A/33/PV.70 General Assembly

The situation in the Middle East continues to pose a serious threat to peace, because what is actually involved is one of the most acute focal-points of conflict not only in the region, but also over a wider area. In spite of the numerous demands and appeals of the whole international community for Israel to with- draw from the territories occupied in 1967 and to recognize the national rights of the Palestinian people, that country continues to pursue its policy of annexation and occupa- tion and of violation of the basic principles of the Charter of the United Nations and norms of international law. One of the latest confirmations of the escalation of this policy was the recent aggression against Lebanon, the only neighbouring country whose territory Israel had not hither- to occupied, and the establishment of new settlements and the extension ofexisting ones in the occupied territories. 17. There is no doubt that a clear understanding of the spirit and letter of nUl11erous United Nations resolutions and positions adopted by conferences of non-aligned countries proVides the only framework for the settlement of the Middle East crisis. Various United Nations resolu- tions bear the imprint of different moments in the development of the crisis and are concerned with its particular aspects and specific features. Thus, General Assembly resolution 181 (Il) is concerned with the creation of the Palestinian and Israeli States; General Assembly resolution 194 (Ill) places the accent on the return of refugees; Security Council resolution 237 (1967) deals with the question of persons displaced during the 1967 war; Security Council resolution 242 (1967) demands the withdrawal of Israel from all the occupied Arab territories and confirms the right of all the countries and peoples of the region to live in peace and security; General Assembly resolution 3236 (XXIX) defmes the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people and affirms that the Palestinian problem is the core of the Middle East crisis; General Assembly resolution 3375 (XXX) demands the 14. Yugoslavia has always advocated a political and peaceful settlement of the Middle East crisis. In this connexion, we have followed carefully all events and peace initiatives and have lent our resolute support to all efforts conducive to the achievement of a comprehensive, just and lasting oeace in the Middle East. In that connexion we have also had in mind the possibility of a gradual approach as a method of solving this problem, provided such a so~ution was based on the clearly defmed principles of non-acquisi- tion of foreign terri~ories by force, self-determination of the Palestinian people and recognition of the right of all States and peoples in the region to live in peace and security. Full respect for those principles is the only realistic stand and the only realistic criterion for the successful outcome of any peace initiative. partic~pation of all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], in the peace process; and so on. The common denominator of all those resolutions is that every man has the right to live in his own country; that every people has the right to have its own State and every country has the right to live in indepen- dence and security; and, above all, that every people must freely determine its own destiny. All this can prOVide an adequate framework for the ~ttlement of the Middle East crisis. Those rights are inalienable and their existence cannot be subject to decision by any other State. IS. In fact, all the basic elements of contemporary international relations are embodied in the Middle East problem. Failure to respect one of these principles, far from 18. We firmly believe that, within this context, it would be possible to achieve a peaceful political settlement in the Middle East through negotiations on equal terms, with the participation of all the parties to the conflict. In such negotiations, every people would have the right freely to choose the representatives who would act in its interests and strive for their realization. That right cannot be denied to the Palestinian people, who have indicated clearly and unequivocally that the PLO is their only representative.. As a matter of fact, no conflict arising out of the non-achieve- ment of the right to self-determination has ever been settled without the participation of the authentic representatives of liberation forces. The PLO has gained international recognition and is playing an important role in all activities within the United Nations and in international life in general. Refusing to let the PLO participate in the peace negotialions is tantamount of rejecting the most important factor for the establishment of peace and stability iD the region. Actually, has not the PLO prOVided countless lea~ing to a settlement, actually causes further aggravations and exacerbates the crisis. As was stated recently in the joint Yugoslav-Romanian communique signed by the Presi- dent of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Josip Broz Tito, altd the President of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Nicolae Ceausescu: "The establishment of a just and las~gj>eace in that region can be achieved only through the withdrawal of Israel from all Arab territories occupied in 1967 and rec0gaition of the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people, including the right of self-determina- tion and establishment of an independent Palestinian State. Such a settlement must be founded on the recognition of the interests of all the parties to the conflict as well as on the right of all the countries and peoples of the region to independent and secure develop- ment." 19. I should li~e to emphasize in particular the role played by the United Nations in settling the Middle East crisis. The United Nations has been an active participant in all developments in the Middle East for more than 30 years. It has also participated directly in many actions aimed at establishing peace and extinguishing the flames of war, checking aggression, putting an end to occupation, forestall- ing annexation and preventing the use of force in the Middle East. We believe, therefore, that the Middle East problem should be solved through t..'Us world Organization, with the participation of all the parties concerned. In this respect it is essential to ensure that any solution should be in accordance with the resolutions of the United Nations. 20. The non-aligned movement's position provides the most comprehensive realistic and effective basis for the settlement of this problem, which is universal both because of the principles involved and because of its impact on world peace. No country can remain aloof from this crisis.. The non-aligned countries have for a long time been drawing attention to the need for its urgent settlement. At their recent Conference of Ministers for Foreign Mfairs in BelgraJie in July {see A/33/206] the non-aligned countries urged Israel to desist from aggression and occupation and from ignoring United Nations resolutions. They condemned attempts to impose solutions through a policy of faits accomplis achieved by aggression and a policy of force. At that Conference the non-aligned countries also pledged their support for the struggle of the Palestinian people for their national liberation. Far from being incompatible with a political settlement, this constitutes the only road leading to the creation of the conditions for a peaceful settlement founded on the well-known principles, on the basis of which alone can conflicts be settled without diktat and without imposing solutions by force. 21. We believe that the conditions for a peaceful ,settle- ment of the Middle East crisis have fmally been created. Developments have shown that it is not possible to impose solutions on the Arab peoples by force. The solidarity of Arab countries is being strengthened, which obviously constitutes a positive and welcome development. On the other hand, the international community is becoming increasingly aware of all the factors indispensable for the settlement of the crisis, as well as of the basis on which the crisis should be solved. The international community is able to distinguish between what is lasting, just and realistic and what is unjust and unrealizable. If we strive for the former and reject the latter, we shall contribute to a peaceful settlement. 22. In accordance with the position of the non-aligned countries and the prindples on which non-aligned policy is based, Yugoslavia will continue to exert efforts to ensure the implementation of principles conducive to a compre- hensive, just and lasting solution, which, precisely in order to be just, lasting and comprehensive, must in the first place secure the rights of the Palestinian people, who are the only people that do not have a State of their own. For that reason, it is necessary first and foremost to eliminate the 23. Mr. Justice A. Rahman CHOUDHURY (Bangladesh): For more than three decades now the United Nations has sought diligently but vainly for a solution of the Middl\."\ East problem, seeking to cure what it itself had failed to prevent in the first instance-the virtual imposition of an alien people on the Arab world through the creation of Israel. In the resulting tunnoil, the search for a just and lasting peace has remained as elusive as ever, despite a wide variety of efforts and radical new initiatives to break out of the impasse. 24. Today the international community is more aware than ever of how explosive the situation really is and of how it affects international peace and security, and the interests of each and every nation. The world commun1ty can neither relax nor relent in its efforts to fmd a solut~ons for, as the Secretary-General ha~ repeatedly stressed, time is not in favour of peaceful developmt;nts. 25. Over the past years there has emerged a determination on the part of those most affected to seek an end to this perennial strife, to seek not a temporary truce, but a permanent peace. It is our task to seize upon this desire and progressively to build upon it so as to promote a lasting ifnd durable peace. But, in order to endure, peace must be based on justice, and justice demands the undoing of acts contrary to international law, to the norms and principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter alld to the exercise of fundamental human rights in all freedom. .. 26. Despite the varyinginterpretations oftheinitiatives and events of the recent past, Bangladesh believes that we should not reverse the process ofpsychological momentum towards peace. In this regard we are conVinced, along with the Secretary-General, that whatever developments may emerge it will be essential for all the parties, including in particular the Palestinian peopJe, through their duly ac- knowledged representative, the PLO, to be brought f geth· er in a joint effort to find a way forward to a ju... and lasting settlement. 27. Bangladesh's stand on the Middle East is unequivocal and consistent. It is based not on political expediency or mere solidarity· but on our firm belief in the principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter. It is founded on our enduring commitment to the cause of oppressed peoples struggling to free themselves from the bondage of colonialism in all its forms and from aggression and exploitation, and to express their inalienable right to self-determination, freedom, political independence and national sovereignty. It is rooted in the ideals of tolerance and the conviction that men and women of all religions a.'1d all races can live together in an environment of peace, justice and equility. 11 is geared to upholding the right of every people freely to determine and build up its own social, economic and political system by ways and means of its own free choice. 28. To this end, Bangladesh views the essentials of any meaningful peace plan in the Middle East as a composite 29. The first and cardinal essential-the cause and essence of the Middle East problem-revolves around the legitimate rights and aspirations of the Palestinian people, deprived of their natural birthright, dispossessed of their lands and forcibly uprooted by aliens. In essence, it is a political problem: the struggle of people for their right to self-deter- mination and the achievement of their legitimate national rights. In spite of efforts successfully pursued in the past to observe this fact and to treat their case merely on a humanitarian scale by dealing with them as hapless refu- gees, the General Assembly has now resoundingly estab- lished their claim as a defmite political entity adopted by an overwhelming majority, Genera!. Assembly resolution 3236 (XXIX) recognized the right of the Palestinian people to present their own case in its totality, encompassing all aspects-historical, political and juridical-through their own duly acknowledged representative, the PLO, which has secured for itself such specific recognition as full member- ship in the Conferences of non-aligned countries, the Islamic Conference and the League of Arab States and, thruugh General Assembly resolution 3237 (XXIX), the status of pennanent observer, with the unprecedented right to participate in sessions of the General Assembly and all relevant conferences convened by it. 32. The measures now being taken by the occupying Power appear no longer to be even remotely relevant to security considerations. The encouragement and sanction given to the establishment of Israeli settlements, especially on the West Bank, the perspective plan for a network of such settlements, and the belated attempts to justify legal claims to these territories through ancient historic prece- dent are clear indications of Israel's policy of expansionism through annexation and virtual colonization. The drive to encourage Zionist immigration and the refusal to allow a graduated and phased return of those driven out even by the 1967 hostilities or expelled thereafter, are further incontrovertible proofs of such a design. Even the United States has declared that it considers such settlements to be illegal under the 1949 Geneva Conventions and an obstacle to peace. 33. It is not our intention here to enter into the depth, the degree and the scale to which Israel has violated the human rights of inhabitants of the occupied territories. We have done so at length on this item in the Special Political Committee. Suffice it to say that international law consid- ers occupation to be a temporary and prOVisional situation. However, Israel has remained in these lands now for a full 11 years and has been systematically taking measures of a 30. Thus Bangladesh believes that the fundamental ele- ment, the keystone of any durable Middle East peace plan, revolves around the assurance of the rights of the Pales- tinian people as a whole to self-determination, indepen- dence and national sovereignty and their inherent right to return to their homes and property. It follows, therefore, that the Palestinian people are, and must remain, a principal party to any peace settlement in the Middle East. The question of who will represent them is one that has already been resolved by the Palestinian people themselves; it cannot be subject to imposition by Israel or any other country. Bangladesh cannot be a party to a..'y solutioq that seeks to split the Palestinian people or their homeland, and impose on some people a restricted exercise of their inalienable rights on a fraction of their original homeland, while others are relegated to limbo as pelTUanent exiles and are forcibly separated from the\r brethren in Palestine. Such a solution would be absolutely meaningless. It could not stand the test of time. r:~rmanent nature, through the pursuit of a policy incom- patible with its obligations as an occupying Power. Indeed, the Security Council itself has categorically deplored 34. Therefore, the second essential premise for a Middle East peace remains that of Israeli withdraWal from all territories illegally occupied since June 1967. Such a step is only logical under international law. There can be no exception, for any compromise would made a mockery of the most fundamental of the Charter injunctions decrying the acquisition of territory by force. 31. The second basic imperative for a pennanent peace settlement revolves around the occupied territories. The maintenance of the present status quo is, of course, untenable for the very presence of Israel in· any of these territories is illegal, as it is based on the unacceptable premise of occupation by conquest. Attempts by Israel to justify its continued occupation are themselves subject to unstinted condemnation, for therein lies the danger of legitimizing the acquisition of territory by force. Recogni- tion of Israeli claims could inevitably change the map of the world. Israel's indiscriminate justification of its occupation inter alia on security grounds, its claim to legitimacy derived from some ancient biblical connexion to its so-called homeland, its attempts to put a legal aura on its enforced occupation through transactions fm the purchase 35. The third intrinsic element for a comprehensive programme for peace is the status of the holy city ~of J~rusalem, which touches the susceptibilities of not only the Arab nations, but the entire Moslem world of 800 million people as well, and beyond it hundreds of millions of Christians. 36. Jerusalem symbolizes the birthplace of three of the world's greatest religions, embracing the spiritual and intel- "... the measures taken by Israel in the occupied Arab territories that alter their demographic composition or geographical nature and"particularly the establishment of settlements. .. Such measures which have no legal validity and cannot prejudice the outcome of the search for the establishment of peace constitute an obstacle to peace".1 "It considers . . . that all legislative and administrative measures and actions taken by Israel, including expropria- tion of land and properties thereon and the transfer of populations which tend to change- the legal status of Jerusalem, are invalid and cannot change thatstattls...".2 The Security Council has urgently called upon Israel once more to rescind all such measures already taken and to desist forthwith from taking any furber action which wnds to chmge the status of Jerusaleul. It has deplored the failure of Israel to show any regard for Security Council resolutions in the past. 37. It goes without saying that Israel continues flagrantly to violate the wishes of the world community on this question, while at the same time-hypocritically accusing the Assembly of what it calls "a hypnotic and totally irrational fIXation with Israel". 38. These, then, are the fundamental bases for any durable peace plan in the Middle East. Without their fulfl1ment on a comprehensive basis, peace will remain ephemeral. Bangla- desh believes that there is a need for new attitudes to break down the barriers of distrust, fear and lack of confidence, and for the abandonment of ingrained prejudices, but the onus lies upon Israel to demonstrate its bona fides and its meaningful desire to move urgently along a realistic path to a durable andjust peace. 39. We in Bangladesh are dedicated to the cause of peace and ]\lStice enshrined in our Constitution; it is an article of faith with us. It is in this spirit that we unflinchingly and unequivocally support the just and legitimate rights of our Arab and Palestinian brethren.

Most States which care for peace in the Middle East emphasize that the situation in that area is serious and that nobody can remain indifferent to a situation that threatens not only the peace and security of the region but also the peace and security of the whole world. We note with great concern that real peace is still far from being achieved in this region, in spite of efforts made inside and outside the United Nations. However, before I explain the basic reasons for the failure of such efforts, I should like to state my country's position concerning the settlement of this question. 41. The United Arab Emirates, together with its Arab brothers, is working hard to find a just and peaceful 2 Ibid.. para. ~'. 42. We believe that there is a basic fact that should be taken into consideration in any settlement of the Arab- Israeli conflict, namely, that the question of the Palestinian people is the core and heart of the Middle East problem and that any comprehensive and just settlement of the problem should be based on the follOWing points: first, the withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Arab territories, including the city of Jerusalem; secondly, the recognition of the in;ilienable rights of the Palestinian people, especially their right to return to their land, to self-determination and to establish their independent State in their homeland; thirdly, the participation of the PLO-which we consider to be the only legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, both inside and outside the occupied territories·-in my effort or pror..ess made to fmd a solution to these problems. 43. These basic facts are based on two fundamental principles of the United Nations, namely, the principle of the right of peoples to self-determination and the pnnciple of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of land by the use of force. 44. At the outset of my statement, I referred to the failure of efforts to find a solution to the problem of•the Middle East, whether they were made inside or outside the United Nations. At the United Nations level, the failure of ihese efforts is attributable to the fact that Israel is intransigent and persists in its refusal to implement the resolutions and provisions of the Ch-arter of the United Nations. We note with svrrow that some big States that have a special responllibility for the maintenance of international peace and security continue to provide Israel with material assistrdlce and with the most sophisticated and destructive weapons. This fact encourGges Israel to pursue an intransi- gent and expansionist policy, a policy that is embodied in the intensification of efforts to build new Isr-aeli settle- ments in occupied Arab territories and in an attempt to confer legitimacy on those settlements, as well as in the application of Israeli laws to the West Bank and the Gaza Strip with a view to annexing these areas into the Israeli entity. The Government of Begin showed the true nature.of this expansionist policy of Israel when it claimed that the West Bank and the Gaza Strip are not occupied territories but liberated lands. In addition to that, there are illegal measures being taken by Israel in Jerusalem with a view to mnexing it, altering its Arab, religious and historical character and profaning its Holy Places. Regarding the efforts made outside the framework of the United Nations, the most noticeable of these are, of course, ~he Camp David agreements.3 These accords were rejected by the Ninth 3 A Framework for Peace in the Middle East, Agreed at Camp David, and Framework for the Conclusion of 2 Peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel, signed at Washington on 17 September 1978. 45. In conclusion, I should like to say that throughout its history, the Arab nation has witnessed many tragedies and calamities in the form of invasions, but that nation was able to face up to the challenge, to overcome divergencies, and to defeat the conquerors and invaders. Thanks to its broad culture, its present potential and the support of peace- loving peoples, this Arab nntion will be able-sooner or later-to regain its legitimate rights. 46. Mr. JAMAL (Qatar) (interpretation from Arabic}: The seriousness of the situation in the Middle East lies in the barbaric and inhuman practices which Israel applies against the Palestinian Arab people, in its resort to war and in its occupation of the land of Palestine, as well as of a part of the Syrian Arab Republic and of Egypt. Israel established settlements in the occupied Arab territories and invited Jews from all over the world to come to live in place of the Palestinian Arabs in their land in defiance of United Nations resolutions and the principles of international law, which prohibit the use of force to deprive peoples of their national freedom and to replace them with foreigners. 47. In the "Defmition of Aggression" it adopted in resolution 3314 (XXIX), the General Assembly reaffirmed "the duty of States not to use armed force to deprive peoples of their right to self-determination, freedom and independence, or to disrupt territorial integrity"; it further stated that "the territory of a State shall not be violated by being the object, even temporarily, of military occupation or of other measures of force taken by another State in contravention of the Charter" and that it was inadmissible to acquire territory by force. Also, General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), which is the solemn Declaration on decolonization, says that "the subjection of peoples to alien subjugation ... constitutes a denial of fundamental human rights, is contrary to the Charter of the United Nations and is an impediment to the promotion of world peace and co-operation". 48. Israel's continued occupation of Arab territory, its repeated violations and its racist practices against the Palestinian people are the basic obstacles to the achieve- ment of ajust and lasting peace in the Middle East. Without a just and lasting solution to the Palestinian problem, and especially without respect for the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and the establishment of their independent State in their land, peace in the region will be impossible. . < • • 49. During its last regular session, on 25 November 1977, the General Assembly adopted its resolution 32/20 con- cerning the situation in the Middle East. In that resolution, the General Assembly reaffirmed: "... the urgent necessity of the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the region, based on full respect for the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations as well as for its resolutions concerning the problem of the Middle East...". "... a just and lasting peace in the Middle East, in which all countries and peoples in the region can live in peace and ~curity within recognizt-d and secure boundaries, cannot be achieved without Israel's withdrawal from all Arao territories occupied since 5 JUne 1967 and the attainment by the Palestinian people of their inalienable national rights." The General Assembly also called for the participation on an equal footing of all the parties concerned, including the PLO, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, in efforts to achieve a comprehensive settlement of the conflict.in the Middle East in all its aspects within the framework of the United Nations. SO. Israel has invaded, occupied and annexed large por- tions of territories belonging to States Members of this Organization, in addition to occupying the entire land of Palestine in the course of the four wars it has launched against the Arab States. Israel has also taken illegal measures in those lands with a view to altering the legal status, demographic composition and geographical nature of those areas, in violation of the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and Israel's commitments under the fourth Geneva Convention of 1949.4 51. Since its establishment in 1948, Israel has pretended that it seeks peace and a peaceful solution to the conflict in the Middle East. However, the facts and the developments of the last 30 years belie that assertion. Because of its aggressive and expansionist policy in occupied Arab territo- ries, Israel is an obstacle to the political efforts being made to fmd a solution to the Middle East problem. Thus by its anti-peace policy Israel transformed the Arab region into a hotbed of tension and one of the most dangerous regions of the world, thus threatening international peace and securi- ty. 52. Israel's refusal of peace stems from its aggressive, expansionist and colonialist nature as well as from its violation of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. As long as it is that entity's role to serve the interests of the colonialist States in the Arab region, to obstruct the development and unity of Arab States and to prevent those States from restoring their powers and using their resources for economic and social development, peace will not be in Israel's interests, because peace based on justice means the liquidation of its imperialist nature. 53. By Israeli standards, peac~ is the peace of the fait accompli, a peace that means the capitulation of the ~abs and. recognition of the new situation created in each phase of the conflict. That fait accompli is based on the prevailing balance of power. But such a peace is prOVisional and temporary, as it is dictated solely by the Israeli need for a respite so' that it can prepare for the next phase. Thus, in the Israeli concept, peace is not an end but a "",P.~ti5. 4 Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian'Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949. SS. Consequently, in each phase Israel offers a new concept of peace and a new set of conditions; in each phase Israel wants a new map, new borders and new relations. During the period 1948 to 1967, Israel wanted the Arabs to recognize Israel within .the truce lines of 1949. Mter the June 1967 war Israel offered a new com~c:pt, wpJch was defmed by uvi Eshkol in 1968 as followp,: ':We want peace that gives us secure borders in the east, freedom of navigation in the west and control over the sources of water in the north." Moshe Dayan went even further. On 23 February 1973 he declared to the newspaper Ha'aretz: "Israel must continue to build up its military power, to impose its influence on the Middle East, to maintain its control over the" occupied territories and to create new facts." 56. On several occasions this year the Security Council has examined the explosive situation in the Middle East resulting from the continuance of the racist and terrorist policy of Israel in occupied Arab territory. However, the Security Council-most unfortunately-was unable to take any decisions to put an end to the policy of occupation because of the negative position taken by some of the permanent members of the Security Council. The contin- ued Israeli occupation and the deterioration of the situation in the area requires that the Security Council take decisive and immediate action to force Israel to implement the various resolutions adopted in this respect. The agreement reached by the majority of the members of the Security Council concerning the situation in the Middle East is not enough to put an end to Israel's barbarous acts. My country therefore calls upon the Security Council to fulfIl all its responsibilities under the United Nations Charter by taking the necessary effective action to put an end to the Israeli occupation of the Arab territories and to fmd a just and lasting solution to the Middle East problem. 57. The State of Qatar deplores and condemns all the measures taken by the Israeli authorities in the Arab territories, for these measures are in contravention of all intemationallaws and conventions. They are considered to be null and void and do not grant Israel any right to these lands. We also condemn all attempts made to divide the Palestinian population into various groups, groups within and outside the occupied territory, for it is impossible to defy a fact that has been confirmed time and time again through the views voiced by the Palestinian people in all categories, through Arab summit conferences, the non- aligned conferences, the Islamic Conference, the Organiza- tion of African Unity and through the resolutions of the United Nations. All these emphasize the fact that the PLO is the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. 59. My country firmly believes in the principles and objectives of the Charter of the United Nations and reaffirms once again its commitment to support the Palestinian people under the leadership of their only legitimate representative, namely, the PLO, and all the other Arab countries which are living under the yoke of Israeli occupation. The position of my country is based on the fact that the road to a genuine and just peace in the Middle East lies in the withdrawal of Israel from all the occupied Arab territories, including the Arab city of Jerusalem, as well as llie restoration by the Palestinian people of all their legitimate rights, including the right to return to their lands, their right to self-determination and their right to establish their independent State in Palestine.

When discussing the situation in the Middle East the General Assembly is obliged yearly to conclude that the Arab-Israeli conflict remains the most dangerous source of international tension. The complexity of the unresolved problems of the Middle East and the obstacles which are "being erected by imperi- alist and Zionist forces on the road to their solution means that the tangle of contradictions in the Middle East has taken on an even more acute character. In its turn, failure to settle the Middle East conflict has an extremely negative effect on the entire system of international relations and on international peace and security throughout the world. 61. Relying on the political support and the extensive military, economic and fmancial assistance offered by imperialist circles of the United States and world zionism, Israel obstinately refuses to comply with the decisions of the Security Council and the General Assembly, which envisage the withdrawal of Israeli troops from the occupied Arab territories and a guarantee for the territorial integrity, the political independence and the security of all Middle.. Eastern States. 62. The rulers of Israel have set their sights on annexation of a considerable portion of the Arab lands they have seized and in fact are carrying out the economic appropriation of these territories, exploiting their na~ura1 and human re- sources and expelling- the Arab population from a number of areas. 63. The annexationist aspirations of the Israeli aggressors arc further strengthened by their systematic military provocations against the Arab States, similar to those wnich recently took place in Lebanon. The provocation in lebanon was inspired and was used by Israel in order to 64. By encouraging the escalation of tension in I.ebanon and by pursuing its expansionistic designs, Israel is trying to distract attention from the manoeuvres behind the scenes which are aimud at carrying out a separate deal on the Middle East to the detriment of a just and comprehensive Middle East settlement. 65. Pursuing its aggressive policies, Israel does not intend to seek a just settlement in the Middle East and refuses to take account of the legitimate rights and interests of the Arab peoples. Tel Aviv is trYing by any means in its power-either by force of weapons or by means of diplomatic manoeuvres, but in all events from a position of strengh-to foist its own settlement conditions on the Arab pe~L ' 66. However, there can be no settlement and a fortiori there can be no durable peace in the Middle East, if Israeli troops are not withdrawn from all the territories which were seized in 1967 and unless the inalienable rights of the people of Palestine are duly guaranteed. 67. A recognition of this truth has been reflected in a number of resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly of the United Nations, and has also taken the form of the. machinery involved in the Geneva Peace Conference on t.t}e Middle East, which is intended, with the participation of all parties concerned, to solve the key issues involved in a Middle East settlement. 68. The speedy resumption of the work of the Geneva Conference was an id,~a supported more than a year ago by the United States and the Soviet Union in their joint statement on the Middle East of 1 October 1977. That joint statement also emphasized the necessity of the withdrawal of Israeli troops from the territories occupied in 1967 and also of guarantees for the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. 69. But now we see that one of the parties to that joiitt statement has shirked its own obligations and has entered on the path of organizing separate deals, leaving these most important issues on one side. Ami although American diplomacy and propaganda has tried to give us an assurance that these separate talks were conducted in order to prepare for the Geneva Conference, it was from the very outset abundantly clear' that essentially their purpose was to explore the possibility of having a separate "solution", to deal only with individual problems of the Middle East conflict and not a comprehensive settlement in the context of that Conference, with the participation of all parties concerned, including the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. Quite obviously, such plans are far from showing any political realism and are not really helping to solve the problem. Any separate talks block the process of establishing a genuinely reliable peace in that area and also threaten the security of the peoples living there. "... the policy of separate negotiations and ofconcess JJlS to the aggressor does not bring peace any nearer. It simply further exacerbates the situation in the Middle East. As long as we fail to dispose of the causes of the Arab-Israeli conflict, and until we have eliminated the consequences of Israeli aggression, a reliable peace in the Middle East cannot be brou,ght about." 71. Any separate deals which are entered into behind the backs of and without the participation of the Arab peoples, and despite the legitimate rights and interests of those peoples, are in fact aimed at consolidating the fruits of Israeli aggression. Such deals can only be regarded as an attempt to impose on the Arab peoples and on the people of Palestine conditions ef neo-colonialist capitulation. Therefore, it is obvious why these deals have been regarded in the world as an anti-Arab cOlispiracy which is aimed at undenni.img a radical, comprehensive settlement and will not only not lead to a durable and just pe,M:e but will, in fact, on the contrary, complicate the situation in the Middle East. 72. The 'events which followed the Camp David talks, and in particular the recent practical steps taken by Israel to further expand its settlements on the West Bank of the Jordan, have corroborated this assessment and have un- masked the desires of Israel and its supporters to make use of a separate deal as a cover to legalize its refashioning of the map of the Middle East to the advantage of Israeli expansionism. 73. The agreements which were reached in Camp David say nothing about the withdrawal of Israeli troops from all occupied Arab territories, nor do they acknowledge the inalienable rights of the Palestine people to create their own national State. In other words, these agreements ignore the basic prerequisites for a settlement as contained in resolu- tio'ns of the United Nations on.this item. Such an approach does a disservice to the interests of all peoples in the Middle East area, including the interests of the people of Israel. . 74. The elimination of this remaining explosive source of war in the Middle East is one of the priority tasks of th" United Nations, whose job it is to strengthen international peace and security. It is in harmony with the interests of all peoples and States in the interests of general peace. It is the duty of the United Nations and all its' Members to do everything they can to bring this task as soon as possible to the.conclusion that is long overdue. 75. Naturally, the way to durable peace cannot be found by tacitly encouraging the aggr~ssor but by putting an end to the aggression and by eliminating it'3 consequences. 76. The achievement of a peaceful settlement should not be the subject of unscrupulous bargaining in order to reap the fruits of aggression. It should involve the collective efforts of all parties in the conflict and also should ensure the legitimate rights and interests of all peoples and States of the Middle East. 78. Any further procrastination in reaching such a settle- ment would simply be tantamount to disregarding the fate of those peoples and the fate of peace in the Middle East and would represent danger for both international peace and security. 79. The discussion of this item in the United Nations has made it possible to identify and to formulate the kind of foundation for a Middle East settlement which is supported by practically all of the international community and is a just one since it does take account of the legitimate rights and aspirations of all peoples in the Middle Eastern area. 80. Such a settlement shoulds first and foremost, involve the elimination of the causes of the Middle East conflict and the departure of Israel from all the Arab territories occupied in 1967. Such a settlement should give an opportunity to the Palestinian people to exercise fully their inalienable right to create their own national homeland and their own State. Finally, such a settlement should include the strictest possible interrlational guarantees for the security of all States in that region without exception. A comprehensive and radical settlement is, of course, only possible if all interested parties are included, the PLO among them. 81. Only such an approach can guarantee that a genuinely just and durable peace will be achieved since it will take into account the long-term interests of all countries and peoples of the Middle East without exception. It is high time that the leaders of Israel should understand that the policies of aggression and .expansion, trampling underfoot the rights of the Arab people, and the attempts to eliminate the national existence of the Arab people of Palestine not only will not provide any guarantee for the security and peace of the people of Israel, but, on the contrary, will lead it further and further into a dangerous deadlock. 82. The inter~sts of peace and security require further efforts to be stepped up to establish peace in the Middle East and to resume the working of an already existing international machinery, that is, the Geneva Peace Confer- ence, with the participation of all the interested parties including the PLO as the only legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. However, that Conference, as has already been emphasized by the delegation of the Ukrainian SSR from this rostrum, shoudl not be utilized as a screen in order to camouflage separate deals behind the scenes which do a disservice to a genuine and comprehensive settlement. 83. The sooner this iust settlement is reached the sooner peace will come to the long-suffering lands of th~ Middle East.

The situation which ha~ developed in the Middle East continues to be of great concern to world public opinion and to most Members of 85. As the situation in the Middle East is further marked by extreme instability, it is also a SQurce of constant tension threatening international peace and security. For these reasons Poland attaches great importance to the collective measures aimed at bringing about a just and comprehensive political settlement in the region without delay and the establishment of alasting peace there. 86. Therefore, we agree with the observation contained in the report of the Secretary..General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, of 24 November 1978, on the activities of WDOF, which reads as follows: "... the situation in the Middle East as a whole continues to be potentially dangerous and is likely to remain so unless and untJ a comprehensive settlement covering all aspects of the Middle East problem can be reached".s 87. It is the considered view of my Government that a just and lasting solution to the Middle East problem has to take into account the legitimate rights and interests of all the States and· peoples in the region. The political considera- tions should include the return of all the Arab territories occupied by Israel since 1967, the exercise of the inaliena- ble right to self-determination and independent statehood of the Arab people of Palestine, and the guaranteeing of the independent existence and security of all States of the re~oo. • 88. A just and lasting peace in the Middle East is inseparably linked also with the just cause of the Ar?b people of Palestine struggling for their legitima'~e rights, freedom and national independence. This struggle, which is enjoying the general recognition and support of the international community, is particularly close to all Poles, since in the course ofhistory we have ourselves experienced a similar fate and we learnt to known that freedom and independence a~e the dearest values of peoples fighting for their identity and national liberation. 89. A comprehensive solution of the Middle East crisis can be achieved on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and other relevant decisions of the Security Council and General As~embly. In short, there exists a satisfactory machinery which should be put in- motion in the cause of peace in the Middle East by means of liquidating the effects of Israeli aggression against the Arab lands. It is, however, because of the obstructive policy of lsraeli that this machinery has not been used. Recent d ~velopments testify to the correctness of our judgement. 90. ·During this session of the General Assembly we have had the chance-in plemu:l meetingssin the Special Political Committee and during the last special meeting of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the 91. Any attempt to solve the Middle East problem through deals of a separatist nature can only further aggravate it at the expense of all.the peoples in the regi~n. It is therefore natural t.l).,at the leaders of the CommunIst and workers' parties and the Governments of Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, the German Democratic Republic, Hungary, Poland and the Soviet Union, in the statement on the Middle East aclopted at the meeting of the Political Consultative Committee of the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty, held in Moscow, on 22 and 23 November 1978 {A/33/392 - 8/12939), decisively condemned the policy of separatist attempts which could only further complicate the situation in the region, damage the vital interests of the Arab peoples and delay a possible lasting and just settle- ment in the Middle East. The statement also gave finn and clear support for the conclusions of the Ninth Arab Summit Conference, held in Baghdad {see A/33/400, annex). 92. In the view of my delegation the only way that can lead to a comprehensive solution of the Middle East conflict is the early convening of the Geneva Peace Conference with the participation of all the parties con- cerned, including the PLO, as authentic representative of the Arab people ofPalestine. 93. Poland, to the extent of its modest possibilities, strives to be of use in all situations where we can contribute to solving burning and controversial international problems by peaceful means. We have been following this premise also in relation to the Middle East by contributing our military contingents to UNEF in the Sinai peninsula and UNDOF on the Golan Heights. But let me make it clear that we view our involvement there as contributing to a comprehensive solution of the Middle East problem and that we are opposed to any attempt-by mean.s of an unnecessary prolongation of the United Nations military presence in the area or otherwise-to perpetuate the occupation of the Arab territories. 94. It is the strong belief of my delegation that the United Nations should spare no effort to exert further influence for an early political settlement in the Middle East, which could bring peace to the region and essentia!~y contribute to the strengthening of universal peace and security. As was . stHted by the Foreign Minister of Poland, Mr. Emil Wojtaszek, on 28 September duripg this year's general debate, "... the road to peace in the Middle East leads through a comprehensive implementation of the provisions of the 96. The United Nations also expressed its support for the just Palestinian Arab canse when the General Assembly adopted resolution 3376 (XXX), by which it established the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. 97. Thus, the United Nations, which is the expression of the desires of millions of people of the world at the official level and at the level of the masses, is earnestly and objectively on the side of the cause of the Palestinian people, which is the cause of every people fighting for the restoration of their national rights in peace, justice and law. The fact that the United Nations celebrated 29 Nevember as the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People is another indication of legitimate international support for the cause of freedom, justice and self-deter- mination. 98. The second factor is the attempt that is being made today to achieve a just and lasting peace in the Middle East without the participation of many of the parties to the conflict, especially the Palestine party. At the same time, the authorities of the Zionist entity are taking measures to strengthen their hold on the Arab lands and on Palestine; for example, those authorities refuse to recognize the rights of the Palestinian people; they are establishing Jewish settlements on occupied Arab lands which have been described even by their friends and protectors as illegal and as constituting an obstacle to peace; they continue to occupy Holy Jerusalem and are attempting to change the cultural and historical heritage of that holy city and of the Arab territories under Zionist occupation. Thus, our delibe- rations during this session have a special significance-they should also offer a new dimension for the serious considera- tion of the Middle East question in the sense that alLefforts to bring about a just and lasting peace should be strength- ened. 99. That course reqUires the following measures. First, an honest e.valuation of the situation in the Middle East is necessary in the light of the continued Zionist occupation of Palestine and of neighbOUring Arab territory, the continued profanation of the holy city of Jerus~em and the continued attempts to alter the religious and cultural character of Jerusalem. Secondly, it is necessary to review 100. The international community has been Wlanimous in condemning Zionist aggression and the illegality of occupy- ing the lands of other people by .f(lr~e." 'fP-at condemnation has been expressed LT} various regional and international forums as well as in the Soviet-United States joint state- ment of 1 October 1977. 101. But the Zionists have defied that unanimity and that defiance has created an obstacle to a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. The question which suggests itself is, HDW can the Zionist occupation authorities persistently challenge the will of the international cQmmunity in view of the fact that they represent the Government of the only country. whose admission to membership the United Nations made conditional? That was so because of the lack of confidence of Member States in those authorities, as a consequence of which the liltter were required to produce a written commitment whereby the representatives of the Zionist authorities pledged to respect the United Nations, the Charter and the resolutions of the United Nations. 102. Therefore, in view of the violations of its resolutions, it is incumbent upon the United Nations to find ways and means to ensure the implementation of its resolutions in accordance with the Chartel', particularly in view of the fact that the continued Zionist occupation of Palestine and neighbouring Arab territories has become a threat not only to the Middle East but also to other regions of the world, thus endangering international peace and security with the risk of the outbreak of a world w~. 103. Arab Palestine, represented by tIle PLO, has proved that it is able to shoulder its responsibilities ~ the search for a just and las~ng peace based on respect for its national legitimate rights and its right to ef;iablish an independent State on its Palestine homeland. 104. The PLO, as the sole legit~mate representative of $e Palestinian peop~e,' has expresSed !J1rough its positive pOGitions its rea<Uness to comply with the resolutions of the United Nations. That is exempliijeq by the statement made by Mr. Farouq Qaddoumi before tlte General Assembly on 27 November 1978, to the effe(;t that: ".. :this irtternation- al Organization continues to be the most suitable frame- work for the establishment of a just peace in our region". [59th meeting, para. 110.] , 105. The Palestinian people through the PLO and other political instruments have expressed their appreciation of 106. If we look at the practices of the Zionist occupation authorities, we shall realize immediately that those authori- ties have the imperialist mentality and pursue an expansion- ist policy in order to strengthen their occupation of and hold over the Arab territories and Palestine. Is it logical to continue our discussion of the Middle East problem and to adopt further resolutions, in addition to the existing ones which all call for the establishment of a just and comprehensive peace in the Middle East? 1Q7. In view of the developments taking place in the region, the United Nations, and the Securit} ~ouncil in particular, should assume its responsibilities for maintaining international peace and security and act to safeguard the authority and prestige of the Organization so that it may avoid the fate that befell the League of Nations. 108. The policy of racist colonialism and annexation of Arab territories by force highlights the militarist-Fascist tendencies of the Zionist authorities. Therefore, we must act together to confront that threat in order to avoid the tragedy of war and destruction which took place during the Second World War as a result of the rise to power of the Nazi authority in Germany. We have therefore to take ~\ction in order to prevent such a policy of aggression and the annexation by force of the territory of others as is practised today by the Zionist authorities in pUr Arab region. It is incumbent upon us to, work together to avert such a catastrophe, on the basis of our faith in justice and in the importance of international legitimacy, as represent- ed by the United Nations and its resolutions. 109. In short, if peace is to be achieved in the Middle East the following conditions t as expressed in resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, must be respected: first, the total withdrawal of Zionist forces from all occupied Arab territories, including Holy Jerusalem; secondly, the restoration of the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to return to their homeland and to establish an independent State in the Palestinian homeland; thirdly, the ending of the establish- ment of Jewish settlements in the occupied Arab territories and the dismantling of all existing settlements, which have been illegally established and thus obstruct the process,of- bringing about a just peace; and, fourthly, the ending of excavation works and works designed to change the historic and demographic cp.aracte'r of the Holy ~laces and the Arab and Jslamic heritage in ~e occupied Arab territ()ries. 110. Peace baseq on justice is *e desire of the internation- al community, including the Arab countries. In order to be faithful to our peoples we have no alternative but to seek a just and comprehensive peace, the alternative to which would be war and destruction. The Arab people of Palestine have opted for a just peace. Let us the"refore concert our efforts in order t6 achieve peace, justice and the right to self-determination. 112. We are of the opmlOn that the Middle East crisis naturally cannot be seen in isolation from the over-all development of international relations. The situation in that region has always had an impact on international life in general. Today more than ever befor.e the interests of peace and international security directly demand a definitive and just settlement of the entire range of problems designated in summary form as "the Middle East crisis". 113. Last year we, together with many other delegations, proclaimed at this rostrum the view that Israel's disregard of United Nations resolutions, the attempts at an isolated solution and the delusions concerning the possibility of a settlement through so-called partial measures were the cause of past failures and might further aggravate the situation. Those words were borne out in March, when Israel ventur~d upon open aggression against Lebanon, which has caused a further deterioration in the conditions for a peaceful settlement of the Middle East crisis. 114. Recent developments con.firm that separate talks not only do not solve the problem but, on the contrary, even aggravate it. It is clear even now that should an agreement be reached between Egypt and Israel it could be accom- plished only at the cost of further fundamental conces- si0ns, to the detriment of the Arab peoples, particularly the Palestinian Arab peopl~. That is confirmed by the contin- ued occupation of Arab territories and the further consoli- dation of Israeli positions in those territories. Israel has not only refused to withdraw its troops from the occupied Arab lands but, on the contrary-as was shown by the recent deliberations on Israeli practices in the occupied territories in the Special Political Committee-is trying to bring about a chaI1ge in the. geographic and demograf)hic character of these territ'1rie~i and thus to create the conditions for their permanent annexation-as~ by the way, has been openly proclaimed by representatives of Israel.

It is a matter of serious concern that the situation in the Middle East continues to be as untenable and unstable as it was in 1967. Over a decade has passed and, in spite of the Security CouJ!cil's having laid down the framework for a just solution in its resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), Israeli occupation of Arab territories continues. This continuing fact of ,aggression is made much worse by Israel's policy of expanding its Jewish settlements on Arab lands, which is as grave a provocation of the Arab people as the original sin of military occupation. 1l5. At the same time it is completely clear that no progress towards a settlement can be made without the recognition of the basic and legitimate rights of the Palesti.n.ian people. Separate talks do not solve even one of the basic problems of the conflict; on the contrary, their purpose is the conclusion of partial or separate agreements enabling Israel to keep the occupied territories, to prevent the exercise of their legitimate rights by the Arab Pales- tinian people and to weaken the unity of the Arab nations. 1l6. In a statement issued in Moscow on 24 November 1978 leading representatives of Communist and Workers' Parties and Governments of a number of socialist countries, 121. One reads in the newspapers statemen1s by rsraeli leaders justifying this policy on the basis of ancient ------ 117. In this connexion we express our full support for the decisions of the Baghdad Conference of the highest representative of the Arab countries, whf;h will undoubted- ly play an important positive role in the endeavours to reach such a settlement .of the situation as will be in the interest of lasting peace in the region, as well as in the interest of world peace. 118. A just and durable settlement, as was once again stressed in the Moscow Declara'l.""1 [A/33/392-S/12939} adopted on 23 November 1978 by the Political Consulta- tive Committee of the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty, must include the withdrawal of all Israeli troops from Arab territories occupied by Israel in 1967, the implementation of the inalienable right of the Palestinian Arab people to self-determination, including the establishment of a State of their own, and the safeguarding of the independent existence and security of all States in that region, including Israel. Such a settlement, which would proceed from the relevant resolutions of the Security Council and the General AssembTIy and for which a resumed Geneva Conference would undoubtedly be the most suitable forum, c~ be reached only with the participation of all parties concerned, including in particular the PLO, the only recognized representative of the Palestinian people. It is in that direction that our efforts also here in the United Nations must be channelled. We proceed from the assumption that objective conditions still exist for achieving success in the resolution of this question. 119. The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic win continue to work towards that end, together with the Arab cowdries, becauoo only that road can lead to peace, to the strength- ening of international security and to the further deepening of international detente on a world-wide scale, because peace is indivisible. As long as the Arab nations and the Palestinian peole are not given back what rightfully belongs to them, there can be no genuinely stable and durable peace. 122. One cannot remain insensitive to the situation in the Middle East. It is not just a regional problem. That region lies at the cross-roads of nations, and peace in the Micldle East is thus an essential ingredient of global peace. Last year, when we spoke on this item,6 we referred to the growth ofdetente between the ...:.per-Powers and its healthy impact on the situation in the Middle East. The growth of detente has had its ups and downs but, by and large, there has been an expansion of detente, and we st"uld very much like to see it reflected in the Middle East as well. 123. One aspect of this was the joint statement made by the U:tited States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on 1 October 1977 as well as past attempts by the two Co-Chairmen of the Geneva Confer- ence to convene another meeting of the parties directly concerned to negotiate a peace settlement in the Middle East on·a comprehensive basis. In addition, independent efforts have been and are being made to establish a general framework of peace acceptable to all parties, and these efforts are undoubtedly sincere and well meaning. 124. My delegation would reiterate the self-evident fact that no peace settlement in the Middle East will survive unless it is in conformity with the provisions of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), which were accepted by all parties involved. There will be no lasting peace unless the root-cause of the conflict is removed. Israel must vacate the Arab territories it has occupied since 1967 and not stand in the way of the free exercise by the people of Arab Palestine of their inalienable rights, including the right to a nation-State of their own. 125. Fresh efforts are needed' in the direction of a comprehensive peace settlement which would take into account the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people and enable them to realize their national rights. My delegation sees no contradiction between the national rights of the Palestinian Arab people and the right of the State of Israel to exist. Both are entitled to exist in peace within recognized and secure borders. The United Nations can play a role in securing these rights for both parties through its peace-keeping procedures and arrangements. 126. It is.as absurd to contemplate the extermination of the State of Israel as it is to imagine that Arab lands are meant for Jewish colonization, or that Palestinian Arab national rights can be extinguished in one manner or another. Such fancies only breed more wars. It is necessaty to break out of the ".;;cious circle of aggression, reprisal, expansion and military counter-action. 6 See Officilzl Records of the General Assembly. Thirty-second Session. Plenary Meetings, 79th meeting. paras. :t4-32. 128. In conclusion, I should like to reiterate certain fundamental principles on the basis of which a comprehen- sive peace settlement covering all aspects of the WAltter should be sought. First, there should be total respect for the principle of the non-acquisition of territory by force. Secondly, territories occupied by conquest should be vacated by both military and civilian aliens. Thirdly, the right of refugees to 'return voluntarily to their own lands and homes must be honoured. Fourthly, the right of the Palestinian Arabs to national self-determination should be reaIized. Fifthly, boundaries should be established through negotiations and not by force. Sixthly, the right to exist of all States, including dIl Arab Palestine State, within secure and recognized boundaries should be accepted. . 129. Peace in the Middle East is indivisible. The need of the moment is for the people· in the Middle East to assert their birthright to live in peace and honour with. their neighbours. There is in the hearts of the Pa!estinian Arab people a tremendous urge for peace after over 30 years of conflict and insecurity. 130. During the thirty-second session of the General Assembly, fasoluiion 32/20 was introduced on behalf of the non-aligned countries-India being one of the sponsors of the draft resolution. It was adopted at the 8200 plenary meeting by 102 votes in favour, 4.against, and 29 absten- tions. The United Nations is therefore under an obligation to recognize this strong current of peace and to try to save succeeding generations in the Middle East from the scourge of further war, misery and devastation.

The Middle East has remained one of the main political problems facing this Organization. The international community is fully aware that four wars during 30 years bave brought untold suffering to the people of this troubled region. There is not doubt that the yearning for peace is uppermost in the minds and hearts of the war-weary people of the region. However, in the words of tile Secretary-General, in the Mid4le East, "despite all efforts and some new elements, real peace still eludes us" {see A1331l. sect. Ill} and "the situation in the Middle East as a whole was unstable and would remain so unless and~ until a comprehensive settlement covering all aspects of the Middle East problem could be reached.'" 132. The international community has expressed its grave concern at the ever-explosive situation in the occupied Arab territories as a result of continued Israeli occupation. The position of my country on the Middle East problem is well known and has been consistent. So that lasting peace in the Middle East may be achieved, we have insisted in the past 7 See OfflCilzl Records ofthe Security Council. Thirty-third Year. Supplement fo, October. November and December 1978. document 8/12896, para. 77. "It is, however, essential that all parties to the conflict, including the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, should be actively involved in all efforts towards a peaceful, enduring and comprehensive solution." [15th meeting. para. 317.J 133. Efforts -have been undertaken in the past within the framework of the United Nations to deal with the various aspects of the situation in the Middle East. We are of the view that given goodwill, mutual trust and a willingness to compromise the problem of the Middle East can be amicably settled. In his report submitted to the Security Council on 28 February 1977 the Secretary-General con- cluded that while all concerned were earnestly desirous of moving towards a negotiated settlement, a determined effort was necessary to overcome the lack of confidence and the mutual distrust and fears of all the parties as to the consequences of making compromises and concessions.S 134. President EI-Sadat's bold and courageous initiative in visiting Jerusalem last year introduced a new element into the Middle East situation. Many delegations, including my own, hailed at this rostrum the historic visit of President El-Sadat as a positive move in the continuing search for a just and durable peace in the Middle East. Later, to maintain the momentum of the peace process set in motion by this initiative, the President of the United States, Mr. Carter, also took the initiative in reactivating direct negotiations between Egypt and Israel. In our judgeplent, the agreements reached at Camp David provide a frame- work for peace through further negotiations. In fact, in the framework agreement setting out principles which should govern the search for a comprehensive peace it is stated unequivocally that the agreed basis for a peaceful settle- ment of the conflict between Israel and its neighbours is Security Council resolution 242 (1967) in all its parts. 135. There is explicit recognition of the fact that the solution resulting from the negotiations must take into account the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people and their just requirements. We are pleased to note the emphasis placed in the agreements on the participation of the Palestinians in the determination of their own future. We have further noted that the need for a comprehensive peace settlement is not lost sight of in the ongoing negotiations for the conclusion of a peace treaty between Egypt and Israel. We share the view that the Camp David agreements provide an opportunity to all parties concerned to reach a 8/bid., Thirty-second Year, Supplement for January, February and March 1977, document 8/12290, para. 18. "The Camp David agreement guarantees that the Palestinian people may participate in the resolution of the Palestinian problem in all its aspects, a commitment that Israel has made in writing and which is supported and appreciated, I am sure, by all the world." We have noted with appreciatioQ, President Carter's commit- ment to achieve the goal of peace. 136. My delegation shares with others the view that the question of Palestine constitutes the core of the crisis in the Middle East and that a comprehensive solution. must deal with the question of the Palestinian people and their representation in all negotiations concerned with the settlement of the Middle East crisis. We fully subscribe to the following observation of the Secretary-General ia his report on the work of the Organization: "... that if there is to be any hupe of a solution, all parties to the Middle East conflict need to abandon many preconceived ideas and ingrained attitudes, that all must make a serious effort to appreciate the difficulties of their adversaries, and that all must make an attempt to come to tenns with the very harsh, and often unjust, realities of this most difficult of all international problems." [see A13311, sect. IlL} - 137. Nepal has always supported activities and efforts aimed at fmding a peaceful, comprehensive and 1asting solution of tlte Middle East crisis. We earnestly hope that efforts will not be relaxed until a comprehensive, just and durable peace settlement covering all aspects of the Middle East problem can be fully' achieved. 138. Finally, we strongly support all United Nations peace-keeping operations in the"Middle East, which, in our opinion, continue to play an important and effective role, thereby creating the necessary climate conducive to a peaceful and lasting settlement of the Middle East dispute. UNIFIL, in which my country is a participant as a troop-contributor, has been successful, despite heavy odds, in fulfilling much of its mandate. We appeal to all concerned to co-operate with UNIFIL in helping to restore the authority of Lebanon in that area.

Today we were outraged by the 'dastardly action of the Israeli occupying forces in demolishing three houses in the West Bank and theteby rendering at least three families homeless and adding yet more -victims of Israeli brutality. This is the situation that the people of the Middle East who have been under .occupation for the past 11 years are facing. It WilS m horrendous .action. Yet, it has passed-like many another action-to the accompaniment of total apathy. 140. The essence of the question of the Middle East is the principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force. This principle is clearly and unequivocal- 141. Last week, the General Assembly debated the ques- tion of Palestine, and the United States made a fairly serious statement on the substanc..1 [65th meeting] ,. but the United States must understand that its efforts suffer from its refusal to talk to the party most seriously concerned in the problem. How can a mediator be effective when it refuses to talk to the representative of the people of Palestine? And how can it be effective when it has in advance given a pledge to one of the interlocutors that the latter will not be pressured into relinquishing the spoils and the territories it obtained by force? 142. In the full knowledge of the limitations of the General Assembly and of the paralysis of the Security 143. The issue of the withdrawal of Israeli troops from all Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem, is a sine qua non for the establishment of peace in the area. If the United Nations and its Members tolerate the violation of a sacred principle like the one on the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force, then we have to shred to pieces all this facade of civilization that has governed our relations. On the other hand,. we realize that we are shrieking in anger to no avail. Israel is not the type of country that listens to reason. Its leadership is suffering from a total and unshakable conviction of the virtue of force. All of us are sick and tired of its attituda, but what - can we do to make it disgorge Arab land? The key lies in the hands of Arab countries, which should place more faith in anned struggle than in toothless resolutions. 144. Only armed struggle can convince Israel that it cannot violate the United Nations Charter with impunity. But the role of the international community in isolating Israel and denouncing its pernicious designs on· Arab territory is impprtant as a supportive element, although it should not be a substitute for force. That is why we believe that the presence of Israel in the United Nations disfigures the Organization's image. Israel is unworthy of United Nations membership, and its presence reflectl, not its acceptance by the majority, but rather the power of the minority. 145. The frustrations of the lawful owners of Arab territory occupied by Israel have become almost uncontrol- lable. Indeed war will break out, for no self-respecting people can sit idly by, seeing its territory being eaten up by foreign invaders. The security of States is better served by· mutual understanding with their neighbours on the basis of the United Nati8ns Charter. 146. The incorporation into Israel of Arab territory- whether the Bible or security is used as the pretex.t-will undoubtedly sow the seeds of discord and confrontation. The world is replete with examples in which the territory of others has been taken by invaders under the guise ,of security with the inevitable result that the victims_have; taken revenge on the conquerors. That is what will happen in the Middle East. Israel can maintain a fleeting victory, but in the end, when the choices are closed, when there are no more options and the jig is up, the Arabs will take their revenge. 147. The role of the Assembly is to reaffinn its support for the principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force. That unders;ores the world's fidelity to this sacred tenet of the ChL'1~r. Israel must be made to understand that it stands alone in its violation of the Charter and that no Member State can under any pretext accept the brazen flouting of the United Nations Charter.

A few days ago the General Assembly fmished its discussion of the Palestine question. It is now dealing with a new item related to the Middle East situation. As an Arab representing q~e of the countries of the Middle East, I feel that this problem is taking up too much of the time of the General Assembly, to say nothing of the time devoted to our problems by various Committees and by the Security Council. Moreover, United Nations forces are stationed on the territories of all the Arab States bordering on Israel. At first sight it seems as though we are placing a burden upon the world. To be more precise, I may say that a number of States really feel that the United Nations is shouldering a burden in the Middle East. 150. In analysing that apparent burden we should remem- ber the role played by the United Nations in the creation of the Palestinian tragedy, which has become the core of the Middle East question. The day that the United Kingdom declared its determination to terminate its Mandate over Palestine and invited the United Nations to fmd a solution to the problem marked the beginning of United Nations involvement in the Middle East question, an involvement that continues today and does not seem to be approaching an end.. The first action taken by the United Nations was to divide Palestine by giving 54 per cent of the total land of Palestine to the Jewish minority, which represented only 30 per cent of the total population, leaving the remaining part to the Arab majority. Subsequently, through its repeated attacks, Israel increased its area to 70 per cent of the total area of Palestine. This first action of the United Nations in Palestine was almost a sort of coronation of the basi~ objective pursued by the United Kingdom when it assumed responsibility for the mandate over Palestine. The United Kingdom included the Balfour Declaration in the Mandate document before- the League of Nations. Throughout the period of its Mandate over Palestine and for over 27 years the United Kingdom has tried hard to make of the Zionist organization in Palestine a state within a state. It facilitated the arrival of immigt:ants on a very large scale in order to transform the Jewish minority in Palestine into a future majority. It is clear that through its policy the United Kingdom ignored the natural rights of the Palestine people -and acted deliberately to transform that people into a minority in its own lanc. Naturally the Pale~tinian people did not accept the policy pursued by British imperialism and resorted to riots and uprisings, as all of us knows. In the process of achieving national independence, that people was exposed to repression by the authorities of the British Mandate. The Palestinian people were also exposed to more barbaric repressive operations by Zionist terrorism, which 151. In any case, the United Nations completed the process started by British imperialism in Palestine. It decided to ~!vide Palestine into two States and prOVided the means for one Ol ~~:e States-namely, Israel-to develop, to grow strong and to become a source of concern and problems for the world, while the Arab Palestinian State has not yet seen the light of day. 152. This tragedy which the United Nations initiated was closely linked to the basic structure of that Organization in its early days. The Organization was under the influence of the imperialist Powers and it was natural that it should be sympathetic to the Zionist entity, which wa& and still is an extension of the process of imperialist invasion, a process which started in the nineteenth century. The sympathy of the United Nations in its early days with the Zionist ambitions in Palestine was another revelation of the colonialist natur~ of that entity which was created by a resolution adopted by the General Assembly. 153. However, the situation has changed as a result of the change in the structure of our Organization and as a result of the increased membership following the attainment of independence by the new States. The numerical-change in the United Nations was accompanied, as was to be expected, by a change in the outlook of the Organization on world problems, especially the problem of the Middle East. Thus the United Nations recognized in its resolution 3236 (XXIX), adopted in 1974, the national inalienable rights of the Palestinian people and recognized the PLO as the representative of that people. The United Nations has reaffirmed that situation every year since then. The moral and material efforts made and the time spent by the United Nations in an attempt to reach a just and lasting peace in the Middle East are also an expression of the positive qualitative change which has taken place in this Organiza- tion. That change is a consecration of the ambition of thi~ Organization to become, accarding to its Charter, an instrument for the achievement of peace and justice. Therefore, we feel that it was legitimate to exert that effort and spend that time in view of the noble objective the United Nations had set itself, namely, to repair the historic damage caused by the United Nations itself to the Palestinian people on the one hand, and to give practical expression to the Organization's desire to support these people in their legitimate struggle to establish an indepen- dent State on their land and to enjoy all their national rights recognized by the United Nations. This change is also an encouragement to the people in our region to live in peace, on the basis of justice and of the principles o(the Charter governing the relations between States. 154. The noble goals which the Charter of the United .Nations seeks are still the goals towards which our Organization is moving today. We can also say that these noble goals have become the objectives which inspire our Organization since the number of the newly independent States in Africa, in Asia and in Latin America have increased, objective,; which have made the Organization the embodiment of the conscience of humanity and its ambi- 161. On this occasion my delegation would like to state clearly that it deplores the consistent position taken by the United States of America as regards the Middle East crisis, and in particular the Palestinian issue. The reason for referring to the United States in particular is that it is a permanent member of the Security Council and one of the Co-Chairmen of the Geneva Conference, within the frame- work of which negotiations on the Middle East were intended to take place. Although the United States of America was supposed to shoulder its international respon- sibility under the Charter, it has follo)Ved and continues to follow a deplorable policy in the interest of the continuous Zionist aggression against our people. That is why that expansionist racist entity is disregarding the will of the whole world, gambling with peace and trampling on all the values which are recognized by mankind: the values of justice and the peoples' right to self-determination, inde- pendence and sovereignty. The Zionist aggression has surpassed all limits and ignored all the international rules, I including the United Nations Charter and resolutions. The Zionist entity is still perpetrating aggression against the Palestinian Arab people, t.l}e Arab countries and the Charter and the resolutions of the United Nations. 162. I say here that because of the aggression of the Zionist entity we in the Middle East area and the United Nations have the right to ask the United States of A..'11erica to stand by justice and right. It is incumbent on the United States of America, as a permanent member of the Security Council, in accordance with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, to respect the principles of that Charter and to contribute to the preservation of international peace. But, because it maintains its present position and continues to support Zionist aggression, we are led to question the commitment of the United States Administra- tion and its adherence to the Charter and the goals of the United Nations.

The General Assembly once again is taking up the consideration of the problem of the Middle East at a time when the situation in that region and in the world as a whole more than ever makes it imperative to show vigilance and determination in face of the acts of aggression, the plots and the intrigues of the enemies of the freedom and independence of peopl~sand of true 'peace and security. 169. It is to that end that the two super-Powers have for several years, together or separately, plotted and resorted to intrigues in order to sabotage the struggle of the Arab peoples against imperialist-Zion~st aggression. It is to that end that they have endeavoured and continue to endeavour to impose their alleged plans for a solution of the problem of the Middle East, to be carried out under their sponsor- ship or through their mediation, through the sadly notori- ous diplomacy of a step-by-step settlement or by reconven- ing the stillborn Geneva Conference. . 170. This explains the many manoeuvres and machina- tions resorted to, the many pressures and blackmail exercised so far on the Arab peoples in order to deceive and intimidate them and to divert them from their determined struggle against imperialist-Zionist aggression. 164. Many developments this year show once again that imperialism, social imperialism and all reactionary forces are determined more that ever before to attain their goals of aggression or hegemony in the Middle East as well as in other regions of the world, thus further aggravating and complicating the international situation. Tensions have mounted everywhere. New hotbed!! of war and aggression emerge in all continents. Many pressing issues, such as the question of the Middle East, are not yet resolved and the prospects for their settlement are even more gloomy. 166. But we must note that the enemies of the Arab peoples, above all the Israeli Zionists and the two impe- rialist super-Powers, have done everything possible to prevent a settlement of the problems of the Middle East and continue their action to complicate the situation even further. At the present time it is clear that the nefarious effects of imperialist-Zionist aggression and the rivalry of the two imperialist super-Powers-the United States of America and the Soviet Union-in the Middle East, weigh ever more heavily on the Arab peoples and primarily on the Palestinian people. 167. The Israeli Zionists are intensifying their aggressive manoeuvres against the Arab peoples and countries. They continue to occupy the lands of the Palestinian people ~"d of other Arab peoples and broadly practise their policy of terror, denationalization. and annexation in those lands. They are strengthening their war machine and their preparations with a view to launching further acts of aggression in the Middle East. The invasion of Lebanon this year was another act which bore witness to the expansionist designs and t4e aggressive terrorist practices used by Israel against the legitimate interests and the national rights of the Palestinian people and of other peoples of the region. 168. The acts of aggression and hegemony of the two imperialist super-Powers, the United States and the Soviet Union, and their continuous interference in the Middle East constitute the other constant and growing danger faced by Arab countries and peoples. The two super-Powers have greatly aided and 1betted the aggression of the Israeli Zionists. They continue to attempt to prolong a disturbing and unstable situation in' the Middle East in order to preserve the fruits of Zionist aggression and better to safeguard their imperialist interests, and to prepare the ground for further interference there in the future. Their main goal has been and continues to be complete domi- nation in the Middle East. That is why the American imperialists and the Soviet social-imperialists are relentlessly engaged in a bitter rivalry to secure spheres of influence and positions of privilege in that region. 172. The perfidious and dangerous nature of the various methods which the enemies of the Arab peoples have used for a long time to divide the Arab peoples, to destroy the unity of the Arab countries, and to impose temporary or partial solutions to the Middle East problem are now more obvious than ever. 173. The imperialists, the Zionists and their allies and collaborators are making a great fuss about some so-called settlements in the Middle East and are trying to give the impression that something very important is about to happen in that region and that the road to peace will then open up. They are asking the Arab peoples to stop their opposition to the Zionists and to the imperialists and to forget the past and the sufferings and injustices of which they, and the Palestinians in particular, have been the victims. In the name of an alleged peace, the American imperialists are trying to impose on the Arab States demeaning conditions and partial solutions to their prob- lems, but in fact these are nothing but attempts to trample underfoot the rights of those peoples, to divide them even further and to lead them into diplomatic traps aimed at plundering Arab lands and sacrificing the rights of the Palestinian people and their cause. 174. What is occurring in the Middle East is the direct consequence of the anti-Arab rivalry and bargaining which the two imperialist super-Powers have been carrying on for years. Whenever the American imperialists and the Soviet social imperialists pose as friends of the Arab peoples they are acting only in their own interesfs. For some time now the United States has been carrying out its plans in the Middle East, but the Soviet Union is also trying to profit from the course of events in order to gain ground in the imperialist rivalry and to restore its own privileges in order to play the part of arbiter, just like the United States. 175. All these facts explain why neither the causes nor the consequences of tlle serious events in the Middle East have disappeared nor are they disappearing. Peace cannot be established and the problem of the Middle East cannot be settled so long as Israeli troops are not withdrawn from all occupied Arab territoRies and so long as the national rights of the Palestinian people are not restored. The problem of the Middle East cannot be resolved unless there is a just and lasting settlement of the problem of Palestine. An anti-Arab peace will not last long. 176. Regardless of their manoeuvres, the imperialists and the Zionists will not succeed in forcing the Arab peoples to renounce their rights and their struggle. The leader of the Albanian people, Enver Hoxha, stressed: "The Arab peoples are constantly exposed to imperial- ist-Zionist aggression and to the ferocious and very dangerous plots of the two imperialist super-Powers. At 177. The Albanian pe\')ple express their sincere feelings of friendship towards the brother Arab peoples. The Albanian delegation wishes to repeat the firm and unswerving support of the Albanian People's Socialist Republic for the just cause of the Palestinian people and other Arab peoples.

"There is a continual tenseness in the situation in the Near East, largely as a result of the Palestine question." That sentence could be a terse descrip- tion of the situation in the Middle East today. It so happens, however, that it is also an extract from a confidential letter to the President of the United States, Mr. Truman, from his Secretary of State, Mr. Ste-ttinius, dated 18 April 1945. Today in 1978, 33 bitter 'and violent years later, we still have what was evident in 1945 as one of our major unresolved issues. 179. It would be frightening to speculate on \vhat those decades of strife have represented to the countries in the Middle East, not only in terms of people killed and maimed, or property destroyed, but also in terms of lost opportunities for development, scarce resources squander- ed, and the tragedy of the terrible legacy ofsuspicion, fear and antagonism which renders progress so difficult and makes frustration so prevalent in the minds even of the younger generation. It would, therefore, be better to draw a charitable veil over the militaristic approaches of the past, and observe that they have manifestly failed to produce the peace and security that the nations concerned so anxiously seek. 180. H:re at the United Nations we have all too often been dismayed listeners to the flurry of accusations and counter-accusations made by the protagonists on both sides. This year's debate, unfortunately, is no exception. Until recently, we had resigned ourselves to listening to both sides and then, according to our individual convic- tions, to supporting one or the other antagonist by our votes. 181. Such is the nature of the balance in support that ea~h side commands, that the predictable result has been mere repetition and constant polarization at the United Nations, and, on the spot, no progress, no permanent solution, not even an easing of tension, but only an uneasy, simmering resentment between periodic outbreaks of violence. At times in our discussions it seems that some of 'us have reached a stage when our eyes no longer see, our ears no 183. This Organization by now can appreciate the major preoccupations of all sides involved in the dilemma; they have strongly-held views oflong standing, which have often been stressed in the past, and whi~l:J. are also to be projected into an uncertain future, where a number of imponderable factors may be at play. In particular, and on each side, there are crucial elements which constitute at one and the same time both the core of the dilemma and the key to its solution. 184. At least it can be said that we have had enough background in our records to enable us to make recom- mendations for a just and lasting solution, not as an imposition, but as honest bh"kers acting out of a common responsibility and for the common interest, before the ,region plunges once again into another disaster with world-wide repercussions. 185. There are, therefore, significant elements which can induce us to move forward, cautiously and deliberately, into a more positive direction than perpetual paralysis. But a thorough reappraisal is called for, not only in this Assembly but principally by the parties directly involved. Our Secretary-General, from 'his long association with this question and from his persistent consultations, writes: "... all parties to the Middle East conflict need to abandon m3!1y_preconceived ideas and ingrained attitudes, that all must make a serious effort to appreciate the difficulties of their adversaries, and that all must make an attempt to come to tenns with the very hars:f'l, and often unjust, realities of this most difficult of all international problems. To the outside observer the irony of the Middle East is that this historic region, which has given so much to our civilization and which is still a great and diverse reservoir of human talent, has also become a grave danger to the rest of the world. We must together fmd some means of liberating the Middle East and all humanity from a nightmare that has lasted far too long." {See A/33/1, sect. lIL] . . 186. My delegation agrees with this profound observation of our Secretary-General. My own Government, and many others, has lost no single opportunity in an even-handed way to urge all concerned to try to understand and appreciate the preoccupations of the other. As independent and objective observers we have, over the past few years, noted significant shifts in the statements made by responsi- ble leaders of the major parties concerned which the other 188. The major imperative before us now surely is to consider how this Organization can help to allay these persistent preoccupations over a highly emotional issue of peace, security and human rights, rendered even more poignant by religious' and historical affmities going back over centuries and by the attachment of people to the land of their fathers. There is an urgent need to set in motion a dynamic process which will change the simmering resent- ment of today into a momentum of mutual understanding tomorrow. 189. Some three years ago this Organization fmally recognized that the Palestinian issue was political in nature, and that it was central to the Middle East problem. It was also recognized that the piecemeal approach favour- ed in the past had run out of steam, and that new approaches were required which would replace despaL.. injustice and violence, and demonstrate that this Organiza- tion was neither helpless nor indifferent. 190. My delegation was convinced that the United Nations had an essential role to play it! breakin6 the deadlock. Indeed, it was in these halls that an international cOIisensus was forged on the main parameters of what would constitute a comprehensive solution. What was lacking was a practical plan of action which would be impartial and comprehensive in scope, faithful to the decisions of the United Nations and drawn up within its framework. Hence Malta's agreement to participate actively in the work of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. 191. Despite the criticism directed against it, let me stress once more that what the Committee advocates is an equitable solution in which the preoccupations of none-I repeat, none-of the protagonists are overlooked. The recommendations are now two years old {see A/33/35 and Co".l/Rev.l, annex] and have gained the support of the overwhelming majority in this Assembly. Their detailed provisions should be familiar to all and need no repetition today. 192. With the greatest respect I have to say to those representatives who have so unfairly criticized the members of the Committee and its recommendations that they ~em not to have clearly understood the implications of the recommendations-or perhaps we have not explained our- selves sufficiently clearly. 193. Nowhere in the report {A/33j35 and Co".l/Rev.l] is there any intended threat to the security or existence of any establish?d State in the Middle East. Had there been, there would not have been any unanimous recommenda- tions. Even the most cursory comparison of the criticism of the representative of Israel and the explanations which the 194. I have said, and I repeat today, that the Committee acted in terms of its restricted mandate, but the General Assembly has no such restrictions ancl if there is anything missing from the Com.'!littee's recommendations that omis- sion can be rectified. None of the detractors of the Committee offered any suggestions, despite our open invitation to them to do so. We were and we remain willing to clarify any point that might give rise to concern. 195. Once again, then, the 0r- ..IIlity is open to this Assembly to add any ~!arifir _t~ which it may deem necessary to the detailed r:"",0mmendations which have been submitted. The role of third parties as a catalyst for comprehensive progress seems to be particularly necessary now, as we enter a critical phase in the search for an equitable solution. With so many interests involved, third parties have to be' acceptable to all protagonists, and none of the parties directly involved can be excluded, least of all the leaders of those whose future is at stake and whose bitterness in view of the living memory of their recent history and present predicament is most acute. 196. That was the main reason why the Committee wished to involve the Security Council in the process, particularly since that was the only forum where all parties had been able to meet, but other modalities for pursuing a compre- hensive approach are not excluded. 197. The momentum that has been given by initiatives taken by some of the parties directly involved needs to be encouraged to fit into the mainstream of comprehensive progress without provoking division. A major effort of comprehension and imagination is required Gn all sides at this delicate stage. Prop.osals which envisag~ g process of self-determination under the surveillance c:f Ml army of occupation hardly fit into that category. S~1f~determination and military occupation are in fact a contradiction in terms which can hardly be accepted as a basis for progress, either' by the leaders of the people directly involved or indeed by the international community. Surely we can all agree on this point. We also should all realize that we are now at the end, not the beginning, of this century. 198. Above all, if we accept that the principle of self-determination applies to all peoples we cannot but accept the corollary of consultations, direct or indirect, with the Palestinian people and their recognized leaders if we want a solution to be enduring. Just as it is contended that third parties cannot impose a solution on others, so it would be impossible to impose a solution behind the backs of the Palestinian people and their leaders. The reaction of the Palestinians in the occupied West Bank and Gaza on that score has been quite explicit. 199. The representati"..e of the United States, speaking on 30 November during the debate on Palestine, said: "Those who wish to join us need only accept pea~ and recognition among neighbours as the declared objective of 200. In fact, that has been the fundamental object:,te of my delegation's participation in the Committe!: on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian Peopie. It is my sincere belief that all those who haw contributed to the work of the Committee, whether as members or ~ observers-and that includes the PLO and many Arab countries-recognize that the phased solution ~hich the Committee has advocated has as its objective peace and security for all peoples and cOuntries in the Middle Eat, and an important role for the United Nations in guaran- teeing the peacefulness of the process. 201. The recommendations of tile Committee have been studied and favourably considered by the National Council of the PLO. TIlat is an important factor which should ~ot be underestimated. The PLO is probably more receptive to a compromise solution suggested by the international community than to a formula devised without its contribu- tion. If doubts persist, the~ is one sure way in which an authoritative interpretation ofits acceptance ~an be obtain- ed; the necessary questions should be asked of the leaden of the peoples and countries concerned and peace should be given a chance by granting to a dissatisfied and dispossessed people justice and the responsibility of statehood and national development. The Committee on Palestirie seeks nothing more,· and is prepared to contribute its share; and so is my country, at any time. 202. There is probably no State better i'laced to under- stand the frustration of the Palestinian people than Israel. As the temporary trespasser in territory occupied by force~ as the country mm.t insistent on the need for recognition :md fer p,e&ce, it has an opportunity to make a magnani- mons and magnificen.t contribution at this delicate stage. DeA~Y or indifference would be prejudicial to the prospects of peace. Without justice, no country in the region can have real security and the dangers of a regional or uniwrsal holocaust will persist. 203. The continuing contributiolt of this Organization is nevertheless essential if an equitable solution is to be found. The United Nations has been actively in~'Olwd in this question, practically since the Organization's foundation• lts role in providing aid to dispossessed people, in prevent- ing hostilities and in separating combatants has been on~ of the brightest contributions in otherwise sad circumstances and sterile efforts. The situation on the spot would undoubtedly have been much worse without the dedicated service which has been rendered by this Organization.

The peace and the stability of the Middle East are matters of great concern not only to the countries of the region itself but also to the international community as a whole. Japan has long been aware of that fact, and through the intensive exchange of views that took place during the visit of our Prime Minister to the Middle East last September, the Japanese Government was again convinced of the necessity of the early achievement of peace in that region. 210. The complicated situation and the tension which still persists in the Middle East constitute a source of profound concern for all countries which have a true interest in the maintenance and consolidation of peace and the develop- ment of co-operation, detente and international under- standing. 206. As regards the Camp David agreements reached last September between the President of Egypt and the Prime Minister of Israel, ~,hrough the mediation of the President of the United States of America, those agreements are, in our 211. It is clear that, as long as the Arab territories occupied by force as a result of the 1967 war are not restored to their rightful ewners by Israel, and as long as the Palestinian people are denied their .Jegitimate right to self-determination, the threat of further military confronta- tions, which would be devastating in their effect, will continue to menace peace and security in the Middle East and the whole world. The highly negative influence which the' conflict in that region has continued to have on the over-all international climate and the efforts of the interna- tional community to find solutions to the major problems confronting mankind today is· something which everyone feels. The Romania.rJ. people, who are engaged in the gigantic national task of the economic and social develop- ment of the country, are, like so many other peoples, vitally interested in the establishment of relations of peaceful co-operation, understanding and mutual respect among all nations. Therefore, Romania has always most resolutely supported a defmitive solution of the Middle East conflict and indeed of all the other controversies which threaten peace and are prejudicial to international co-operation and understanding. ~ew, a constructive follow-up of the various converging efforts, all of which were aimed at a comprehemdve settlement of the Middle East problem. Indeed, the Camp David agreements were a product of the indefatigable efforts and the strong political will of all participants in the Camp David summit meetings and we. highly applaud the result as providing a new momentum towards the attain- ment of peace· in the region. The Government of Japan earnestly hopes that, by furthering talks among the parties concerned, peace will be achieved at an early date-a peace based on the full implementation of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) and recognition of and respect for the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people in accordance with the United Nations Charter. 207. We feel that, because of the long years of its historical compleJdty, it would be extremely difficult to solve all aspects of this problem at a single stroke and at the same time. The available alternative, then, is to try to solve the aspects one by on~ wherever possible, keeping constant- ly in mind that these effor.ts should be fmalized in a comprehensive settlement of the entire problem. From this point of view, we very much wish that the Jngoing negotiations on a peace treaty between Egypt and Israel will be concluded as soon as possible and that this will provide a break-through to further attempts to solve other aspects, thus leading to a fmal settlement of the Middle East problem as a whole. We strongly advocate, of course, that a comprehensive settlement should include .the solution of the Palestinian problem-a question that lie.s at the very heart of the Middi,~ East problem and without whose solution a just and lasting peace can never be achieved in that region. Therefore, we wish to interpret the peace treaty negotiations between Egypt and Israel as part of dle process aimed at bringing about an over-all solution of this problem. We reiterate our strong hope that, taking these negotiations as a new starting-point, further intensive efforts will continue to be made in an attempt to solve the remaining problems, with the participation of all the parties concerned. Only the early attainment of a comprehensive settlement of the Middle East proble"m will allow all peoples of the region, whether Arabs or Israelis, to live in peace and without fear and to devote themselves to building up truly humane societies. The Government and the people of Japan will support and assist and co-operate in all constructive efforts to that end.

Last week {62nd meeting] I had occasion at this rostrum to set out the position of Romania and its active support for efforts aimed at bringing about a just and equitable solution to the problem of the Palestinian people and a peacefu1 settlement of the Middle East conflict. 212. The eftectiveness of any political solution always depends upon its realistic basis and constructive nature and the extent to which it actually reflects the real aspirations and responds to the legitimate interests of all peoples. Experience has shown that only the process of political negotiations among the parties concerned is the sole alternative to conflicts and armed confrontations which pose the greatest possible risks to ~the cause of peace. At the same time, the course of negotiation can prove truly fruitful to the extent that it provides the nec:ssary conditions for all interested peoples to be able to have their say and to promote their legitimate interests. 213. As is being stressed today by world public opinion, and as Romania has always maintained, it is hardly possible to establish relations of confidence, security and good- neighbourliness in the Middle East-or in any other part of the world, for that matter-in circumstances where the occupation of foreign territories continues. Similarly, the source of tension in that zone can be eliminated only ii the Palestinian people are assured that they will have the opportunity to establish their own country and their own indep~ndent State, so that they can live there in fr 'edom as they wish. In my country's view, the key to the establish- ment of just and lasting peace in the area is the solution of the Palestinian problem, and this fundamental problem for the building of peace can be solved only with the direct participation in negotiations of the Palestinian people and the PLO, which is their legitimate, authentic and recognized representative. 21 S. Romania whole-heartedly supports that position and has from t}-:,e very beginning believed that the attainment of such a settlement absolutely requires the withdrawal of israel from the Arab territories it occupied follOWing the 1967 war and the solution of the problem of the Palestinian people on the basis of their right to self-deterIIlJnation, including the right to establish their own indepen.dent State. At the same time, the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East presupposes the guarantee- ing of the independence .and territorial integrity of all States in the area and the development among them of relations of co-operation and good neighbourliness. 216. The constructive position founded on principle which Romania has always advocated with regard to the proper means of putting an end to the Middle East conflict is well known. Ever since the war broke out in 1967, my country has always stressed that the only way of solving the whole complex of problems in the Middle East lies not throqgh military hostilities, which only tend to become ever more ruinous for the parties to the conflict, and more dangerous and more damaging to international peace and security, but through the political process of negotiations among the parties directly concerned. In adherence to this position, Romania believes that any negotiation is a positive phenomenon, to the extent that it contributes to bringing about a global solution to the conflict on the basis of the principles I have mentioned. In the situation created by the Camp David negotiations, which my country sees as forming part of a process of bringing about a global solution, our feeling is that action must be t1ken with ever more determination to fmd a wayof ensuring the participa- tion of all countries and parties to the conflict in the search for a global solution. 217. As is stressed in the message addressed by .; President of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Nicolae Ceausescu, on the occasion of the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People: "Romania considers that it is now more necessary than ever to intensify activity aimed at achieving an over-all political settlement of the problems of the Middle East and that there is a need to take action with a. view io fmding the means of ensuring the participation of all countries and all the interested parties in an over-all settlement of the conflict in order to strengthen co-opera- tion and solidarity among all the Arab countries concern- ed. In this spirit, we consider that it would be particularly 218. The holding of such a meeting, of course, means that efforts must be made by all countries. Furthermore, it is necessary for all the parties involved to put an end to all actions contrary to the interests of peace, and also to r~frain from measures liable to aggravate the very serious present problems, and liable to give rise to further complications and to raise further obstacles to a global settlement of the Middle East problems.· 219. It is in this spirit that the Romanian delegation shares the hope expressed in the report of the Secretary-General, the subject of this debate, to the effect that: "... urgent efforts will be pursued by all concerned until a comprehensive, just and durable peace settlement covering all aspects of the Middle East problem can be fully achieved." [A/33/311-S/12896. para. 99.J 220. As we have already had occasion to stress, the Romanian delegation believes that it is now more necessary than ever to intensify the efforts of all States, all peoples and all progressive forces to bring about a peaceful solution of the problems of the Middle East and to establis]l genuine peace in that part of the world which has suffered so much. An equitable solution to the Middle East conflict would, we believe, be in keeping with the present and long-term fundamental interests of all States and peoples in the area because it would enable them to devote all their human and material resources to the acceleration of their economy and social development. Such a solution would also be in the greater interests of all the nations of the world because the fmal elimination of this conflict would have an extremely positive effect on the international climate as a whole and on detente, and would eliminate a grave source of t,:r,sion and confrontation, which, on more than one occasior~, has end?:lgered international peace and security. Therefore, we believe that this debate should encourage us to undertake further constructive efforts so that without further delay substantial progress can be achieved towards a peaceful settlement of all the problems in the Middle East. 221. As in the past, Romania will spare no effo~t within the United Nations and elsewhere to make a positive and active contribution to the cause of the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. 9 See document A/AC.183/SR.3S, para. 42.