the peoples all over the world; its aim is certainly not to undermine the quality of life in the rich countries. To say this, however, is not the same as equating the quality of life with a life-style based on wasteful consumption, the predatory depletion of non-renewable resources, the pollu- tion of the human environment and the creation of "In ecologicalimbalance. 174. Despite two decades of persistent endeavour through dialogue and negotiation and the adoption of such signi- ficant instruments of co-operation as the International Development Strategy ft;j' the Second United Nations Development Decade[resolution 2626 (XXV)} J the Decla- ration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order Iresolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)} and the consensus achieved at the seventh special session of the General Assembly [resolution 3362 (S-VII)} J only inconsequential progress has been made in meeting the crucial needs of the third world. Burgeoning hopes for a settlement engendered by the historic North-South dialogue have now all but receded on virtually every front, first in the 18-month long negotiations in Paris and subsequently in their resumption through the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174. Wide divergences continue to be reflected as between the pronouncements and actions of developed countries. 175. In renewing our commitment to the establishment of a just and new international economic order, we in Bangladesh have a vision for the future. It is a visionwhich embraces all nations. It is a vision of a world free of hunger, disease and illiteracy, a world free of fear. We believe that we can achieve such a world in this century. But this can come about only if all of us work in concert and with determination towards this goal. If we believe that peaceis indivisible, we have to bear in mind that peace and prosperity are alsc indivisible. It has become more essential than ever before that the world community collectively prepare for the future and commit itself to a rational use of world resources, keeping in view the priorities on a global basis. . 182. Fifthly. the wasteful use of resources, including the mounting expenditure on armaments, must be eliminated and such resources must be diverted to developing countries for productive investments. 176. What, then, are some of these priorities for the future? First, Bangladesh believes that a cardinal imper- ative is to ensure that sovereignty and genuine freedom of action should not be compromised by external interference from any source whatsoever. Secondly, we must together carry the unfinished revolution forward so that the great majority of people may emerge from bondage into freedom, from exploitation to economic emancipation, and from dependence to self-reliance. Thirdly, we must seek the integration of all nations into the decision-ma' ing process. No society, whether national or international, can ignore even its weakest link without affecting its cohesion. Fourthly. we must work for the consolidation of our unity and mutual co-operation, not merely by the affirmation of 177. Bangladesh believes that, among the essential elements that need to be incorporated in any future plan for the evolution of a new world order, specific attention must be devoted to the following factors. We believe that these factors are particularly relevant to the formulation of the international strategy for the third United Nations development decade. 178. The first is scrupulous respect for the rule of law and the non-use of force in international relations, and non- interference in the internal affairs of other nations. 179. The second is strict adherence to the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter by all Member States, and the observance of the resolutions of the United Nations. 180. Thirdly, basic human needs must be satisfied in the comprehensive sense through the eradication of poverty, hunger, disease and illiteracy, and the highest priority must be assigned to this task for concerted action by the international community. 181. Fourthly, developing countries must strengthen their capacity for greater self-reliance, both individual and collective, net only in terms of self-sufficiency but with a view to broader diversification of resource use and as part of an integrated strategy to secure the transfer of resources ~mi' technology. The results of the United Nations Confer- ence on Technical Co-operation among Developing Coun- tries, held recently in Buenos Aires, cannot be over- emphasized in this connexion. 183. Sixthly, lnternatlonal policy governing the transfer of financial resources. must be redefined with particular attention paid to the needs of the least developedcountries and the most seriously affected developing countries. Crucial priority must be ~~igned to resolving the problem of the third world's accumulated debt; among other things by rescheduling existing liabilities and by tying debt repayment to real resource transfers and the conversion of outstanding debts into grants. , 184. The seventh factor is the need to find ways and means to improve the export-eaming potential of devel- opingcountries through their own efforts and through the expansion of trade with each other as well as by giving them greater access to the markets of developed countries through the progressive liberalization of tariff and non- tariff barriers. Of primary importance is the stabilizationof their earnings from the sale of raw materials by means of commodity agreements and the establishment of a common 185. The eighth factor is the application of science and technology, which alsolies at the root of the developmental process. The proper training of personnel to identify, select and.. manage future technology, the .building of institutions adapted to indigenous technology and the transfer of appropriate .technological processes are crucial priorities in this field. Of particular importance willbe the preparations for and the holding of the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for 'Development, scheduled for 1979. 186. Ninthly, there is the vital need to harness and mobilize the vast human resources of the developing countries for productive use, thus generating more employ- ment and more production of goods and services to be shared by the world community and thereby enriching the quality of life of people throughout the world. 187. Tenthly, socio-economic structures must be trans- formed, with particular stress on agrarian and rural develop- ment, the distribution of wealth and the means of production through greater decentralization at the grass- roots level to ensure the democratization of the political and economic decision-making power and the promotion of self-managementand local leadership. 188. In the eleventh place, adequate emphasis must be . placed on the role and status of women and on their full participation in national development and in the decision- making process. 189. Twelfth, there is a need to increase the availabilityof and access to food-stuffs through appropriate structural transformation and technological innovation. While the \ creation of the International Fund for Agricultural Devel- opment has been a remarkable achievement in the provision of necessary assistance to increase production, an area of major significance is the attainment of food security through the establishment of world-wide food and grain reserves, which could be tapped at times of sudden production short-falls and price increases. " 190. In the thirteenth place, international co-operation must be strengthened to prevent and alleviate natural calamities. The United Nations should explore the 'possi- bility of converting the Office of the United Nations Disaster Relief Co-ordinator into a full-fledged international disaster relief agency. 191. Finally, the fourteenth factor is the expansion of international co-operation in the field of energy resources through both policy measures and institutional ar- . rangements. 193. On this occasion Bangladesh reiterates its most genuine desire to parueipate constructively in the process of forging true co-operation and understanding, to maintain the most open and fruitful relations with all nations of the world and to strive together in the common task of ensuring for all countries-small as well as large, poor as well as rich-peace, security and progress based on the principles of freedom,justice and equality.

While this United Nations General Assembly session is being held a number of conflicts have attracted the attention of the peoples.of the world. 195. An African poet once said that there is something ominous about silence. Today we cannot, and do not wish to, remain silent about the situation confronting the worthy people of Nicaragua, the legendary homeland of Augusto Cesar Sandino, who was called the glorious "General of Free Menu. It was Sandino who once told the United States imperialists: "Then come and Idl( us in our land; I await you at the head of my soldier patriots, and we do not care how many of you there are. But understand this: if that happens, our blood· will stain the white dome of the famous WhiteHouse, that den of criminal plans." 196. Striving to attain political power, inspired by Sandino's example to open up new avenues to a different and better future, fighting from improvised barricades thrown up in the cities and from entrenched columns in the wild mountains, the Nicaraguan revolutionaries have.pushed the dictator Somoza and his regime to the verge of collapse usinghunting rifles, side arms and home-made bombs. 197. The scientific analysis of social processes shows that when an idea becomes a part of mass consciousness it is transformed into a powerful material force and that when the people decide to throw off the yoke that oppresses' them, nothing can stop them. 198. Somoza has resorted to every type of repression in an effort to crush the popular uprising. He has trampled upon human rights, violated public liberties and enthroned barbarity and genocide, and has even used groups of mercenaries, among them Vietnamese and Cuban counter- revolutionaries recruited in a number of countries, part.c- wady the United States and certain Central' American States. 199. This situation has created a real source of possible attacks by the Somoza regime against neighbouring States, as has already occurred with the bombing of Costa Rican territory, which has endangered peace throughout the area. 201. The Middle East is another focal point of crisis on the international scene. If we believe what the great press of the capitalist world says, we can assume that advances towards peace in the Middle East have been made, but if, instead, we look at what has happened in recent months we shall be forced to admit that the reality is quite different, 202. At the last regular session of the General Assembly we stated that "the allies of Tel Aviv and other reac- tionaries seek by their diplomatic and military manoeuvres to ignore the rights of the Palestinian people ...".9 Those manoeuvres have been deviously expressed in the dubious results of the Camp David meetings, which pretend that the Arab States follow the downward path of unprincipled concessions to the enemy even to the point of betraying the Arab peoples-as the Arab States of the Front for Stead- fastness, other Arab Governments and the Palestine Libera- tion Organization have charged. 203. There is no acknowledgment of thr fact that Israel, with the ever-present help of its allies, chiefly the United States, continues to occupy territory belonging to the Arab States of Egypt, Jordan and Syria. There is equally stubborn refusal to allow the Palestinian people to satisfy their most basic national rights. The fact that Israeli troops recently launched a new act of aggression by driving deep into Lebanon and occupying part of its territory for a time, fiercely repressing progressive forces and 'attacking the Palestinian refugee camps, is completely overlooked. That act of war took place at a time when every effort was being made to make the world believe that peace was at hand. 212. The international balance of power today is nothing like that which existed in 1920, when the Soviets were alone, surrounded by a hostile world. The balance of power . L not even comparable with that in the 1950s or at the beginning of the 19608. Today, the struggle of the peoples, particularly in the socialist camp, headed by the Soviet Union, has inclined the-balance towards the cause of peace, independence and progress. This change in the correlation of forces and this tendency that favours peace are evident within the United Nations itself in the community of interests between the socialist countries and the under- developed countries, which has made possible a fruitful period of major deflnition and decision, particularly in the struggle against colonialism, nee-colonialism, racism and apartheid and for the establishment of a new international economic order. 204. The truth, which cannot be brushed aside by defeatist statements or agreements, is that, when Israel was faced with the undeniable existence of the Palestine nation and the determination of its representatives to struggle for their infringed rights, it chose to practise genocide against that people. 205. The history of diplomacy has recognizedpeace by treaty. The history of the people will recognize peace by conscience. There is no peace of conscience when the principles of those who died fighting for a social ideal are betrayed. One does not have to be a prophet to know that accounts will be settled some day, and not exactly on the Day ofJudgement. 206. Representatives should ask themselves whether the Tel Aviv Government could take this action without the material and moral support of the United States Gov- ernment. 207. The struggle of the Arab peoples is important for all the countries of the world. It is not admissible for an , 208. There will be 1).0just and lasting peace in the Middle East, nor can the international community accept pseudo- solutions that do not respect the legitimate national rights of the people of Palestine, including the right to establish their own State and the right to self-determination; nor will there be real peace until the territories occupied in 1967 are . returned unconditionally to the Arab States. 209. Cuba pledges its firmest support to the cause of the Arab peoples and especially to the cause of the long- suffering Palestinian people, whose only legitimate repre- sentative is the Palestine Liberation Organization, as has been recognized by this Assembly, the movement of non-aligned countries, the League of Arab States, the DAU and especially the Palestinian people itself. 210. Mr. President, before contn lng, I should like, on behalf of the Cuban delegation, to congratulate you on your election as President of this session of the General Assembly. Colombia and Cuba are linked by a close fellowship of history and culture. The close relations that have always linked our fraternal peoples have been strength- ened since you became Minister for Foreign Affairs of your country, and they are being extended daily to our mutual benefit. We are certain that in the weeks ahead you will skilfully guide the work of this Assembly and we pledge the support of the Cuban representatives in this task. 211. The October Revolution, a social product emerging from the class struggle of contemporary society, marked the start of the genuine crisis of capitalism and opened the wellspring of the struggle of the colonial peoples against imperialism. The world has changed profoundly since then. 213. As a product of that world correlation and an immediate result of the long internal struggles and difficult battles for national liberation, new independent States have emerged, founded on principles of fraternal and dis- interested support. BUt where are those peoples who have experienced the long darkness of colonial exploitation- without hospitals or doctors, without schools or teachers, without industrial development-and who are prisoners of the dependent relationships they have inherited to find that support? 215. Colonial and nee-colonial relations are the source of under-development, poverty and ignorance. 216. Cuba urgesthat colonialism be ended once and for all through the exercise of the right of peoples to self-determi- nation and independence. 217. We therefore energetically support the independence of the Saharan people and the p"eop..1e of Belize. The territorial integrity of the latter people is being threatened by the pro-imperialist regime in Guatemala, wi...·' the support of the transnational corporations. 218. During the last two years the United States Govern- ment has pressured and threatened the Member States of this international Organization, demanding that the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implemen- tation of the Declaration on the Granting ofIndependence to Colonial Countries and Peoples suspend its debate and any decision affecting the colonial case of Puerto Rico. Nevertheless, on 12 September, following two weeks of intensive work, that Committee approved a resolution calling upon the United States to transfer all power to the people of that territory so that t'iey might exercise full sovereignty in freely determining their own future [see A/33/23/Rev.l, chap. I, para. 73J. The United States Government was completely isolated. Representatives ofall the political forces in Puerto Rico attended the meetings of the Special Committee and not one of them failed to recognize the colonial.status of that territory. 219. Cuba will continue to uphold the pertinent decisions of the Conference 'of the non-aligned countriesrv and the mandate that stems from our history of struggle shared with the Puerto Rican people to support their inalienable right to self-determination and independence. 220. The imperialist Powers and the reactionary Govern- ments of other countries are creating new pacts which threaten the security of peaceful States that are engagedin the immense task of huilding happiness for their peoples. 221. We refer first of all to the heroic people of Viet Nam, whose defeat of imperialist aggression in Indo-China was a decisive contributionto the struggle agaiast colonialism and nee-colonialism. When the war was over the Vietnamese people dedicated themselves to carrying out President Ho Chi Minh's expressed will that a Viet Nam 10 times more beautiful should be built on the ruins left by the war, in which indiscriminate and criminally massive use had been made of all kinds of weapons except nuclear arms, At the 10 Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned .Countries, held at 'Belgrade from 2S to 30 July 1978 (see document A/33/206). 222. However, the Chinese Government leadership, wish- ing to please its Western allies and leaving no doubts about its anti-progressive and anti-socialist militancy. and its' dreams of hegemony and expansion in Asia, is now threatening heroic Viet Nam. The Peking leadership is acting in "flagrant alliance with United States imperialism. and with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). 22::l. In Latin America, the Chineseleadership's best friend is the Fascist junta of Pinochet. In Africa, it takes an active part in the aggression against Angola and expresses its solidarity with the threats levelled against the revolutions of Ethiopia and Yemen. In Asia, it seeks to impose its chauvinistic dictates on Viet Nam and other countries. Finally, it works actively against the extension of inter- national detente, the halting of the arms race and the protection of the world from the threat of war. 224. Cuba believes that the immoral policy of. the new Chinese mandarins.should be energetically rejected. 225. We believe also that it is just and necessary for this Assembly to support the independence and territorial integrity of Namibia and Zimbabwe and we reiterate here, that Cuba supports the legitimate representatives of those people, the Patriotic front and SWAPO and that, as President Fidel Castro stated in his speech at the Inter- national Conference of Solidarity with the Struggle of the African and Arab Peoples against Imperialism and Reac- tion,"! Cuba does not oppose any peaceful negotiation that would solve the problems of both cases, so long as such negotiation is just and is accepted by the legitimate representatives of those peoples and by the African States supporting them. 226. Indeed, the very forces that have obliged the fiihters of SWAPO and the'Patriotic.Front to resort to arms provide all kinds of assistance to the regimes of Smith and Vorster and benefit from the exploitation of the black peoples of southern Africa, It is precisely the determination of the patriots of those countries to keep on fighting until victory is won that has forced the racist regimes and their NATO alliesto seek peaceful, negotiatedsolutions. 227. It should be recalled that the United Nations recently published a list of companies that have violated the embargo declared against the racistregimes,' 2 and it is h!g\11y significant that more than 500 of the 593 Western companies mentioned in the list are British and American. It is therefore absolutely necessary to remain vigilant concerning.any attempt to evade the liberation aims of the fighters of the Patriotic Front and SWAPO by replacing the present white racists with another regime which would perpetuate the criminal exploitation to which those peoples are subjected and block the institution of regimes that 229. The recent decision of the South African regime announcing the implementation of its own plan for so-called independence for Namibia proves how strongly South Africa believes it can count on the support of its most important commercial partners and providers of arms and military and nuclear technology. In fact everything seems to indicate that the imperialists regard with veiled pleasure the fact that the authorities of Pretoria are trying to impose a nee-colonial regime upon Namibia. 230. We consider that the moment has come for the Security Council to approve sanctions capable of bringing about the economic, military and political isolation of South Africa and for SWAPO to receive every assistance it requires in order to continue its armed struggle in favour of Namibia's independence, the only alternative left open for the Namibian patriots in view of the attitude of South Africaand the Western Powers. 231. We also condemn the incursions by Rhodesia into the Republic of Mozambique, and westressCuba's support for the valiant people of Mozambique, who will not take a backward step, despite these acts of aggression. We believe that this Assembly should call upon all Member States to offer Mozambique and the other front-line States all necessary assistance to meet successfully the actions of the Pretoriaand Salisbury regimes. 232. We also alert this Assembly to the intentions of the forces ('I~' .mperialism and reaction in regard to the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen, a strong bulwark of democracy,freedom and progress in the Arabian peninsula. We send the Yemeni revolutionaries a warm message of identification and solidarity. . 241. Over 70 years have elapsed and'the United States military presence still continues in the naval base of Guantanamo, a truly colonial enclave in our land. The Government and the people of Cuba strongly voice their demand for the restitution ofilie territory occupiedby that base. 233. We support the right to self-determination of the people of East Timor and Argentina's legitimate aspiration to recover tii.e Malvinas Islands. 234. We demand the complete, unconditional withdrawal of all foreign troops remaining in Cyprus in flagrant violation of the sovereign r,ghts of that country and we call for complete respect for its independence and territorial integrity. 235. We call for the withdrawal of all foreign troops and matiriel from South Korea and for the dissolution of the United Nations Command. We support the just demands of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea aimed at ·attaining those objectives•. 236. We salute the successes achieved by the people of Panama in their long, courageous and heroic struggle to Qbtain full sovereignty overall their territory. 238. We support the heroic struggle being waged by the people of Chile for their freedom and against the policyof unemployment, poverty, repression and surrender of the country's resources to the transnational companies that helped the Fascistjunta seize power. We are confident that the Chilean peoplewill emerge victorious over fascism. 239. Much speculation has been voiced over the status of and prospects for our relations with the United States. Cubacan negotiate these relations, but neveron the basis of abandoning any of our principles. The prerequisite for any negotiation must be that the United States lift its unjust and unilateral ·blockade of Cuba and end all its hcstlleacts' and attacks. We cannot have discussions on the basis of force and blackmail; it is not possible to conduct a dialogue with a dagger in the chest. We cannot say when such a discussion will bepossible, but it is certain that the Cuban people'sright to determine their ownfuture in freedom and sovereignty, to take a specific position in international conflicts and to act in solidarity with the peoples struggling for freedom and independence can never be questioned; that our people will win their right to exercise sovereignty over all our territory; and that the Yankee troops that now illegally occupy a part of our island will have to withdraw. 240. Part of the booty the United States obtained whenit intervened in Cuba's war for independence from colonial domination was the territory that it usurped and that is occupied to this day by the naval base in Guantanamo. The military Government of occupation imposed upon the Cubans the concession of that part of our fatherland, in spite of the strong oppositica of our people. 242. This Assembly is meeting after an interval of a year in which the most aggressive forces of imperialism, sup- ported by reactionaries of all types, nave tried to prevent the strengthening of detente and push the world back to the days of the cold war, stepping up the arms race and blocking the progress to and consolidation of national independence by the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America and their struggle for economic and social develop- ment basedon just and equalinternationalrelations. 243. In the months since the thirty-second session a series of international conferences have also taken place, includ- ing three special sessions of the General Assembly, the seventh session of the Third United NationsConference on the Law of the Sea, the World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, the United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing 245. Only through an international regime will the com- munity of nations be able to prevent the unrestricted exploitation of those resources by the imperialist consort- iums seriously harming the inland producers of minerals similar to those found in the sea-bedand guarantee that the benefits obtained from their exploitation will provide resources for the countries that are relatively less developed. 246. Cuba wishes explicitly to state its firm support for the energetic protest formulated by the Group of 77 in the session of the Conference on the Law of the Sea that was concluded recently, expressing opposition to the billsbeing considered by the United States and other countries that will pave the way for the large consortia to exploit those resources unilaterally. At the same time it emphasizes the responsibility that weighs on all countries-especially the large capitalist Powers-to help to overcome the present deadlock in the Conference. 247. If we can draw any conclusion from what has happened in the last few months, it..isfirst of all that there' is duplicity in the foreign policy of the imperialists,' who use their diplomatic activities to hide attempts to maintain their nee-colonial rule where it still persists, supporting racist and expansionist reactionary regimes such as those of South Africa and Israel, and to maintain intact the system of international economic relations that favoursthe exploi- tation by their consortia of the riches of the' so-called third-world countries. 248. Suffice it to recall what happened while the tenth special session of the GeneralAssembly, which was devoted to disarmament, was being held. While in this building the, vast majority of the representatives of Member States sincerely and insistently tried to find solutions that would slow down the arms race and use the money thus saved to benefit all humanity. strengthening the international peace and security that an people seek, at the same time the NATO Headsof State met in Washington to adopt the most costly programmeof military expenditure ever approved by that aggressive military pact. Where is the imperialists'real policy shown-in the New York disarmament negotiations or in the boost given the arms race in NATO? 249. Moreover, it is important to emphasize that the relative success of the special session, 'which created conditions favourable for continuing efforts to -achieve general and complete disarmament, the goal of all progres- sive forces, was a victory for the non-aligned countries which requested the specialsession, for the countries of the 250. Allow me to reiterate that Cuba strongly urges the attainment of that goal and that we support the prompt calling of a world disarmament conference and the con- clusion of the negotiations to reach partial agreements on such matters as the elimination of chemical weapons, the prohibition of all nuclear weapon testing and a ban on the use of force in international relations. In that regard we salute the proposals presented by the Soviet Union and other socialist countries. 251. Also while the special session was being held many extremely aggressive, slanderous statements were made against Cuba for its fulfilment of its international obliga- tions to help the peoples of Angola and Ethiopia. A whole campaign of lies was orchestrated to try to accuse Cuba of having participated in the events which took place in the Shaba Province in Zaire, but the truth prevailed and it was further proved that it had all been a means to justify intervention by NATOforces. 252. On '.4 September, President Fidel Castro said: "The imperialists and their reactiona-y servants oppose Cuba's presence in Africa. . . . ' "We could answer them with the words of several African Heads of State, who have said that there are no Cubans in Africa who have not been asked to come by an independent State exercising its sovereignty to defend a just cause." . 253. Following the defeat of the attack made on the people of Angola by the racist regime of South Africa everything possible has been done to prevent the peoples of Africa and the Middle East from consolidating their independence, to hold back all demonstrations ofsolidarity with them and to try to divide them. Forces of intervention have even been sent, in an attempt to recoloaize Atrica, and all possibilities for military confrontation between the countries in the area have been enhanced. ' 254. The enemies of the people seek to destroy the organizations established.to strengthen their solidarity; an example is provided by the efforts made recently on the international level to divide, weaken and destroy the movement of non-aligned countries.We can state, however, that those efforts have failed; the members of the move- ment are now more united and their presence in the struggle is more active because they have reached basic solutions that respond to the true interests 'Of the people in every one of the main contlicts on the international scene today. 255. Clearly the imperialist forces have been unable to obtain a favourable balance. The revolutions of Angolaand Ethiopia have been consolidated, the front-line countries maintain their unswerving support for the nationallibera- tion movements that are fighting against racism, and no force can deter the moral and material solidarity and aid given those peoples. The failure of all the manoeuvres to sabotage the lastOAU Assembly of Heads of State and . : ' .. ' .' 256. Four years' ago at its sixthspecial session the General Assembly adopted a Declaration on the Establishmentof a New International Economic Order Iresolution 3201 (S-YI)j, initiating a phase of intense negotiations in the economic field in which the developing countries felt confid!nt that their minimum demands for obtainingaccess to economic development would be met. Without fear of being called pessimistic we cansay that the results obtained slnee that Declaration was adopted have been frustrating. The s'ituatiGn ofthe non-oil-producing developing countries has become steadily worse. Foreign debts have risen, balance-of-payments problems. have increased and purchas- ing.powerand access to Western industrialized marketshave declined. 257_ The developing countries have not obtained a single concession on any of the basic demands made to the developed countries that control economic relations in the developfug world. Instead of a reduction in customs and trade barriers to provide entry to capitalist markets, there has been an increase'. The current blockade of my country is perhaps a typical example of the kind of commercial discrimination that isemployed; the prices' ofmanufactured goodS, of machinery and of agricultural and industrial products which the devefoping world. imports in order to turn out finished' goods, continue to riseand the prejudicial relationship between those prices. and what the developing world is; paid for the exploitation ef its natural resources remains unaltered. The crisis of the monetary system -especially the crisis, facing the. United States dollarwhich is: its base-has, causedeven. greaterdamage to the economy ofthe under-developed world. 258'. Unfortunately, it seems that no serious effort isbeing made .to; change this situation. The recent failure of the committee of the whole- created' by the General Assembly bY' its resolution 37./t74 demonstrates, that it takesjust one country blindIy set on maintaining its privileges to block the mechanismestablished by the-vote ofthe overwnelming majority ofMemberStates ofthe United. Nations. 259~ We believe that it is;necessary to continue' demanding discussion, debate and negotiatia::: within the United Nations and that any attempt to find. solutions: outside this universal body will only constitute delaying tactics like those employed in Paris in the' so-called North-South dialogue. We also believe that the developing wodd should continue to do everything possible to extend the ties. of economic co-operation among the under-developed coun- tries and between them and the industrialized countries that do not exploit the existing unjust and unequal international economic relations. Mechanisms such as the Latin American Economic System must continue to be supported as a step towardsincreasingly closerco-operation among Our peoples. 260. International bodies must facilitate this process of co-operatlon and act with initiative and boldness in doing IQ. CUb,. h9~S, !Dd wUJ {iQ evel')'thjpg possible to seeto it, th,.t prQgre$S is made (luring this session towards providing 261. My comrades and I come from a small island that is no more than a dot on the world map. Ours is not a rich country; it doesnot have any greatenergyresources. Before the revolution that triumphed in January 1959, it was known only for its rum, cigars and music. Todayit ismuch more than that, because a country's worth is measured not in square kilometresand millions of inhabitants but rather by the morale of its people and their struggles. 262. It is on that small island, placed like a key at the entrance to the Gulfof Mexico, that the Heads ofState and Government of the members of the movement of non- aligned countrieswillmeetnext September. Cubais making enthusiastic and careful preparations to welcome the representatives ofthe 86 States Members of the movement of non-aligned countries and to provide for all their needs at the sixth Conference. 263,. The upcoming summit Conference of non-aligned countries, the first to be held in Latin America, will help to strengthen the principles on which the movement was founded, and its aspirations to affirm the independence and sovereignty of the peoples and their right to independent development. 264. Our President, Comrade Fidel Castro, said on the twenty-fifth anniversary of the attack on the Moncada Barracks: "The world revolutionary movement has made tre mendous progress in the' present century. Its forces grow; its ranks increase; its experience is enriched.The betrayal by, and the insmity, weakness and blindness of, those whose vanity, arrogance', stupidity, petit bourgeois attitudes, chauvinism and opportunism kept them from following the' luminous' path of the Revolution will never hold backmankind'svictorious march, "Mankind will not return to the past; peace will be preserved; the people will marchforward in progress, and nothing and no one can stop them." 265. The, PRESIDENT (interpretation from 'Spanish): I shall now call on the representatives of Nicaragua and Somalia" in that order, as they have asked to exercise their right ofreply. 266. As members win recall, at the 4th plenary meeting the Assembly agreed that statements made in exercise of the right of reply would be limited to 10 minutes. It is rather late now, and I am sure that representatives will understand my request for co-operation in heeding this time-limit and in making their remarks as brief aspossible. 267. Mr.. MONTIEL ARGUELLO (Nicaragua) (interpreta- tion from Spanish): The deleganon of Nicaragua was not surprised at the words we heard from the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Cuba, coming as they did from the representative of a country whose international actions have been characterized by the most total disregard for the principle of non-intervention. That principle is one of the 268. Moreover, Cuba's ill will towards my country, because wc uphold different ideologies, is wen known. Cuba talks a lot about ideological pluralism but does little to apply it in practice. It has instead provided military training and arms to persons wishing to subvert order in my country. 269. What is really striking is that the Government of Cuba mt.uld due to charge the Government of Nicaragua with the crime of genocide: it was precisely the Govern- ment of Cuba, when it assumed power, which shot thousands of its opponents and has been holding many other thousands in gaol ever since that remote date. In contrast, the Government of Nicaragua has done nothing more than use public force in order to maintain constitu- tional order against terrorist subversion. 270. The Government of Nicaragua is a democratic Government and believes that it is for the majority, through popular elections, to designate those that should represent it. The fact that Cuba follows a different system does not entitle it to criticize us.. 271. The Government of Nicaragua respects human rights and believes in the promotion of those rights at the international level. Indeed, we have invited the Inter- American Commission on Human Rights to visit the territory of Nicaragua next week. Cuba cannot make any such claims. 272. In conclusion, let me say again.that Nicaraguarejects u totally baseless the statements made by the Ministerfor Foreign Affairs of Cuba, who has been trying to distort the filets, presenting as a struggle for freedom something which is nothing but another manifestation of international terrorism..

The Castro representative who spoke from this rostrum earlier today grossly distorted fa~~ts about Africa and wrongly projected the role that the r6@me he represents has been obliged to play. In this connexion, I should like to reserve the right of my delegation to speak at a later stage. For the time being, I should like to make the followingremarks. 274. First and foremost, I should like to state that African .problems are for Africans to solve. Whatever differences. there are between any two African countries, the OAUhas the power and mechanism to settle them. Nobody has given 275. As we all know, Cuba is a small and backward island of fewer than 8 million poverty-stricken inhabitants; it is a Caribbean island far from Africa which lives from hand to mouth from the meagre income it makes from tobacco and sugar. Yet we hear that such a country has ever 50,000 mercenaries in Africa and is planning to send more. Today Cuba is actively engaged in meddling in the affairs of that unfortunate continent. Africa is really unfortunate: Africans have been sold as slaves, we have been colonized, exploited and decimated. In lessthan a generation since the political liberation of that continent we are seeing Cuba as the main architect of the new international colonial order. How shameful! What a disgrace! 276. The question whlch comes to one's mind is how Cuba, such a poor island, can afford to send thousands of mercenaries across continents. How does Cuba train, equip and maintain those mercenaries? What, then, is Cuba? The answer is very simple. It is beyond any doubt a mercenary State which has opted to employ all its resources for the advancement of the expansionist designs of a super-Power. It has accepted the role of proxy in the continuing super-Power struggle. It is a State which is trading in the blood of its sons who are dying in areas they do not know and in conflicts they do not understand. In short, the architect of the new colonial order, Cuba, by involving itself in this complex and sophisticated struggle of the super-Powers, has been reduced to a prisoner of its wrongdoing and naivete. It isa State which has deliberately betrayed its non-alignment obligations and placed itself at the centre of the super-Powerstruggle without knowing the rules of the game. 277. The representative of the Cuban regime comes here projecting himself as the hero of the day because Cuban mercenaries, by roaring in MIG aeroplanes, rolling in T-54 tanks and operating mortars called "Stalin organs", are engaging in the mass destruction of African people. How shameful, for neither the weapons nor the designsthey are implementing are theirs. The truth is that, like all other former colonial Powers, the Castro regime will be shown the way out ofour continent; in humiliation and disgrace. 278. The Castro representative used an African proverb in opening his statement. I should like to use another African proverb which is more applicableto him. It is: "Do not tell a man holding a burning piece of wood to let it fall; he will do so without your telling him." The meetingrose at 6.55p.m.