A/33/PV.9 General Assembly

This afternoon the Assembly will hear a statement by the President of the Government, Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, and a former President of the General Assembly. I take great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Gaston Thorn, and I invite him to address the General Assembly.

Mr. President, I welcome this opportlmity to congratulate you in person on your election to the responsible post which will mean your presiding in the weeks to come over the work of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly. The honour thus accorded to you and, through you, to your country and to Latin America as a whole is fully justified, and I am convinced that under your enlightened leadership our Organization will make the progress we all d.esire. 3. Having said that, I hasten to emphasize the important contribution made by your predecessor, Mr. Mojsov, to the achievement of the aims and ideals of our Organization. The skill with which he presided over the work of the thirty-second session and then three special sessions of the General Assembly merits not just our unreserved admira- tion but indeed our profound gratitude. 4. Only those who have, like myself-as you have just indicated, Sir-presided over the work of this Assembly can fully appreciate the honour and the difficulties of the presidential responsibility. S. I wish also to address a few words to our Secretary- General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, that tireless worker .for the noble cause of the defence of the Charter. It might seem NEW 'fORK superfluous te renew 0Ui' confidence in him every year at this rostrum, bl.'t I can assure him of the confidence that my Government has in him, and I confirm with conviction Luxembourg's support if: his difficult but noble task. 6. Lastly, I should like to say how very pleased we were to see Solomon Islands admitted as the one hundred and fiftieth Member of our Organization. I assure that young State of our sincere desire to co-operate with it in order that we may together achieve our common goals. 7. A year ago, when we had just begun the work of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly and as the world situation was under review, I found myself voicing feelings of I would even say profound pessimism. Through- out the world, the already existing hotbeds of tension had been joined by others, so that the picture presented by our world at that time was anything but reassuring. Today, at the beginning of this thirty-third session, I am happy to be able to 1iscern, if only faintly, certain brigllt spots in that picture. The results of the Camp David meetings are certainly of fundamental importance for the settlement of the Middle East conflicL Last year, the courageous initia- tive of the President of Egypt, Mr. Anwar EI-Sadat, breathed new prospects and new life into th-e peace efforts. Now what might be called the persistence and the diplo- matic skill of the President of the United States, Mr. Jimmy Carter, have made it possible to enter a new stage, or so at least it is hoped. At this rostrum I wish to voice my admiration at the considerable task which President Carter has carried out with infinite courage and patience- admiration which I feel also for President EI-Sadat and the Prime Minister of Israel, Mr. Menachem Begin, who have shown the breadth of mind reqUired by the circumstances. 8. That does not mean that everything has been settled- far from it. However, a framework has been, if not actually traced out, at least sketched. Now it must be given substance as soon as possible. I am nevertheless optimistic, despite critical, even hostile, reacticns, and I express the fervent hope that all the States and parties directly involved in the conflict will eventually arrive at as objective a judgement as possible on the step that has been taken and will agree to proceed from that basis towards the over-all, just and lasting settlement of the conflict which the world has been awaiting for so long. Whatever the reservations concerning the long and certainly abstruse texts issued·at Camp David,l the cause of peace requires that we r.onsider carefully and without undue haste all the potentialities they may contain. 1 A Framework for Peace in the Middle East Agreed at camp David, and Framework for the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty between EgYPi and Israel, signed at Washington on 17 September 1978. 10. There has also been a tenth special session of the General Assembly on the crucial problem of disarmament. With some hindsight one can now say that noteworthy results were attained on that occasion. Of course, those results fell far short of our hopes, but, all things considered, and taking into account the interests and the differences involved, we can confirm that the final result, and particularly the prospects for the future, exceeded our pessimistic expectations. 11. There was also the Third United Nations Conference on tlle Law of the Sea. This is a highly important problem. It seems to me that many people do not fully grasp its scope and I believe we shall often have to talk about this in the future. 12. Those are three complex fields, if ever there were complex fields, in which decisive progress has proved possible. Happily, there are other questions which were resolved thanks to the lmtiring work of the committees and other bodies of this Organization and to the unflagging and constant 3ense of commitment of tlle Secretary·General and his associates. 13. The Middle East, disarmament and the law of the sea are three fields of primary importance for our peoples, because they involve peace, security and economic pros. perity. 14. What does one see in these three spheres to which I have just referred: Wisdom, moderation, co-operation and the desire to understand each other's problemS-in a word, negotiation and fraternal dialogue-have prevailed during this year. 15. Once tlle parties involved decided to leave aside vehement speech-making, sterile polemics and ideological speeches too often doomed in advance to failure, concrete results soon followed. 16. Can we at last learn a lesson from these facts? Can we have tlle courage, tlle restraint and tlle far-sightedness to seize the opportunities which have now so clearly come to light and which have yet again provided evidence of their efficacy? 17_ I would hesitate to make myself an advocate of the Charter yet again here, because I feel I should be preaching to the converted, to those already convinced_ Nevertheless, I feel it was a good idea tQ remind tlle Assembly of certain primaJy truths which, even though tlley are self~Vident, gain validity from being repeated. 18. With 150 independent countries, each having its own interests, aspirations and distinct political and even eco· 19. Since perfection does not belong to this world, I think it is and will for a long time continue to be for us to seek perfection in its most human, most just and most equit;tble dimensions. 20. If a new departure has been made in the field of disarmament I think we owe this to a small group of people, whom I would not hesitate to describe as fanatics, for such a complete commitment as that of the President of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly, of Mr. Ortiz de Rozas and of my colleague and friend Garcia Robles can only be understood and appreciated on its merits if one has become fully aware of the feeling of commitment of the non-aligned countries and of our Latin· American friends in this very complex and difficult sphere. 21. Anotller Sisyphean task is that of the Conference on the Law of the Sea. Slowly but surely that Conference is now moving through negotiation to the establishment of rules and regulation for the oceans, the exploitation of their wealth, their peaceful utilization and the safeguarding of their environment. 22. My friend and successor, Mr. Hamilton Shirley Amerasinghe of Sri Lanka has devoted a great part of his career to this gigantic task. His dynamism, undoubtedly carried along by unshakeable conviction, has meant that that Conference has not sunk into oblivion and failure. He ought to be publicly thankl'd from this rostrum. 23. Generally speaking, the picture presented by today's world is not a pretty one, as we all know. Whether it be the problems of southern Africa, with the policy of apartheid, or the stagnation of the Cyprus negotiations, we see that time does not heal the wounds. On the contrary, the lack of progress towards mutually acceptable solutions only pois- ons relations between the parties so that a new armed conflict could break out at any time. 24. In southern Africa, Anglo·American efforts towards a solution of the probl<)m of Rhodesia continue to be valid and Pretoria can no longer disregard international pressure. Rather than engage complacently in vehement speech- making, which has never ameliorated the condition of those suffering from the atrocity apartheid, let us give our support to those who have provided proof that patient, tenacious negotiation has not gone out of fashion as a way of achieving positive results. I would go even further and say that our full support would give to the mission of those who are devoted to the quest for solutions in South Africa all the weight needed, indeed indispensable, for rapid progress. 25. Is there or is there not, the prospect of a settlement of the painful problem of Namibia? That is a question we are all asking ourselves. We had thought that such a settlement had been virtually achieved when South Africa and the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPOJ both accepted thl! fIve.Power plan [S/12636J 2. Now, its accept· 26. It is with consternation that I find myself unfor- tunately obliged each year to take up the case of Cyprus. If on both sides, instead of virtually rejecting a priori the proposals of the other side, some effort were made to take more account of the aspirations of the ordinary citizens of the two communities, that would lead us and the two parties more rapidly to make workable and therefore valid proposals. The Secretary-General has given adequate proof that he is fully prepared to help in such an effort. 27. In a world in which focal points of discord are not in short supply, we have to note that it is taking a long time for the world economy to recover and that disorders in the monetary sphere only augment the disarray which is afflicting both industrialized and third world countries. 28. Happily, the dialogu.; which has now been established is continuing to make progress that is sure but too slow towards a new world economic order, which can only come about through permanent co-operation. We must ensure that it is not the product of confrontation. 29. The Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, also known as the Committee of the Whole, has done an extremely useful job. It suspended its work two weeks ago with the observation that, given the divergences of views concerning the mandate, it considered that the Assembly should contiI".'e the debate in order to get it out of what it calls a proced'lfal rut. I wish to emphasize that despite certain flagrant shortcomings throughout the whole of these very hard and difficult negotiations the will to compromise has never been lacking. In the near future a new session of UNCTAD will perhaps make it possible to fmd, through negotiations, solutions to the remaining problems.

On behalf of the General Assembly I wish to thank the President of the Government, Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg and former President of the General Assembly, for the important statement he has just made. 30. Personally, I have always spoken in favour of inter- dependence and the need for closer co-operation among all countries, both the industrialized and the developing countries. Federal Vice-Chancellor Genscher, the current President of the European Communities, has described the efforts which the nine members of the Community have been making with a view to such co-operation. I can only emphasize what he said and invite all the developed countries to follow the example of the European Com- munity. 38. Mr. alaRES TYPALDOS (panama) (interpretation from Spanish): Mr. President, for Latin A '·~riCli your election as President of the General Assembly is an event of singular iInportance. That is because we consider you a distinguished expo~D!lt of Latin-American thought, to which you have made an illvaIuable contribution as a writer, researcher, historian, and perspicacious analyst of social and economic problems in the area, and because you are a staunch defender of the interests of the third world. You have come to preside over this session of the General Assembly at a complex period of history, a period reflected in a body of difficult topics which, becallse they are weJI known to you, will not stand in the way of your wise 31. If some prefer to remain aloof from this major endeavour of solidarity and to limit their contribution to purely verbal assuranl'.es of support, they are assuming a very grave responsibility. If the few so-called rich nations were today to prove incapable of contributing to the development of the great number of poor countries, these industrialized countries would thereby be affirming their inability to ensure the lasting nature of their own well- being. That is what the law ofinterdependence means. 33. I have been speaking before the Assembly for 10 years now, long enough, permit me to say, to yield occasionally to some impatience. But my experience ill this field is too long not to view problems with moderation. 34. Experience shows us that patience is worth more than passion, that negotiation always works better than tloody confrontation, l!nd that those who have wanted to have everything right away have more often received very little, and that sometimes very late. 35. My country maintains its faith in this Organization and will contillue to support it without reservation until we all discover that what politicians 33 years ago only dared to dream of and to desire adently is and remains within our grasp. Then we shall bee ne, i hope, truly united nations. 36. My country, at the crossroads of Europe, has often found out at first hand that the results of bloody confrontation are nothillg but poverty, destruction and misery, which in turn engendeI new confrontations. The arrogant conquerors and those they humiliate by conquest are equally dangerous for harmony among peoples. Those who must today negotiate peace should remember that the greatest virtue of the conqueror is g,:nerosity. it will be as it always has been the best cement for lasting peace.

I have the honour to address this thirty·third session of the General Assembly. Our general debate provides us with the opportunity to reiterate the faith of the Mexican people and Government in the world Organization as the ideal instrument for maintaining peace, to formulate a periodic appraisal of how the international community has complied with the principles embodied in the United Nations Charter, and to examine new methods or correct our course in order more effectively to address ourselves to the changing challenges of our modem world. 91. It is with satisfaction that we see an illustrious son of Latin America, Mr. Indalecio Lievano Aguirre, presiding over our work, especially since until a few days ago he was the distinguished Foreign Minister of our sister Republic of Colombia, with which Mexico maintains traditional as well as close ties of identity. 92. "International relations in our time constitute the art and science of the survival of mankind"-these words are by Karl W. Deutsch of Harvard. 93. The signs of our times appear to be contradictory. Speed and mobility give man unprecedented perspecti1fes. We are constantly amazed by our progress in science, which gp.ometrically widens our present and future. But as human beings, we have as yet been unable to dominate the art and science of survival without violence, terrorism, repression, injustice and exploitation. 94. We constantly hear expressions of peace in inter· national forums, but the truth is that each day man prepares himself more for war, both nuclear and conven· tional. Instead of peace, we enthrone aggression. C :. Much propaganda is made for the unity of mankind, but in· reality people continue to divide themselves by area, region, power and economic and social level. We live submerged in the search for solutions to age-old problems, but we neglect to use truth as an instrument in that search. This ambitious and insincere attitude prevents us from finding the formula for putting an end to misery, hunger, sickness, injustice, violence and terror. 96. The truly as yet unstudied continent is that of man himself, and he has been unable to channel or sublimate his aggressiveness. Even more, science and technology, which should ..be the servants of mankind, continue to be perfected for man's destruction. 97. This situation is even more disturbing when we realize that in just over 21 years we shall be entering a new century, the twenty-first, that is unrelentlessly approaching without us having found solid, collective solutions. How shall we meet it? What problems will we have to resolve? Are we on the right road? Must we urgently correct our course, especially here in this universal forum? 105. Our daily production of crude oil and derivatives is already 1.4 million barrels and the amounts of our reserves indicate that they have increased proven reserves to 20 billion barrels; probable reserves to 37 billion barrels; and potential reserves to 200 billion barrels. This constant increase in our resource inventory has obliged us to make rapid changes in our short-, medium- and long-term oil programmes. 100. Therefore, we must formulate a programme and a strategy to meet the challenge, identifying J series of effective, successive and, if necessary, parallel measures which can lead us to our final goal: the achievement of a world in which peace with justice, physical and mental health and the self-realization of man in liberty and justice, indiVidually and socially, all prevail, in short, a world in which our children can enjoy life to the full with peace and without anguish. This is the supreme, and perhaps a utopian, human ideal. 106. These important hydrocarbon reserves, which fully guarantee Mexico's present and future, constitute energy giving Mexico solid international credit and confidence. In this sense Mexico uses its petroleum not only as a guarantee for its development and financing, but, rather, in order to explore, manage and carefully safeguard these energy resources which were nationalized by President Uzaro Clirdenas in 1938 and which are now, according to article 27 of our Constitution, the exclusive property of the Mexican people. 101. That is why our impatience grows. We are fully convinced, as the Constitutional President of Mexico, Jose L6pez Portillo, has said, that it is very important to avoid war, but that is not sufficient; we must win peace in the dynamic rather than passive sense, and resolve the vital needs of the development, nutrition, health, education, employment, housing, and security of man. These prob- lems, according to our President, become even more serious when we observe that the great Powers, having solved their basic problems of survival, are interested only in expanding their spheres of influence, thus provoking conflicts or manipulating them according to their whims and con- venience. 107. Mexico's international relations stand on solid ground. This is the result of the confidence which reigns in Mexico, both internally and externally and, as we have repeated on numerous occasions in this forum, of our support and respect for the principles of self-determination, non-interv~ntion, sovereign equality and the peaceful settle- ment of disputes. We offer friendship and co-operation to all peoples of the world and, in accordance with the golden rule of human relationships, we shall never ask of another nation that which we, in equal circumstances, would not be willing to give. 102. In this important task of winning peace, we have never expected the entire responsibility to rest exclusively with the world Organization nor with the intemational community as a whole. Rather, we recognize and accept the simultaneous obligation each country has to take adequate measures in order that the ideals of peace and social justice to which we all aspire may become reality. 108. Our bilateral relations have increased at all levels. In particular, the President of Mexico has received and visited several heads of State and will shortly be travelling on state visits to the People's Republic of China and Japan. Of the ISO States Members of this Organization, Mexico maintains diplomatic relations with 134 and we are constantly in the process of revising the mechanisms and agreements which link us in order to see what has been done and evaluate what new possibilities exist for their improvement. 103. Last year we were privileg<:d to outline for this body9 some of the major reforms to the Mexican govern· mental system which President L6pez Portillo announced upon taking office on 1 Dfcember 1976. It is with satisfaction that I can now inform you that the "Alliance for Production" programme, which I described in my statement last year, is well on its way towards guaranteeing the minimum social benefits and services needed by my country; that the political reform has widened the repre- sentation of my people; that the administrative reform has begun the process towards complete reorganization; that ilie economic reform, including a fiscal reform to redis- tribute income, has established new wage, profit, price, credit, savings and monetary policies; that we have given priority in our development plans to food and sources of energy; and that all these changes, both proposed and achieved, constitute in sum the social reform fought for in the first social revolution of this century, the Mexican 109. We, who are a part of Latin America feel deeply everything that happens to its peoples. We are involved in its economic, technological, communications and develop- ment problems. We are hurt by its suffering, needs, oppressions and miseries. That is why we must try to unite Latin America in substance, eliminating where possible our differences and emphasizing our common interests; because of similar languages, historical affmities and sociological coincidences, we must eliminate the mental reservations that separate us. 110. We are convinced that Latin America's r.(>~.f\ destiny is to become a zone of peace in which beings may enjoy well-being in freedom and justice, as ;. of a global strategy that imlloses, through a process 0, 111. Another phenomenon which appears to hold true for Latin America is that wc are not given the importance we deserve; we are not well understood and we understand ourselves even less. Our commlmications of aU kinds are deficient. and we are seldom taken into lIccount. This is our fault: we must ring our own bell, especially in the positive aspects. 112. Nonetheless, the resulis s,~m positive. Latin America has given signs of political will in its efforts towards integra~on, of willingness to resulve its common problems in an open dialogue and settle i~ disputes by peaceful means. We have been able almost totally to eliminate the economic blockade against a penalized sister nation, and we ha""e made the decision to keep our territories free of nuclear weapons through the Treaty of TIatelolco lO and the recent Latin-American initiatives to impose restrictions or limitations on the transfer and use of certain conven· tional weapons. 113. In,.t1lese efforts we have had the active participation of the Catibbean group of countries, Wich in recent years has sb1Lken off the yoke of colonialism. Our cultural, linguistic or idiosyncratic differences have not been an obstacle to our sharing the desire for peace, which we are determined to make a reality in our region. lJA. For unforeseen or other reasons, our ties of friend· ship and co-operation with these countries have not been as strong as we should have liked. According to the guidelines established by the President, Mexico is determined to strengthen even more the links of brotherhood and friend- ship which happily exist between our peoples and Govern- ments with new initiatives designed to establish a closer and more fruitful framework of co-or-eration. 115_ To sum up: Latin America is an important continent with 300 million inhabitants, an enormous potential mar- ket, mcredI1J1e natural resources, tourism, wide open spaces, jungles, oceans, culture, handicrafts and history. We are missing only one thing: unity, to defend our common interests and live in peace. 116. We have historical and intimate ties with our sister mttion of N1caragua. Its tragedy during the past few weeks, its viclenee, the loos of iIinocem lives, the mass violations of 10 TreatY for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin Ar..eria (Uni~ NatiOl15, TTe<lly Series, vo!. 634, No. 9068, p.32Pl. 117. Tn the Nicaraguan situation we have acted, and will continue to act, according to the fundamental principles of our foreign policy, notably the obligation not to intervene in the internal affairs of another State and the need to respect the right of all peoples to self·determination. However, the strict ohservance of these principles must not and cannot be in terpreted as implying or meaning indif- ference, or lack of sensitivity to the anguish and suffering of the Nicaraguan people. 118. In addition, within the OAS, we have presented proposals aimed at stopping the bloodshed and re- establishing peace in this sister Republic. All this has been done within a strict legal framework, in the search for mechanisms aimed at giving civilian populations adequate protection in times of armed conflict and respecting individual guarantees recogni7.ed by several international instruments. 119. Another problem which worries Mexico is the future of Belize. We maintain our conviction that resolution 32/32, adopted by the Assembly last year by an over· whelming majority, is the best legal basis for any solution. In it, express recognition was given to the obligation of the States directly involved to consult with other interested States in the area so that the people of Belize can achieve, through peaceful means, their self·determination and inde- pendence, with full respect for tlleir territorial integrity, which is the best legal basis for any solution. Mexico has shown a special interest in what occurs in this neighbouring Territory and will continue to participate in any consulta· tions, guided by the principles and purposes of our Organization and by the principles of good neighbourliness and brotherhood that link us to Guatemala. 120. As a gesture of solidarity with the Panamanian people, Mexico's President accepted an invitation from the Chief of the Junta of Panama' to attend the ceremony at which the instruments of ratification of the Panama Canal treaties were exchanged. On that occasion, the Chief Executive of my country reiterated Mexico's support for the Panamanian people in their struggle to exercise unre· stricted sovereignty over their entire territory. 121. An important area of world conflict in which all the principles incorporated in the United Nations Charter-self- determination, non-use of force and peaceful settlement of dispujes-are now involved, because of hegemonic, terri· torial, natural resources and ideological interests, is the problem of the Middle East, which still constitutes the gravest threat to international peace. 122. For iliis reason, our Organization has an inescapable and basic responsibility to keep the problem under constant review and to attempt to resolve it by formulating recommendations leading to a stable peace in the area on just and equitable foundations. . 124. Within this strict context and recognizing that fill efforts towards peaceful settlement of disputes are worthy of praise, we consider that the Camp David framework agreements of 17 September may constitute an important step towards the common objecti~ of achieving a more peaceful and just world, as long as they fulftl the requirements I have mentioned. 125. Cyprus is one of the concrete examples of the weakness of the international Organization in reaching a just peace, and constitutes proof of the need for us to address ourselves to changing the situation. It is a country whose territory continues to be under partial occupation by foreign troops, with a consequent displacement of its inhabitants, in disregard of a concept valid long before the San Francisco Conference, which created this Organization: conquest does not give rights. 126. Although my Government would have preferred that negotiations on Namibia be conducted within the frame- work of the United Nations, we have respected those efforts that did not meet this requirement because we felt that they were useful in leading to rapid self-determination for the Namibian people. It is with sadness that we today take note of their failure. Notwithstanding the significant concessions made by SWAPO in order to achieve a peaceful solution, the South African Govemment has once again rejected any solution based on the free self-determination of the Namibian people. 127. We profoundly regret that, as a result of the intransigence of the Republic of South Africa, these efforts have proved in vain. My Government is ready to support all measures, including sanctions, that this Organization may consider in order to put an end to the illegal occupation exercised by South Africa over this Territory. 128. The prospects offered to the people of Zimbabwe are not those of peaceful transition. All efforts towards this end have failed, given the constant hair·splitting of a privileged minority. My Government ratifies its strict observance of the sanr.tions imposed by the Security Council against the minority regime, as well as the resolution adopted by the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples on this item, which is aimed at strengthening and widening them. [See A/33/23/Rev.l. chap. IV, para. 15.J 129. World peace cannot be based on a balance of terror, nor does any national or supranational economic or political instrument heAd the key to the future, or h~" the right to exercise trusteeship over history or constituL ~elf as our planet's guardian. 131. Let us always remember that it is man's survival that is at stake, and not only that of their respective peoples. Let us ardently hope that their dialogue is fruitful and is channelled through the United Nations. 132. In the Yalta Agreements of 1945 t.he super-Powers gave the United Nations a specific task in the maintaining of peace which they now seem to regret. Mexico thinks that we must adopt a course of reason and not one of alienation which may lead to universal destruction. 133. The Government which I am honoured to represent maintains among its objectives the attainment of internal economic and social justice, and strives towards its achieve- ment internationally. This goal will be met only with full compliance with the new internlltional economic order as dermed by the United Nations. For this we require bofu the political will of the developed nations, as well as the efforts of those which, like my own, are still in the development process. 134. Economic justice has several definitions: it is both individual and social, as well as political justice; it is peace, respect, tranquillity and stability. We can no longer live in a world of rich and poor, of exploiters and exploited, of North and South. The strong must understand that their own survival depends on the respect for other's economies. 135. Within this process we have identified priorities, programmes and strategies for our development as follows: We have maintained our immutable desire to give raw materials their real value. We are not, and never will be, 'underminers of those who, like ourselves are struggling toward this end. It is a fundamental part of the New International Economic Order for which we are fighting. Mexico's position clearly shows our determination to continue in the search for world justice and equity. 136. We participated enthusiastically in the process lead- ing to the adoption of resolution 32/174, which created the Committee of the Whole entrusted with supervising the dnplementation of the new international economic order. We regret that to date this effort has failed. 137. In the light of that situation, I avail myself of the opportunity given me by the highest organ in the United Nations system to launch a strong appeal to the Govern- ments of developed countries to heed the just demands of the overwhelming majority of countries, and thus comply with relevant agreements by giving new life to open negotiation, in good faith, aimed at eliminating the ob- stacles that still prevent the full introduction of order in economic relations and the attainment of the justice so desperately desired by mankind. 138. In other areas of social interest we have continued simultaneous efforts both within and outside my country. I 139, We consider that the results of the tenth special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament mark the beginning of a new phase of United Nations effor~s in this field. For the first time in its history, the General Assembly gave the question of disarmament the exclusive attention and importance it deserves. 140. The Fir.a1 Document adopted at that session {resollltiOlI S-1Oi2l must be implemented, and, based on it, agreements relating to the prohibition of all nuclear-weapon tests, chemical warfare and reduction of offensive strategic weapons, the second and third series (of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks, must be worked out. In addition, other nuclear-weapon-free zones must be established on the basis of agreements freely arrived at between States of the region concerned, and taking into account the Latin-American experience with the Treaty of TIatelolco. 141. These measures, together with a reduction in military budgets and the reallocation of such resources to meet the developmental and nutritional needs of the peoples, will have to "be included in a comprehensive disarmament programme, the negotiation of which should now begin and 00 which Mexico has already made a proposal.!! In addition, several important improvements have been made in the disarmament negotiating machinery, including something long advocated by Mexico, the abolition of the co-chainnanship, which we had tried for a decade to bring about. We express the hope that they will mean, in the near future, the participation of China and France in the newIy-created organs. 142_ As a decisive step towards general and complete disarmament under effective international control, progress must also be made in the field ofconventional weapons. In this respect, it is with satisfaction that I inform you that, following instructions of my country's President, Jose LOpez Portillo, Mexico has undertaken several concrete initiatives on this matter, which have been well received. 143. In the regional field we can point to important progress with respect to the Treaty of TIatelolco, leading to the signature by the Soviet Union, during my PresHlent's Yisit to that country, of Protocol 11 to the Treaty, and the mmowcement of its early ratification by the Soviet UniCill. That step, together with France's declaration that it will soon sign Protocol I, means that our international instru- ment, which for several years seemed only a dream, is now 11 reality and an example to the rest of the world. " 144. The Treaty is now in force for 22 States of the ~Gn, and Protocol I, wJUch establishes the obligation of States with territorial possessions in the area of application not to introduce nuclear weapons therein, has been ratified 145. We wish to make a fraternal appeal to the only remaining country in Latin America which, by its express political will, has neither signed nor ratified it yet and to that nation" which has signed but not rntified it, to re-examine their positions and allow us, once the Treaty is fully enforced, to begin the second stage: the development of repional nuclear energy for exclusively peaceful purposes on the basis of the Treaty of Tlatelolco. In this connexion, the Organization for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America has already requested an inventory of our countries' nuclear technology needs, 146. Furthermore, basing themselves on the recommenda- tions of the special session on disarmament, 20 Latin- American countries have begun a historic effort, inspired by the Declaration of Ayacucnol 2 and by the desire to share a common destiny in peace. Respunding to an invitation from my Government, scarcely a month ago they met in Mexico City in order to identify a series of basic questions on which tIns important dialogue should continue, and it was decided to recommend to our respective Governments, among other measures, the establishment of flexible con- sultative machinery open to the participation of all States from the Latin-American and Caribbean region. This machinery would permit, inter alia, studies and recom- mendations on the possible limitation of the transfer of certain types of conventional weapons to Latin America or the Caribbean, as well as among the countries of the area, in addition to studies and recommendations concerning the establishment of limitations and/or prohibitions on the use of certain types of conventional weapons which are considered excessively harmful and/or are of an indiscrim- inate nature. 147. As can be seen, Mexico has gone ahead with the "first Tlatelolco", military denuc1earization, and is now going on to what we 'might call the "second T1.atelolco", conventional weapons, in line with its political commitment to convert Latin America, by common effort, into a zone of peace-that is, riot only the abRence of war, but the full development of the region. 148. I should like, however, to clarify that any regional self-limitation does not in any way imply "to·disarm the disarmed". It must be part of a "global programme implying the adoption ef Universal measures on the non-transfer of conventional weapons and the use of others whose effects are excessively cruel and indiscriminate, always based on the concept that the possibility of armed conflict can be reduced by reducing the level of armaments to the point necessary for the internal security of each country. In the past, arming oneselfhas never been an effective deterrent to avoiding an armed attack; quite the contrary. The excessive concentration of arms can be counter-productive, arousing suspicions and mistrust and provoking an unlimited arms race. The only effective mellllure to avoid war is, in our . 12 Document A/lOO44, annex. . 155. MeXiCO's historic tradition in the defence of human 1~&"tS with a social emphasis goes back more than a century and a half, to Morelos. We feel that there are many ways of fighting for the adequate protection of those rights and in this context, in addition to those already begun, several courses of action must be taken in the search for a more just and equitable order. Who can be More deprived of basic human rights than those who lack education, a roof over their heads, or health? Who can have fewer rights than a person who barely survives, in conditions of extreme misery? Are not the right to informa~on,for example, or the rights of workers as well as the right to Walk, also guaranteed? Are not the human rights of a worker violated when, as a victim of socio-economic conditions, he crosses a border in search of better conditions and is persecuted, and his most elementary hUffi3l"l rights are violated? 150. On this occasion we reiterate our firm decision to utilize our resources for development and, under express instructions from the President of the United Mexican States, I commit the Government of my country not to use any resources which we may soon have as a result of our petroleum reserves to acquire or construct any type of weapons, especially those on which we have made proposals regarding prohibition or restriction. 156. On other occasions we have spoken of the need to elaborate a code of conduct in which the rights of migratory workers could be set forth. We now present that suggestion to the Assembly in tlle hope that it also might be useful in advancing the intemational protection of human rights. 157. During t1le last meeting of the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization we reiterated our convic- tion that we fmd ourselves at a crossroads. We must decide whether we want our Organization to continue to be viable or not. While some Members consider the United Nations as a static mechanism of conferences convened in order to permit dialogues on conflicts of interest or ideology, supported by a Secretariat which, far from serving the ccmmunity interests, represents the principal ideologies in the struggle, others, fortunately the majority, conceive of t1le Organization as a dynamic instrument through which Governments seek conciliation of their. differences, and as the best mechanism for preventing conflicts and resolVing them when they occur. 151. One of the most ambitious United Nations projects which may give mankind some ofits greatest benefits is the eight-year-old effort to draft a new law of the sea. Mexico, together with many other countries, is seriously worried about the possibility that tJili enormous collective effort might be frustrated by the unilateral action of one or more States in allowing the exploitation of the deep sea-bed by their nationals. 152. We firmly believe that the Declaration of Principles adopted by this General Assembly in 1970 [resolution 2749 (XXV)] represents the true and authorized expression of international law on this subject. The common heritage of mankind can be exploited for the benefit of all only within a regime internationally agreed to by all States; therefore the unilateral exploitation of those resources would be contrary to international law. In addition it would constitute an insurmountable obstacle to a geneJ:al consensus on the law of the s~'a. An overwhelming majority of States support that point of view. and consequently we add our voice to the appeal made by all those States in order that any country contemplating such unilateral action should desist from it. 158. The validity of this assertion is obvious even in our times. The first option becomes even more complicated when we see the apparent apathy on the part of many Member States regarding the work of the Organization itself. This allows many negotiations to become a mere game of personal interests at times. The first hypothesis is based on nationalistic criteria of the past, while the second is based on today's and tomorrow's needs in an ever more dynamic world where there is a daily increase in the number of countries that possess weapons of unknown destructive force. 153. Between 1945 and today mankind has suffered 119 armed conflicts, with an increasing number of civilian victims; despite the prohibition on the use ef force except in cases of self-defence. 159. Faced with those alternatives, Mexico has made efforts to strengthen the Organization. We believe that in 160. Our proposal was introduced considering that the peaceful settlement of disputes is one of the weakest areas of the activities of the United Nations. That proposal has been complemented by others, among which we can mention the elimination of the so-called "enemy States" clause in Articles 53 and 107 of the San Francisco Charter, a maximum limitation on veto application in the Security CotUlcil, an appeal to nations that all matters relating to intemational peace be dealt with within the conte>;t of the Organization, as well as other measures to rationalize workiQg methods which could eliminate the current waste of man-hours and energy. 161. Recognizing the implications of those proposals, we shall invite those States especially interested in the work of the Committee on the Charter to hold consultations before the next meeting of that subsidiary body in order to deterntine, among other things, the viability of the pro· posals so far introduced. 162. Mexico wants to live in peace with all nations on earth, always sustaining its principles with democracy and individ..ai and social justice. Mexico also seeks to save su~ding generations from the scourge of war. We reaffirm our faith in the fundamental rights of man, in the dignity and value of the human person, cnd in promoting social propess within the widest possible concept of freedom.

I should like first of all to congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly for its thirty-third session. My delegation looks forward to working under the presidency of the Foreign Minister of Colombia, a fellow charter Member of the United Nations from the Westem hemisphere with which Canada has the friendliest of relations. The Canadian delegation pledges to you, Sir, its fullest support in fuffilling your heavy responsibilities during the next three IIlGnths. 164. I ~ould ~ like to congratulate Deputy Foreign Minister Mojsov of Yugosiavia on the efficient and decisive W"41y in which be presided over not only the thirty-second regular session of the General Assembly but also three special ioeSSions, including the very important special session OD~nt. 165. This y·ear we wekome our new Member, Solomon blands, whose application Canada was pleased to recom· 166. In my statement a year ago 1 3 I was critical of some of the procedures of our Assembly, and 1still believe that we need to act and to speak so that our people can understand what it is we are doing here and have confidence in our decisions. I do not mean to imply that we ought to agree on everything or even try to settle everything; on the contrary, I think that we shculd be careful to arrange our agenda so that we concentrate on the major purposes of the United Nations, not on the headlines of the moment. 167, I am glad to note that the Secretary-Generai has echoed some of these sentiments in his annual report on the work of the Organization [AI33/I). But he also emphllsizes that the pursuit of global objectives ought to take pre- cedence over "nationalistic aims", Let there be no doubt that Canada, too, regards the United Nations as a vital and essential world forum 'which serves important global pur- poses. 168. There are two intemational issues that have defied solution for more than three decades but which now have reached a crucial tuming-point. Peace in the Middle East is closer. An internationally acceptable settlement in Namibia could still be within our grasp. But to make the most cherished hopes of millions come true will require wisdom, patience, fortitude and restraint in the weeks and months ahead.14 169. Eighteen months ago I joined my colleagues of the United States, the United Kingdom, France and the Federal Republic of Germany in a concerted effort to bring about an internationally acceptable settlement in Namibia. Since that day a great deal of progress has been made. Painstaking negotiations and the personal participation of Foreign Ministers at key junctures in the negotiating process have demonstrated what·can be achieved when political will and the determination to succeed are brought together and brought to bear upon seemingly intractable problems. After a year of detailed talks, and in an intensive exploration of all the issues, the five Western members of the Security Council were able to draw up a compromise proposal (S/12636) which I was privileged to introduce on 25 April to the Assembly's special session. At that same time I was able to announce South Africa's acceptance of the plan. 170. In July, SWAPO also accepted the Western plan and we were thus able, with the full co-operation of the parties and the active support of the African front·line States, to take, in the Security Council, the first step towards the full implementation of our proposals. It was, therefore, with considerable optimism and satisfaction that we followed the progress of the special survey mission which the SecretarY.General dispatched to Namibia, under the leader- ship ofhis Special Representative, Mr. Martti Ahtisaari. 172. Neither of the reasons invoked by the South African Government is valid. First, I wish to declare most categorically that the Secretary-General's report is fully in line with the original Westem proposal. That report is a professional assessment of the human and fmancia! means required to perform the tasks which our proposals call for. 173. Secondly, apart from a few extreme elements, all of those who have a claim to represent sectors of the Namibian population have clearly expressed their pre- ference for and acceptance of United Nations involvement in the independence process. The churches have done so, the Namibia National Front has done so and, as recently as 15 September, the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance has done so. We simply cannot accept that there is now a need for some form of further consultation. 174. We are once more facing a grave situation. Our Organization is now in a position to undertake the task of bringing to independence, through peaceful means, a new nation. 175. We must urge those who wish to stand in the way of such a noble enterprise to reconsider their decision. The South African Government must realize that its defiance of the will of the international community, particularly when that Government has been so closely involved in a long ne,~otiating process, cannot be tolerated. The new Govern- mf.nt of South Africa, which we understand will be formed by the end of this month, would be very seriously mistaken if it assumed that its actions in respect of Namibia would have no serious consequences. To those leaders inside Namibia who are being led to believe that they can solve their problems through some sham electoral procedure, I can only say: "Think of the future of your country. The road you are taking can only lead to a dead end. Make no mistake: a so-called government chosen through the so-called elec- tions currently envisaged by the Administrator-General will never be recognized internationally. Instead of enjoying the benefits of free and close association with the rest ofthe world, you will only beget more bloodshed and bring about in the long run the destruction of what you hold dear." It is not too late and I sincerely hope that all concerned will reconsider their course of action. 176. The danger signals are clear. 004 November 1977, in its resolution 418 (1977), the Security Council imposed a mandatory arms embargo on South Africa, the first time the provisions of Chapter VU of the United Nations Charter 177. Canada has also expressed its support for a call to Governments to review their economic relations with South Africa. Although this element was not incorporated in the Security Council resolution, the Canadian Government nevertheless decided to take certain steps. On 19 December 1977, for example, I announced that Canada was phasing out Government involvement in commercial relations with South Africa and would issue a code of conduct to govern the behaviour of Canadian companies with operations in South Africa. The Canadian Government will continue to keep its present general relations with South Africa under review. 178. My Government is much concerned, too, by the situation in Zimbabwe. We had hoped that tlte Anglo- American proposals and subsequent action by the Security Council would lead to general agreement. The attempt to follow a different path has had no success, and the country now faces increasing bloodshed and uncertainty. A con- tinuation of the war would also have- the ··gravest con- sequences for the stability of the region as a whole. 179. Clearly, an early meeting of all parties to the conflict is essential if there is to be any hope of securing" peaceful settlement on the basis of the generally accepted Anglo- American plan. Canada continues to hope that the plan may still be successful, and would be willing, in such circumstances, to offer appropriate assistance. 180. All of us lUUst be heartened by the remarkable progress achieved over the past year towards a just solution of the Middle East conflict. President EI-Sadat's historic visit to Jerusalem less than a year ago and the warm reception given to him by Prime rv:inister Begin and tlte Israeli people have had a dramatic sequel in the agreements at Camp David. The Government of Canada has sent its congratulations to President Carter, President EJ-Sadat and Prime Minister Begin on this act of statesmanship. The prospect of a real and durable peace is now much closer, although serious issues remain to be resolved. 181. Canada supported and t::ncouraged the negotiating process begun in Jerusalem. We welcomed the bold initia- tive of President Carter in again bringing the Heads of Government of Israel and Egypt together at Camp David and we endorse the agreements rea..:hed there. They are a milestone on the long road to peace, a road which Canadian soldiers have watched over for more than 20 years. We hope that after due consideration the nations concerned will fmd that the framework established at Camp Di:\vid constitutes a sound basis for moving towards a general peace settlement. 182. The process of direct negotiation on the difficult and sensitive issues at the heart of the problem must continue. All parties face agonizing and hard decisions. But my 187. The case of Kampuchea is not unique in demonstrat- ing that in the field of human rights the official record of the United Nations creates an illusion of much greater progress than we have managed to make. There is no dearth of promising language on the international statute book. Unfortunately, the gap between promise and performance has not narrowed much. Reports of gross and persistent inhumanity continue to claim the attention of the world community. Governments continue to renege on commit- ments they have freely assumed in international instru- ments. 183. For all concerned these are days of both accomplish~ ment and opportunity which require patience and forti- tude. We do not know what the ultimate shape of a peace settlement might be. It might make provision for interna- tional involvement to assist in the implementation of its terms. Canada would consider very seriously a requ'lst to make an appropriate contribution to such an enterprise Canada also hopes that other aspects of the problem will be addressed in the context of resolutions adopted by the Security Council. It may very well be that generous financial contributions from the international community will be required; here, too, Canada will certainly be prepared to assist within the limits of its capacity. 188. In short, we are still a long way from an international consensus on human rights. Historians will wonder why it should have been so. They will be hard put to explain how we could be very rear a consensus on how to preserve the quality of our seas and yet un'able to conduct so much as a civil dialogue on how to preserve the dignity of the human person. They will be hard put to explain how we have begun to redistribute resources int.ernationally to sustain human beings in their material needs but could not ensure that men and women would be free to exercise their most elementary human rights. 184. A third question demanding immediate attention and action is the la,ck of progress we have made in the United Nations in tlu~ protection of human rights throughout the world. A tr2gic example of this is the situation in Democratic Kampuchea. On 8 September my Government brought to the attention of the Commission on Human Rights a detailed public report which was based on a series of voluntary statements made to Canadian representatives by individual Kampuchean refugE:"ls,1 5 a great many of whom had left Democratic Kampuchea recently. The testimony of the refugees clearly supports allegations from a variety of other sources that the Government of Demo- cratic Kampuchea has systematically violated the funda- mental human rights of its citizens and that the repression and the killing are continuing. This situation cries out for the kind of effective action that this Organization should be able to provide. 189. Human rights are a problem of international dimen- sions. Their recognition and promotion, as the Secretary· General reminds us, is a legitimate concern of the world community. The new prominence that human rights has acquired is part of the natu.ral evolution of an international system. like so many otM! concerns, the concern ~bout human rights can no longer be contained behind national boundaries. It is not a matter of laying down to Govern- ments how they should fashion their politi~ or economic systems. It is simply a matter of making certain that Governments observe the fundamental decencies of civilized life to which they have all pledged allegiance. 185. The Canadian Government considers that an immedi- ate investigation of the human rights situation in Demo- cratic Kampuchea should take place. 1urge members of this Assembly to support our recommendation to the Commis- sion on Human Rights to take such action. I also ask members of the Assembly to consider their obligations to the increasing numbers of refugees from Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea that are now under the care of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. 186. To date, Canada has accepted 7,000 refugees from that area, including those from former Cambodia. In doing so we have accepted the full costs of their resettlement in our country. These costs are in exr.ess of $3.7 million, which Canada regards as an important if indirect contribu- tion to the valuable WOlk of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. In the light of the tragic situation in Democratic KamJ}uchea I wish to take this occasion to announce that Canada will increase from 50 to 190. The'issue ()f human rights will not go away. We have a clear choice. We can decide that the' United Nations must face the issue squarely, or we will be forced to go elsewhere to seek a tolerable international consensus. In the view of the Canadian Governme;~t the choice is clear. We believe that the United Nations is ideally eqUipped to evaluate objectively, dispassionately and impartially allegations of human rights violations. The better it is seen to function the more confidence this Organization will Jmmand and the less individual Governments will feel bound to call for actions against others for gross and persistent violations of human rights. 191. We believe that the United Nations can improve its investigation of allegations of human rights Violations. We welcome, therefore, as a significant precedent the decision of the Government of Chile to receive an investigative group. My Government also considers that the capacity of the Office of the Secretary-General to investigate and to intercede when necessary, as well as its authority to do so, • 192. Human rights can be violated in many ways, but sureiy one of the most despicable is international terrorism. Im'oeent lives are placed in jeopardy while the culprits often go unpunished or even undetected. Terrorism holds our security and our society to ransom and threatens Governments in all parts of the world. There ,nust be no confusion between ends and means. Terrorism is beyond the bounds of legitimate dissent. It degrades every cause it claims to serve. The intemational community, which is pledged to eliminate war as an i'1strument of policy, can hardly accept terrorism as a tolerable aspect of inter- national life. 193. Resolution 32/8, adopted by consensus at the last session of the General Assembly, deals with a specific aspect of terrorism-hijacking. That resolution calls on Governments to take joint and separate action to ensure the safety of civil aviation, and it Nas strongly endorsed by the Canadian delegation. We have continued to stress the need for further international action to combat terrorism in all its manifestations. Prime Minister Trudeau's initiative in developing and presenting a declaration on hijacking at the Bonn Economic Summit Conference in July clearly under- lined Canada's commitment to take action to deal with this problem. The declaration commits the seven Governments to suspending air links with countries which do not extradite or prosecute hijackers who come within their jUrisdictions. Participants at the Bonn meeting urged other Governments to associate themselves with that commit- ment. Many Governments have indicated that they are prepared to do so. Today we urge all other members ')f the international community to foHow this course as well. 194. As Canada nears the end of its latest term on the Security Council I ineVitably have mixed feelings. We have welcomed the opportunity to play a direct part in contributing towards the resolution of the issues of peace and war brought to the Council. We have participated, I believe effectively, in some very important deCisions. But we have also felt some frustrations, which I suppose are shared by most non-permanent members. PeriOds of service on the Council are too infrequent to build an extensive background of experience or to have much impact on the way the Council meets the responsibilities set out for it in the Charter. We have been impressed by the progress the Council has made since our last term 10 years ago. There has been the adoption of quietly effective negotiating techniql'''s. which have encouraged a sense of co-operation and colle::,..J spirit in its work. We think that for the most part the Council has done a good job in dealing with the matters befor~ it. 195. But we have not changed our view that the Council is too passive. All too frequently it turns a blind eye to situations which clearly~onstitute a threat to international peace and security. It continues to ignore its responsibility under the Charter to try to head off such threats before they arrive. In my statement before this Assembly a year ago I expressed the belief that informai and private 196. I also think it is time to consider again the size of the Council. In 1965, when the membership was increased from 11 to 15, there were 118 Members of the United Nations. Now there are 150. Many States which would contribute well to the work of the Council must wait a generation before they can hope to serve. 197. Although no longer a member of the Council after the end of this year, Canada will follow with deep intp.rest the Council's deliberations. We will be prepared to con- tribute in any feasible way to strengthen the Organization's peace.keeping capacity, and to help galvanize its will-power in the spirit of friendly relations, co-operation rnd harmony called for by the United Nations Charter. 198. Looking back over the past year I take satisfaction from the tenth special session on clisarmament. The disarmament session adopted by consenSUl1 a programme of action [resolution S-10/2, sect. Ill] that dearly identified the most urgent negotiating tasks, including vigorous pursuit of measures to curb the nuclear-arms race, the conclusion of a nuclear test-ban treaty, and the negotiation of an effective agreement on chemical weapons. Proposals made by my Prime Minister, and by other leaders, are under active discussion in many capitals. The session's Final Document is the most authoritative statement of views, aspirations and objectives ever produced on the subject of arms limitation and reduction. It is our compass and our incentive for the work :mead. We must respond with detemtination to meet the challenge posed by the pro- gramme of action. 199. The special session on disarmamen~1Yas a useful reminder, too, of the value of reaching c>;n"conclusions by consensus when important issu~s are at stake. improve- ments in our procedures need to be made if we are to fmd time for these issues and to discuss them seriously. A number of useful proposab to this end have been made which Canada endorses. 200. While disarmament may be the ultimate answer to mternational security, peace-keeping and peace-making a.re also essential to contain threats to peace. Over the years, Canada has joined many other countries in sUPf>'Orting United Nations peace-keeping missions. We have supplied military or other personnel for every United Nations peace-keepiag force which has taken the field, including UNIFIL established last March. 201. The Council acted promptly and wisely in deciding to insert a United Nations force into the troubled situation 202. The future success of UNIFlL will depend on the forbearance and goodwill of all the parties involved, and also, inde~d, on the extent to which current and potential contributors to UNIFlL can plan their participation. 203. States which contribute contingents to peace-keeping forces are bound to be influenced by their perceptions of the kind of co-operation these troops receive from the parties. They will be influenced, too, iJy the kind of support which these operations receive frGffi the rest of the membership, especially the permanent members of the Security Council. I note with regret that two pennanent members have said they will not help pay for UNlFlL. 204. My country is unusually sensitive to the need for the United Nations to improve its advance planning arrange- ments for peace·keeping. It was only with considerable dislocation of our own requirements that we were able to supply specialized personnel for UNIFIL, and then only for six months. I urge all Member States to consider again the earmarking of personnel, services and equipment for this kind of contingency. If the Secretary·General is to carry out the·insLructions given to him by the Security Council, which are usually based on the principle of equitable geographical distribution, he must have the widest possible freedom to select the resources reqUired. The lack of readily available communications and logistics personnel is particularly regrettable. It is more than time that the Special Committee on Peace-keeping Operations made finn recom..nendations on these questions. 205. Earlier this year I had occasion to. assess the situation in Cyprus at first hand. My visit confirmed my view that the parties to the conflict ought to be able to settle their differences by negotiation. 206. Canada once again has a direct interest in a solution of the Cyprus problem. Canadian contiI!gents have been in CyPIW!, as part of the United NationsJorce, for 14 years. SQme of our soldiers are now doing their fourth. tour of duty on the island. Many Canadians ate. beginning to feel that the continued presence of the [oIce,.instead of pavit" ,. the way for a solution. may be a factor in impeding.it. 207. The island of Cyprus. an independent and soveIeign sta~ and a. soveJ;eig.l member of the intemational com- munity. has known a tro~bled history. I br.ilieve that it WOllld ~rve no ~~ful purpQs.e to attempt to identify those resPQm,ibl,~ for the events of ~ past. The international coromwilty eXpllcts. however. that the Cypriot people will me'the re~ources and dynamism which it shares wi* its ~editerranean neighbours as well as the goodwill which exists to prepare a new national programme which will c~ntain .gua~tees acceptable to all the parties cOil(:emed. TIll: legacy of the past will not facilitate matters and, in my 208. I have been discussing important issues of peace and security. We also expect this Assembly to address and influence those economic and social questions which are so vital to the welfare of our peoples. Peace and security will remain distant goals unless the basic economic and social needs of mankind receive adequate attention. 209. As each of our Governments trier. ~o deal with economic and social issues in the context of our natioMI interests. we become increasingly aware of the wide.ranglng effects of our actions. improvements in ollr economic and social conditions can be found only in policies whk~" fully recognize trjs interdependence among 8t&tes and l?lnong issues. None can be dealt with effectively in isolation. Tll&t is why it is so important for us to discuss these issues effectively in this body. 210. The industrialized countries account for a major share of international economic activity and their policies therefore have a particular impact upon the health of the world economy. We know that the recent performance of our industrial economies ha~ not been good enough. The leaders of seven major indl'~trialized countries met just over two months ago and agre(·d on meliSures which th~y would take, individually and cr)llectively, to improve this per- fonnance. My own Government has since announced a ..cries of measures designed to strengthen the growth of the Canadian economy. These efforts to improve our natiom: economic performance are not inward·looking. On the contrary, my Government remains convinced that a truly open world trading system provides the best framework for sustained economic growth for all of us. It also remains convinced that the problems of the industrialized world can best be solved by means which benefit all countries, developed and developing.alike. 211. T\1ere is no quick or, easy solution to current domestic or international economic-difficuIties, particularly those of the world's' poorest countries, but some of the imperatives are clear. We must improve economic growth to enhance the international economy's ability to meet the aspirations of developing countries for a more just eco- nomic order. We must resist pre~ureg. for self.defeating protectionism. We must bend every effort to achieve the successful cunclusion of the multilateral trade negotiations, including satisfactory benefits for developing countries as well as for the world's principal traders. 212. Frank and open exchanges on vital problems affect· ing the world economy must take place here. But if the General Assembly is to play its proper role in the process of working out equitable solutions to these problems, we need to clarify the mandate of the Committee Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174 and to make that Committee work. We must give the Committee a mandllte 213. As I said earlier, the dialogue on economic issues continues on many fronts. Some ptogress is apparent. Prospects for a new food aid convention have impnved. Canada will participate actively and constructively in the resumed negotiations on J common fund fQr commodities and we are confident progress can be made there a.~ well. The calendar for 1979 is very challenging: the fifth session of UNCTAD in Manila, the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for De\'~lopment in Vienna, the development of a new international development strategy for the 19809 and beyond. Canada has a deep interest in each of these events. This GetJeral Assembly session should contribute to their preparation as well as to the preparation of such events as the proposed world conference on renewable sources of energy. 1 invite delegations to help keep us on the path of consensus in this process. Progress on all of these issues i3 at times fwstratingly slow, but we must persist!n our efforts until we sl.!cceed. 214. Over the pll.st year the Third United Nations Con- ference on the Law of the Sea has made important progress towards the adoption of a comprehensive treaty for the oceans. I am particularly encouraged by the improvements in the informal composite negotiating text:? on the prevention and control of vessel source pollution. The new text does not yet fully meet my Government's objectives in this field. Nevertheless, it renects an increasing awareness by the international community of the need for a more balanced sh Jng of coastal and fiag-State rights and duties. The tragic and devastating oil spill off the French coast earlier this year graphically demonstrated the obsolescence of the traditional rule of flag-State sovereignty. 215. Most of the major elements of a global oceans treaty are now virtually agreed. What remain are the most difficult hard-core issues relating primarily to an intemational system for the mining of the deep sea-bed and the translation of the common heritage concept into an equitable system for extracting the minerals of the deep ocean bed. Our goal is unprecedented in internativn::1 institutions-the establishment of an intemational organiza- tion with both regulatory responsibilities and a role in the actual exploitation of natural resources. The implications of the new economic order are profound and far-reaching. Thus, no matter how exacting or frustrating the negotia- tions may £till be, we cannot afford to let the Conference fail, particularly now that it has accomplished so much and horne port is within sight. 216. Canada agrees, however, that the Conference must be brought to a concl~ion as soon as possible. While an arbitrary deadline could impede rather than expedite the work of the Conference, we believe that the negotiations should end during the course of 1979. This would lead, we hope, to the adoption of a draft treaty in the early part of 1980. Canada will give its full support to the attainment of this objective. 218. The challenge is to ensure that the Udted Nations system responds to the complex and changing enviro!'.ment in Which we live. Our basic principles must not be encrusted with bureaucratic procedure. The momentum of this institution must be towards the issues of the day, not away fmm them. 219. I am confident we will meet this challenge.

Mr. President, I am happy to join my colleagues in congratulating you on your election as President of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. I am confident that your experience and wisdom will enable you ta give this Assembly the leadership that it needs if it is to 'meet expectations. 221. With the most welcome addition of Solomon Islanlhi, the membership of the United Nations has now reach.,d 150. This is a remarkable growth since, 33 years ago, some 50 nations started building this Organization on the ruins of mankind's most terrible war. Through the dissolution of the system of imperialif.m, almost 100 new, fre;,. and indepen- dent States have emerged and become a powerful element in contemporary history. And let us never forget that there are more to come. 222. Those tongues are ever numerous which deplore and attack the United NatiOns, and in particular this Asiembly, as a political {,IOW of overrated significance, long on words but short on deeds. Although not unaware of our short- comings, we must answer such criticism not only by describing numerous achievements of the Unit~d Nations, but also by pointing out that 30 years is a very short time in the lives of intemational organizations. "Rome was not built in a day" is a saying in many Westem languages. Was there ever a great culture, was there ever a major religion, that established itself and realized its potential in anything less than several generations? Why, then, should we demand instant fulfJIment of the greatest dream in human history, the United Nations? 223. We may say for the United Nations that childhood is behind us. We are now suffering the growing pains of adolescence. Before us stretches a long time in which we shall really come to grips with life and solve its problems with ever-growing strength and maturity. Such is the future of the United Nations as I see it. Ii I may quote the late Adlai Stevenson: "Let none of us mock its weakness for, when we do, we are mocking oursleves." Let us rather devote our strength faithfully to realizing the aspirations embodied in the Charter as truly united nations. 224. The people of Iceland are an island race much dependent upon the sea. For this reason I hope it will be 225. The oceans cover two-thirds of the surface of the earth. In spite of the fact that large areas will be within the national jurisdiction of coastal States, there remains an immense area of sea-bed and ocean floor which, it ;s hoped, will be affirnled to be the COLlmon heritage of mankind, as foreseen in the first resolutions of the General Assembly setting \Jut the terms of reference of the Conference. I have no doubt, unfortunately, that the founding fathers of this grand design have been disappointed, even though much has been achieved and there is still a strong likeliliood that a comprehensive law of the sea will be agreed upon. 226. Yet the slow pace the Conference and the complex disputes which have repeatedly delayed its success give us serious cause for worry. Considering what is at stake-the role of law over two-thirds of the globe-I fmd that the matter should be raised to the highest political level in order to secure positive results from the long work already performed by ambassadors and experts, great as their achievement has been. Anarchy on the oceans would cause innumerable conflicts and immens~ damage, not least to the poorer nations. The successful 1.0nclusion of the Con· ference next year is vital and should most certainly be given the highest priority. 227. Many phases of the work of the Conference have already been successfully concluded. The consensus reached on important matters has already brought about widespread practice which is unchallenged, in spite of the lack of an agreed and ratified comprehensive treaty. In this category we can place most points concerning national maritime limits, which a large number of States have affirmed in their national legislation 228. The vital interests of Iceland have through~.lt the last 30 years dictated that my country should be in the forefront in this field. Our next step will be comprehensive national legislation confirming the 200-mile economic zone, extending the breadth of the territorial sea from 4 to 12 miles, establishing measures for the preservation of the marine environment, and dealing with other related sub· j:cts. Sucl11egi&1ation will be discussed in the Government and Parliament of Iceland in the near future. 229 Permit me to return to the relatively short history of the United Nations by calling attention to the thirtieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights before the end of this Assembly session. 230. This Declaration, coming so soon after the Charter itself, is one of the milestones in the work of the United Nations. Like the Ten Commandments of the Christian religion it has been and still is an inspirational guide to many; it has also caused fear and worry to those who trespass against it, but I am sorry to say it has been ignored and unrespected by far too many. 231. The fight for human rights has been gaining momen· tum, and at the same time it has increased our awareness of the formidable work thCit remains undone in this field. We 232. We must, on the occasion of the coming anniversary of the Declaration, rededicate ourselves and renew our efforts. Without the basic human rights there can be no individual freedom-and without individual freedom we shall never realize the central goals of the United Nations Charter. 233. Talk of human rights directs our attention to the southernmost part of Afric.a, where racism, inequality and injustice are the very basis of social structures in which relatively small minorities oppress large majorities among the population. The pressure of the United Nations in this area must be increased and directed towards fair solutions and national freedom, without which this region might well plunge into armed conflict on a large scale. 234. We must continue to condemn the policy of apart· heid practised in South Africa and all that goes with that ominous system of suppression and inequity. International pressure in various forms must be increased in order to bring to an end this system and send that country on the way towards a just and equal society serving all its races. 235. We trust that developments in Namibia will, in spite of temporary setbacks, continue and lead that country towards independence and majority rule in the near future; We hope that free elections under United Nations auspices will ensure equal oppo~tunity to all groupings, certainly including SWAPO. This must be followed by substantial economic aid for build·up and development. The vital port of Walvis Bay must certainly be an integral part of Namibia. 236. The swift movement of events in Zimbabwe has again taken a turn for the worse and caused disappointment to all those who hope for majority rule in that country. Renewed efforts to bring all parties to ~greement on a peaceful transition must r.€ made, but in the meantime present sanctions must be ·:f~'ectively maintained. 237. The people of Iceland have in their past a long history under colonial rule. We know from our experience that freeaom and independence do not of themselves bring a sudden reversal of conditions, and they do not instantly abolish poverty. But we certainly know that independence does kindle a national spirit and give nations new and further unknown strength for progress. But one ruling class must not be replaced by another, one kind of inequality and injustice must never replace another. Only with self·restraint, humanity and education can a suppressed nation rise to anew age and advance to a new future. 239. It is obvious that history has favoured some nations more than others, whatever the causes. Some have educa- tion, knowiedge, technology, industry and abundance, while th6 fate of others has been overpopulation, poverty, disease and a Widespread lack of education. In the higWy developed countries we all share, to a differing degree, the opinion that the prosperous must give up a considerable share of their wealth to aid those who are poorer or less fortunate 240. We are yet to see this same philosophy firmly enough established in the relationships of nations. We must continue on this path and we must soon obtain much g-eater results than we have so far. It is not for me to say what are the right methods; direct aid, rising prices of raw materials or whatever. Let me only remind the Assembly that giving a starving man a fish you give him a meal; but teach him how to fish, and you have given him a livelihood. 241. It does not befit the delegation of a small, unarmed nation like Iceland to venture to give to others advice on technical military matters, but I must voice our deep concern over the lack of progress made in the field of disarmament, especially as regards the monstrosities of mass destruction, poised and pointed at population centres with their inflniteover-kill capacity. We are also disappointec at the slow progress of talks on mutual force reductions in the field of conventional arms 242. Two aspects of this question I must mention with emphasis. First, it is downright tragic to. see developing nations use vast amounts of money out of their limited resources for the purchase of arms, thus keeping the military industrial complex both pleased and prosperous. This, most obviously, is taking bread from the hungry and medicine from the sick; that is one of the most disconcert- ing aspects of the armaments race. 243. The second point concerns again the vast ocean. There is in progress an immense and growing arms race in the naval, commercial shipping, fishing and research fields, all for military purposes. Showing the flag in every port around the globe, as the super-Powers do, is only one indication of a new form of imperialism. It is tragic indeed when submarines loaded with nuclear rockets are con- stantly creeping over ancient fishing banks and the trawler- men can expect to catch electronic devices in their nets. All of this most certainly counteracts the good work being done by the Conference on the Law of the Sea, where there has been manifested a great desire for preserving the marine environment, protecting living resources for maximum allowable yields to feed mankind, protecting commerce, and increasing human knowledge for peaceful ends. 245. There are a great many more problems on the agenda of this Assembly and pending in the chancelleries of the world, although I mall not take time to discuss them. I have kept mostly to the subjects that primarily concern the Icelandic people and on which we are, perhaps, capable of making useful contributions. But we shall listen with care to those who are more competent on other matters before we decide how to use our valuable vote in this Assembly. 246. Let us remember that most of our problems are man-made and can be solved by man, given the necessary goodwill. Let us in these halls attempt preventive diplo· macy, finding and settling potential disputes before they become acute problems. Let us to this end engage in candid debate without recrimination. Let us ever remember that we are not only solving the problems of our own age; ,",'e are here Illiiking the future. 247. The people of Iceland believe in peace with freedom, justice rod equality for nations and individuals. 248. The United Nations journey of a thousand leagues started with a single step, but we are under way, distant though the goals may seem. 249. The delegation of Iceland wishes the United Nations continued and growing success under its able Secretary- General. We Wish for a successful session of the General Assembly under the President's distinguished and able leadership.

May I first of all congratulate the President on his el0ction to the presidency of the thirty-third session of· the General Assew.bly of the United Nations. I wish him every success in his high office and assure him of my delegation's full co-operation. 251. Secondly, I take great pleasure in joining previous speakers in extending a most cordial welcome to Solomon Islands as the one hundred fiftieth and newest Member of the world Organization. 252. Representing my Government here for the first time, I should like to point out that the foreign policy of Denmark is solidly based on a broad parliamentary majority reflecting a deep belief in the basic values and principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter. 253. Our membership in the United Nations is therefore regarded as a corner-stone of Danish foreign policy, and we see the world Organization as a unique instrument for bringing us closer to the overriding goal: a world at peace based on greater respect for the individual and his funda- mental needs. redu~tion in the weapon arsenals of the two military super,Powers. 256. Deliberate efforts to acllieve detente have had an imPQrtant impact on the easing of the tensions between East and We,st stemming. from the Second WQdd War. We are satisfied that the process. of detente is developing. But we mus~ admit that progress. has not been as marked as we had hoped it vould be and that certain problems have emerged in the development of detente. 257. In the area of arms· c.ontrol little progress has been achieved, and that includes. the talks on mutual and balanced reduction of fQrces in Centr.al Europe, although we hali~ recently noted certain openings in those talks. Further prog[e~ in the militarY field is of the utmost inlportance if we are to k.--e.ep the detente process going. TI$ was one of the main reasons for the active Danish pqrticil?atiou in the United Nations' tenth special session Qn. disarmanwnt and our stwng emphasis on the follQw-up ot that h.igh·~evel meeting. 262. The continuing.. world-wide economic stagnation has made progress towards a new internationaleconomic order more difficult. but not less. urgent. The developing coun· tries· have. been affected. even more severely than the industrialized countries. However, the growing recognition of interdependence in ~he world economy offers new hope for intensified international co-operation fQr the benefit of all nations, taking. into consideration, of course, the national differences in economic capability and the special needs of the deveIQping.countries_ 258, It is e~nJial that the process. of detente be of sigpificance to the individual citizen. As,. the process. of the 263, Viewed in this perspective, it is the acmevement of concrete results of the North.-South dialogue. which is of importance. The progress. made ,during the past year should therefore not be ·0verlooked. I fmd it very positive that it provedpossihle at the meeting. in March of the Trade and De.velopment Board, at ministerial level, to reach agreement on a resolution on the debt and development problems of developing. countries [see A/33/15, part two, annex I, resolutio1l165 (S-IX)J. Confe~n~e on Security and Co-operation in Europe goes on, Dl;nm:uk will continue its.efforts..to this. end. 25-9, The East-West conflict must not spread to continents anQ. countries., which had nothingto do with its. origin. Such anextel!SiQn not only undennines. dt\tente and its credi- bility in ~neral, but also is. hannful to the countries conccllleQ.. sinCe it prevents. a genuine. solution of the urgent problems. of the third world. I am, therefore, in full agrl<e~nt with tIle view;;. expresst;<l on this point by the 264. In this.connexion 1 shoul.d like to underline that the DanishGovernment made it clear already at that time that we wexCi prepared·to enter intQ negotiations with individual de.velQpin&-_countries. conceming adjustment of the condi- tions,.of past official de.velopment assistance with a view to ~n(tlro'-Qeneralin his. annuat report on the work of the O~~lW,iza.ti.Ql1IAI33fl•. sect. II]. In my: 'ii~\\\, solutions. to ~x p.[Qbie.l11$, Illust ~ fq~nqon a regiQIlal1eYlU without intefVe,lition from outside. But worl!! pea~e c;annQt be secured only by the super-PoWers; all nations.. have an UnPQrtant rel>P9IlSl,llility in this.r.eSP\<ct, It is. of particular fi~J.dingthe.mostapp.mpriate solutioniil each case_ imwrtanc~ that thePeQple's R,epuQliq Q[ Chin!3)s...takin~an inl:;I,,<l$gJ:y active p;;t.rt in-inteIAiltjQn<l! c('-operatio[} within ~ fr~;"lork. of the Uni~q. NatiQIIS and e~w,here. Dei4'1!<ifk., has, always trie,4 to 4e,v~QP.a pQsiti¥.f: co- operation ith <U! coUntr.il;s, llr.eSP.e.ct,i:xe qf mm. pQlitiC:a1, . , ..;", ',-.. ' , ", --,', .', ," - ". --- - - .. '. 265. Otheximportant aspect£of t.he North-South dialogue will be taken up in the near future. 266. It has. become widely accepted that stabilization of commodity prices: would, strengthen the economies of 260. The wln'ld scone should not. however, he Vi0WEid only irr poJitiClll term.CI. gcollomic prohlel'llsal'li ~aiflinl! inco'Msll'll! prominence. When 11Ist year tire ('tenaral AS!iernbly lIdoptNl resollltlOl1 32/174 ir wns felt thnt 11 framework had hMn provided fOT the' contlmlatlon of the- N(lI'fh'~lIth dlAlof!Ur within the United Nl\rlorr~ sylltem, It is most regtettnhlr that at the mllset of this S6ll.Cllon we nlust face the fact thAt the Committee E.qtttbllshod under General ASSilmnty Re~o· lution 32/174- has nM heen ahle to function os WIJ had expected. What ha~ gMe wrMg'? Oid we expect tilt' Committee to do too much at a til'lll'l? Did we try to find compromisp- !~'!guage; where no cOrnpl'M'ise did ill" fact exist? TIle.qe are among:the questions to whidl we must try to find the answers durmg this ses,qi('\n. A prereqUisite for solving the problems surrounding the CommittM is. how. ever, that all parties demonstrate the necessary political \vill. Z61. TIle Danish Govemment finds If of overtiding impl'll" lance that solutions be found to the' grave economic problems of the: developing:. countries. In this col'ltext, my Government remains of the belief that effective tl'farrage- ment of the process towards the: estahlishment of a new and more equitable international economic order is eSSetffial. 261, Scltfloo 11fld technology play an important role in the deVElloptoof,t ptocess. Next year's United Nations Con· (fJfGflOO Ofl S<:luttce and technology for Development Sh(ltdd glm ut ltit~mslfying the International co·operation in this Mea, O'ifJ Important aspect would be to strengthen the sdMtlt'lc and technological infrastructures of developing cOllntries so 11S to eMble these countries to develop a wc"ft()I()~y ffJf!cctlng their own needs and priorities. 268, TllfJ fJcotlomlc recession has increased the pressure for prote(;t!Mlsm to the detriment of all nations participat- Ing In world trade, developed and developing countries alike. It Is, thlltefore, extremely important to reach an early and succcssfU, conclusion of the multilateral trade nego- tlatlons within GATT. A successful outcome would mean a cemlirmlltlofi of our commitment to maintain an open world tmdlfig systE:m·. It would also make for a better IntE:gmtlon of the developing countries into this system on the basis of special and preferential treatment. 269. In our opinion there should be a special set·up within the United Nations framework for discussion of global energy issues. We are convinced that such a dialogue would be of benefit to both developing and developed countries. We have therefore noted with interest Economic and Social Council resolution 1978/61, which recommends to the General Assembly that it convene a conference on new and renewable sources ofenergy at the earHest possible date. 270. During its last session the Trade and Development Board was able to approve a provisional agenda for the fifth session of UNCrAD. My Government is prepared to participate constructively at that session with a view to broadening the area of understanding and reacfring agreement O!l as many as possible of the important issues: which are to be discussed in Manila. 271. It remains a fact that for many years to come the poorest developing countries in particular will have to rely strongly on external resources in the form of official development assistance. When the present International Development Strategy was adopted [resolution 2626 (XXV)) a target of 0.7 per cent was set. At this juncture. when we are approaching the end of the $:.1:Ond United Nations Development Decade, there seems to be wry little basis for optimism concerning the possibility Qf 18 See Proceedings of the United Con[erent:rl QIl Thnitr il1Ki Development. Fourth Session, voL I, RepQrt and .4nntt.w~ (t:ui.n:u. Nations publication, Sales No. E.76.11D.10 lUId 1Nu:~ndum). pw:t one A, resolution 93 (IV). 272. New and interesting proposals on how to increase flon··concessional flows from developed to developing countries, in particular through private investment, have been brought to the attention of the international community during the past year, but it is important to emphasize that efforts to that end should in no way detract from the efforts of developed countries to augment their official assistance. 213. A significant part of Denmark's development assistance is channelled through UNDP. We appreciate the extremely important work which is being carried out by UNDP and so we welcome the recent increases in the contributions of some major donors. We feel, however, that we ate still far from eqUitable burden-sharing in contributions to UNDP. We feel also that a more stable resource basis should be ensured for the programme by way of contributions over a multiyear period. 274. Turning to some of the more specific political problems before the General Assembly, the conflict in the Middle East continues to be one of the most serious issues, if not the most serious one. That is due both to the human suffering involved and to the dangers which the conflict poses to world peace. By the General Assembly's adoption in. 1947 of the partition plan for Palestine {resolution 181 (11)]. the world community assumed a commitment to the existence of the State of Israel. At the same time it also assumed a responsibility towards the Palestinians. Against that background the Danish Government has throughout the years advocated a just and lasting over·a11 settlement of the Middle East C Inflict, taking account of the rights and concerns of all the interested parties. Peace cannot be secured through the acquisition of territory or solely by rniI~ means. It requires of all parties concerned foresight and a bold reappraisal, mutual understanding and a will to co-operate. 275. Together with our Western partners, the Danish Government supports the ongoing peace efforts in the Middle East. We hope that the outcome of the Camp David meetings, courageously convened by President Carter, will be a further major step on the path to a just, comprehensive and lasting peace and that all parties concerned will fmd it possible to' join in the process to contribute to that end. Denmark will lend its strong support to all efforts to acirieve such a peace. :::76. 1'he situation in Lebanon also presents a very serious problem.. Together with our partners in the European Community, Denmark has whole·heartedly supported President Sarkis's persistent efforts to safeguard the unity, SO'leIcignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon, as well as his efforts to re-establish peace and security in the country. :IT. Denmark has for a long time been deeply committed 278_ If the present regime in Salisbury does not rellli7.e veiY soon that time is rapidly runOlng out, It IS hard to see how a dangerous escalation can be .lVokled. It is our hope that the Ang!o·American initiative,I9 hlgetl,er with the efforts of African States, will bring all the ,;; ,ties to the negotiating table, because only there can a peaceful, balanced and intemauonally accl\ptable sulutiol1 be worked out. 279. At the same time we noted with relief the apparently 'leQ' positive and important developments \Viih regard to Namibia, which made us believe that there was substantive cause for optimism and hope. In fact wu expected Namibia to provid.e evidence that peaceful settlements of conflicts stemming from colonialism and racism were within reach. Security Council resolution 431 {I978') of 27 July 1978 appeared to clear the way to the implementation of the proposal worked out by the five Western members of the Se.:urity Council [S/12636j in close collaboration with the parties directly involwd. It would indeed be deplorable and condemnable if South Africa really chose to revert to a policY of confnmtation with the United Nations in this matte!_ It would indeed be irresponsible and dangerous to promote an arrangement which would not be intematio,l1ally acceptable. Certainly Pretoria cannot have said the last word in this matter. 280; We are, still eagerly waiting for the implementation of the' propQSal. of the five and for. the report of the SeCIeWy..cenerai[8/128271 to be carried out promptly and con:ectly and Denmark is ready, in accordance with our traditional principles, to provide personnel to the United Nations, Transition Assistance Group. We are prepared also to support an internationally accepted, independent Namibi~inits economic build-Up and development. 281. [should like to pay a tribute to the efforts of the Af(j(;an Sta~. and peoples,concerned aimed at supporting neS9tiated and internationally acceptable solutions for Nil!lUllia ~d Zimbabwe. Without their constructive efforts, Pr~~~forpeace \:Youldhave been rather bleak. 284. De~mark continues to condemn the policy of apfl1l!leifj of the LooVernment of South Africa, and we find it .ne~~) ~u bring increas;,;d pressure to bear on South Africa with the aim of eliminating the apartheid system. The, !liston.... JecisJ.on of the Security Council in its re.s.9lu.H9r. 41& (1977, on a mandatory arms embargo ~llt Sou~Airicamet it long-standing Danish desire_ But 1t ~'~41,Ysllfficient. to conyin;;e the South Africans that theXIfllUat.a.;;;;ept a non:-Ia.cial system·with equal rights for all: Their" apartheiQ. syst~m- not only violates. aU our I'lS~ O/fICiQ.l Records of the Seau:ity COIUlCil. Thirty-second Y~,,&Jpp/cI1WJlJorJuly, AU&w.t a.n4 September 1977. document ~tcps to intensify our pressure on 1he South Af!'kart rtfgilne. .~83. Before turning to the last point of rny statel'lil'lnt, I should like to undorlino Donmark's sttong support of all efforts to suppress mtornationlll torr(lrisni, My Oovel'nmcfit fully supports all realistic initiatives taken within the lInited Nations or in other fMums to prevent und to Gombat mternntionnl acts of violenllll, hijacking of civil alreron and the taking of hostal\es hy which hmlilln life is endangered. 284.. Finally, I want to eommetlt (1) a niattl'T which is Intimately linked to the work of thl~ Organi7ation. I ani referring to the thirtieth anniversary thl" yeaI' of the adoption by the United Nations of h'l-., Universal Declaration of Human Rights f re.~(jll1fi()n 217 A (11T)J which recognizes: ", , ,the mherent dignitv and" the equal and inalienable riWtts of all' members of the humlln family [asl the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world", 285. During these 30 years the implementation of human rights has attained increasing prominence in international politics and international eo·operation, and is now heing considered a continued task at the national, as. well as regional and international levels. It is also generally accepted that improvements in this respect are blldly needed. Daily reports of repeated and gross violations of human rights in many countries all over the world testify to that. 286. It is noteworthy, however, that Governments as weil as international organizations, non.governmental organizations and individuals, are showing increasing concem aboutviolations of human rights, be they civil and political rights, on the one hand, or economic, social and cultural rights on the other. 287. The fact that economic, social and cultural rights have been recognized on a par with the traditional civil and political rights implies, in the view of my country, a human outlook that not only respects the right of the individual to :JSsert himself; it also implies genuine obligations towards fellow men. Both categories of human rights need to be guaranteed as essential parts of. an integral whole where human beings enjqy simultaneously freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want. 288. Having touched upon only a few important issues, I cannot pelp thinking of the many other problems- which likewise demand our attention. We may have different priorities, different approaches and different proposals for solutions, but we have to be realistic. We have to acknowledge publicly that we may only be able to solve a few of thos;: problems before we meet here next year. We cannot continue to use inflated rhetoric thereby implying that this year there is somehow, miraculously, cause for specialoptirnism. If we continue to speak like that we shall lose. the confidence of the public. Action is needed if !he _~ 189. We must not forget out goal's and objectives, and we must always try to accompiish them. {n that spirit of feaHstlc idealism I should like to pledge that Denmark will do its utmost to assist in promoting the principle that c6tlflicfS and disputes must be solved thtough a C6fisffuctWe dialogue and peaceful negotiations, and in t'ltlelltig teaHstfc ways to eliminate injustice,inequalities and o"litdttMid ptMleges among the peoples of the world. 290. Mt. AKAKf'O·AHJANYO (Togo) (interpretation from Prench): fior 30 years the nations have been sending their tepresentatliles to meet in thiS palatial building, which hitS, liS a rest ~:, become a place for dialogue alnd discussion among I1lflO of goodwill in the quest for peace in political W(fairs, unity In the struggle against hunger and mlllnutrltion, solidarity in the distribution of ~he w.:alth of the Vlotld Which has, alas, become the close field of war, IJgotlsm &nd division. . 291. l'he lrilernatlonal community, today as yesterday, is unfottuoately confronted with tests of every kind, and the purpose of om gathering is to search for solutions to crises dangerously threatening peace and security in the world. 292. The thirty-third session of the General Assembly of our Organization opens at a time when the representatives gathered here in flsll solemnity focus the thoughts they voice on the vital issues disrupting the world today. 293. The Togolese delegation has come, as in the past, to make a positive contribution to those ideas. 294. Before proceeding further, I should like, howl~ver, to avail myself of the opportunity afforded by this lofty rostrum to congratulate Mr. Lievano most warmly on his election to the presidency of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly. By entrusting to him the burdem\ and responsibility of conducting its work, the General Assembly has sought to pay a tribute both to his abilities as a consummate diplomat and, through him, to his country and his distinguished President, who has succeeded in a short time in forging the destiny of his people and in transforming man's creative freedom into continued incitement to integration of the country's productive forces, and who continues to play a positive and important role in the international arena in the constant search for peace, unity and solidarity among the peoples of the world and in the relations among States. 295. Therefore, we are proud to affIrm our conviction that the General Assembly's present deliberations will have a happy outcome. 'Die Togolese delegation will collaborate in the accomplishment of this exalting but difficult task. 296. The outgoing President, Mr. lazar Mojsov, imparted a high decorum to the debates of the thirty-second regular session and the three special sessions that followed. He showed in full measure his competence as the accomplished diplomat that we all know him to be. That is why I wish te, take this opportunity to convey to him our most heartfelt congratulations. 298. May I also be permitted to salute, on behalf of the Govemment and people of Togo, Solomon Islands, which we welcome in our midst as the one hundred and fiftieth Member of our Organization. 299. This year again the world views with anxiety the recrudescence of the points of crisis in the world. Securit;-·, peace and co-operation are again threatened, and the intemational cornmunity stands helpless before the evils that beset it. In its disarray it turns its eyes towards our Organization. 300. The United Nations must rediscover the necessary resources, the indispensable impetus, that will help it remMe the causes of the many convulsions tearing our con, .mporary world asunder. It must first persuade all Member States fully to assume their responsibilities and to give proof of a political will powerful enough to transcend their diffc,ences, in order to concentrate all the required attention on the grave issues afflicting the world today, which are capable of affecting international peace and security unless appropriate solutions are found. 301. The world today is an interdependent world, and it urgently needs peace, unity and solidarity in order to devote its energies to the intcmational co-operation that is becoming each day more indispensable. 302. In this connexion, it is regrettable to note that the world, far from having understood the need for that co-operation, stands complacently by while useless hotbeds of tension grow in numbers, thus creating a flagrant contradiction between the desire of the peoples of the world for peace, unity and solidarity and the permanent state of belligerence which hangs over our world. 303. The problems of southern Africa, the Western Sahara, the Middle East and Korea are involved in that contradiction. 304. hi southern Africa the paralysing indecision of the principal Powers involved in the settlement of the crisis there and their obvious inability to assume their responsibilities vis-a-vis the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, who still languish under the abject yoke of colonialism, have engendered the suffering and rebellion of millions of human beings who ask only to live in freedom, peace and unity with all the other peoples of the region. 305. The delaying tactics of lan Smith, at bay ill Zimbabwe, undoubtedly reflect the insolence of a man accustomed never to look truth in the face. The negative attitude of the leaders of the white minority in that country cannot but strengthen the international community's support for the national movement~ which struggle to regain their freedom. The increasingly ,·;,'{.eitfuI tactics used by lan Smith should lead us to impose a stricter application and more consistent implementation of the 306. In Namibia, Pretoria stubbomly endeavours by successive twists and turns to delay the accession of that country to full sovereignty, and tries, by rearguard actions, to take Walvis Bay away from Namibia, thus seeking to deal a serious blow at the territorial integrity of that country. The international community should no longer remain powerless but should do everything in its power to ensure the- application in its entirety of the Declaration and Programme of Action adopted at the ninth special session on Namibia [resolution ~912J. By so doing, it will renew its support for the freedom fighters of SWAPO, the sole representative of the Namibian people, which is struggling for freedom and the integrity and independence of that COWltry. 307. The situation in South Africa has scarcely changed since our last regular session. It is obvious to the international conununity that the inhuman apartheid regime continues to hold sway with all its shameless cynicism and barbarity. 308. How long must the international community endure the affronts of the heinous Pretoria regime, which persists in defying the whole world by its retrograde racist policy and in multiplying its acts of provocation and aggression against the peaceful population of the neighbouring States? 309. The Togolese Government has never failed to uphold the view that apartheid will not die a natural death and that, as long as the economic and political sanctions adopted by our Organization and many international conferences are not fully applied by all States, the racist minority will continue to subject the black majority to oppres9on and inhum~ torture. 3] O. In this connexion, we note with regret that certain Member States have expressed their refusal to give the recent Geneva World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination the full weight that it deserves. 311. While the large majority of the peoples of the world suffer from malnutrition, disease and other scourges, we see ccmin Powers involved in an unbridled armaments race invoiving ever more sophisticated weapons. " 312. This race has led them to perfect devices capable of killing man and sparing the environment. 313. What does this diabolical ref"mement mean if it is to pre~rve an environment without a soul? This is the problem pos1ed by the discovery of the neutron bomb. The fact that mankind has had to start a debate on its own mMYal, 3i threatened by its own discoveries, reflects the miWSh in. which millions of human bein~ live. It is more ifidicamre of a state of decadence than of a necssary stage in the progress of mankind. 314. The lItutron bomb raises a problem of comiCience for _ who~ of mankind. Thus human life is reiegited to the 1o~levelin the scale of values. 317. Our Organization is now at a crossroads and its responsibility has increased tenfold. It must ensure scrupulous respect for the territorial integrity of States. It must defend all countries, large and small. That is why the Togolese Government is profoundly convinced that France, in agreement with the international community, will assume its responsibility to ensure, in regard to the Comorian island of MayoUe, respect for thl) principle of the territorial integrity of States Members 0; our Organization, and will enable the young Republic of Comoros resolutely to tackle its urgent development problems. 318. With respect to the Western Sahara, we hope that reason will prevail, that the initiatives to be taken on the basis of the principle, of the right of peoples to self-determination will lead to positive results and that peace will return to that region. 319. The Togoles-e Government, which has always supported the principle of self-determination of peoples, again proclaims its resolute opposition to the unlawful occupation of foreign territories by other States. 320. Israel's obstinacy in occupying by for.ce the territories of other States in the Middle East re'presents inadmissible contempt for the sacred principles of our Organization's Charter. The situation of latent war that results is an almost permanent threat to international peace and security. As long as the Arab and Palestinian territories remain occupied, the imperialist expansionist policy pursued by Israel as it tramples underfoot the principles of our Organization will be rejected by the large majority of States. The Togolese Government subscribes to the idea of there being a resumption of the dialogue betwt:en all the parties concerned, with the effective participation of the Palest~e Liberation Organization, the legitimate representative of-the Palestinian people, which must recover its national inaliemi.ble rights, and first and foremost its right to a homeland. 321. That is why the international community must bring Israel to reason in order that it ~y weigh the seriousness of the situation prevailing in the Middle East and work in all good faith for areturn to peace in that part of the world in conformity with the relevant resolutions of the Security Council and other United Nations bodies. 322. Similarly, the search for a peaceful solution to the Cyprus question necessarily involves the implementation of Security Council resolution 365 (1974) and General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX) by the two communities living in that State. But the implementation of those decisions can be effective only if there is an immediate withdrawal of all foreign forces from Cyprus followed by the adoption of specific measures to facilitate the return to the island of all refugees. 324. With respect to the problem of the Far East, we reaffirm our firm opposition to manoeuvres designed t.p impose recognition of the fait accompli of the fictitious' creation of two Korean entities. We again express our total support for the Korean people as a whole in their just struggle for the peaceful reunification and independence of their country. 325. It is also in conformity with its credo "Peace, union and solidarity" that T'Jgo supports the Indian Ocean being a zone of peace outside the military rivalry of the great Powers.• 326. We have the impression that certain Powers take pleasure in setting mankind on the road to self·destruction. We fail to understand their vicious tendency to play with the fire of war and the arms race. 327. The international community must bring the armaments merchants to reason. It was with every justification that, at its tenth special session devoted to disarmament. the General Assembly insisted that to be lasting peace must necessarily be based on full disarmameilt in order to halt the unbridled, senseless arms race that would lead to a holocaust, and relieve mankind from the terrible threat of a calamity that has long been hanging over our heads. 328. This need to halt the arms race is all the more urgent because the world economic situation has languished since the oil crisis of 1973. 329. Mr. President, in your remarkable inaugural address [1st meeting] you made an especially brilliant, realistic and edifying analysis of the international economic situation. 330. The situation of the developing countries continues to deteriorate. While in all internlltional forums there is unanimity on the need to replace the old economic order with a spectrum of more coherent and better organized relations that effectively reflect the concerns of the lll,rge m~jl)tity of mankind, the solutions advocated thus far remain inoperative because the wealthy countries continue at all costs to endeavour to safeguard their selfish interests by putting a brake on any attempt to speed up the establishment of a new, more equitable and hence more just international economic order. 331. It is true that goodwill has been shown throughout the world. There has been intensive activity, and research has been undertaken in many areas, making it possible to identify possible areas for the development of the world in the next few years. The majority of the conclusions arrived at in those studies show an accentuation of the nmbalances between the "haves" and the "have-nots". The frustrations resulting from such a development may well compromise the possibility of a dialogue and will certainly lead the rich and the poor countries into a confrontation the consequences of which cannot be foreseen. International economic relaticns, the transfer of technology, financial 333. The serious deterioration in their balance of payments has considerably minimized, sornet ",.,s drastically, their possibilities of development. That is why they have become aware of the need to abandon the obsolete mechanisms that have thus far governed international economic relations. They are now seeking solutions likely to put an end to disorder and the confusion that has characterized wodd economic relations, in order to prepare together the course to be followed in the future within a more balanced economic order. That is why the countries of the third world have undertaken intensive activities of concentration in order to affirm, more adequately than in the past, the interdependent nature of their development, so as to reduce their dependency on the developed world. Their solidarity and determination have been underscored on a number of occasions, especially at the three most recent meetings of UNCTAD and in other international forums. 334. This solidarity has already, following the oil crisis of 1973, at the sixth special session of the United Nations General Assembly in April and May 1974 and at the seventh special session in September 1975, led to the adoption of the historic resolutions on the establishment of a new international economic order [resolutions 3201 (8-VI), 3202 (8-VI) and 3362 (8-VII)], creating the framework for the application of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)]. 335. Equity, equality, sovereignty, inteldependence and co-operation among all States-the slogan of the new international economic order-remain deadlocked within tne attempts to give them effect because of the stubborn insistence of rich countries on tinkering with the situation. 336. So long ail the imbalance between the "haves" and the "have-nots" continues peace, unity and solidarity among peoples will not exist. 337. Peoples want progress and not an obstinate race towards the destruction of mankind. The peoples of the world aspire to serenity, quiet and peace in order to construct a better world. They do not want the world to be destroyed by these deadly weapons. The peoples of the world want to safeguard the human community, not to reduce it to chaos through Satanic discoveries. Yes, men want peace to ensure their full development. Yes, men want to live in unity to combat the scourges, calamities and disasters that beset mankind. They do not want to destroy human life and not, scattered and isolated, to confront the innumerable difficulties and obstacles to human life. 339. Peace, union. solidarity: this is the moving appeaJ of the people of Togo and of its leader. General Gnasslngbt! Eyad6ma. to all the peoples of the earth. so that together we may build the world of tomorrow. a world in which there is no spectre of war. division or selfishness.

May I first congratulate the President most warmly on his election to preside over the thirty-third seslian of the GeneraJ Assembly. His merits. which are lVeIl known to all of liS are a true guarantee that this session wi.1I perform its work effectively IInder his distinguished leuldership. 341. I also wish 10 express to the outgoing President. Mr. Mojsov, my deep appreciation of his very vaJuable and skilful work during our last regular session. as well as during three special se!Sions of the General Assembly in the course of this year. 342. I should like also to pay a ~~ciaJ tribute to the Sccll}tary-General. Mr. WaJdheim. for his dedicated and wltiring efforts and his invaluable contributions to the attainment of our common gaaJs. I wish to assure him of my courltry's full support. 343. As a member of the United Nations Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. we fmd it particularly gratifying to extend a warm welcome to Solomon Islands on the occasion of its admission to the United Nations. My delegation is looking forward to fruitful co-operation with it within this Organization. 344. MlI1lkind has always longed for peace. freedom and well·being. But human history is strewn with wars. suffering and po~-erty. After unspeakable tribulations which culminated in the Second World War. the United Nations became the embodiment of the great ideal of co-operation amons nations for the Cll}ation of a better life for all people on our earth. We sometimes meet with seemingly in~urmountable obstacles 11 our work at the United NJ.tions.. They must. hOlflr-ever. never discourage us from hoping that progress can be made towards attaining this ideal. The United Nations has the potential to serve as an invaluable instrument in our efforts to create a better world. The result will depend on our will to ~ this instrument and on how we use iL 345. But we see how conflicts and repression are still causing terrible suffering in various parts of the world. Racial oppIession in South Africa is still a disgrace to the E:uemational community. The guns still speak in the Middle East and in many other areas. All over the world people are bei.n& penewted, imprisoned and tortured on account of :.heir opinions. Billions of dollars are being wasted on a.-ma,ments while hundrelis of millions of people are living m ~ misery. A large proportion of our earth's limited re>ollrces is being used to increase the affluence of the ~thy. At the same time mass poverty is constantly 347 Nowadays everyone condemns the use of '11;r as a political instrumen t. The realization that the d~tente process must continue and broaden is gaining fUl ever stfonger foothold A new awa!eness is emerging that we all, small na\:ons and large nations, poor and rich, are dependent upon each other. After all. we live in one and the same world. This has opened up new perspectives for peace efforts and for the management of the world's resources. as well as for international solidarity and the defence of fundamental human rights. Here we aJl share a common responsibility. 348. To be sure, it is the major Powers that dominate the internationaJ political scene, and this places the heaviest burden of responsibility upon them. But the small States. too. can play an important role in the work for peace, non·intervention, d~tente and equality. The close co-operlition between the five Nordic countries has developed and grown in spite of the fact that our countries have chosen different policies of national security. This proves that peaceful and vigorous common action can take the place of the antagonisms and wars of earlier centuries. 349. The FinaJ Act of the Conference on Security and Co·operation in Europe. signed at Helsinki on I August 1975. is another manifestation of this endeavour to replace old antagonisms by new co-operation. Much rem:lins to be done before this goal is reached. but a framework has been drawn up that makes it possible to tackle even controversial questions in an open and direct way. A widespread exchange of views has been set in motion. Future co-operation must lead to a com~rehensive discussion of all the areas dealt with in the Final Act. The Swedish Government attaches great importance to this. We shall be taking an active part in the preparatory work for the next meeting of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Eurqpe. to be held in Madrid 1..'1 1980. 350. Solidarity and co-operation must build on respect for the right of every people to shape its own future. choose its own way. The strong have always been tempted to use force, threats or other means to impose their will on the weak. History abounds in examples of this kind. The small States can play a role as a counterweight to the strength of the great. We must not hesitate to use the means we have at our disposal to support a people which stands out against oppression and the violation of human rights. The goal of solidarity and co-operation must always be the well·being of the individuals. For instance. the principle of non-intervention must never be taken to mean a limitation of the right to call attention to breaches of fundamental United Nations principles. 351. Racial discrimination must be fought wherever it arises. Symptoms of racial discrimination are present all over the world. We must all be constantly on guard against such tendencies. But there is·one country where not only 352. The purpose of the apartheid system is to protect the white mil!0rity and its privileges. Rhodesia and Namibia are being used as ramparts for this policy. The latest events in Namibia must be seen in this light. Once again the international community has been slapped in the face by Mr. Vorster. By its threat that it alone will proclaim and carry out elections in Namibia, the South African Government has disclosed its real intentions. Obviou31y it fears the results of a free election in which SWAPO, the leading naiional movement, would be given the opportunity to participate on equal terms. Talk of the people's free elections at a time when South Africa maintains an overwhelming army of occupation in Namibia is a hollow mockery. Vorster is holding out a ballot paper on the point of a bayonet. The leaders in South Africa are taking upon themselves a heavy responsibility by sentencing the inhabitants of Namibia to renewed and prolonged suffering. 353. We share the deep disappointment which the United Nations and other States must now feel. It seems that the considerable efforts made to arrive at a peaceful solution have been nullified or, at least, gravely jeopardized. Our response to Pretoria that its latest manoeuvre is unacceptable must be clear, unambiguous and unanimous. Even if the prospects today fJeem to me to be slight, no avenue must remain unexplored for reaching a peaceful and democratic settlement. In this all th: parties in Namibia must be able to participate on equal terms. We remain firm in our preparedness to assist the United Nations in its efforts to exert its reponsibility as regards Namibia. 354. In the present situation it is urgent that the Nationhood Programme for Namibia be implemented. My Government, together with the other Nordic Governments, is prepared to pledge shortly a substantial contribution to this Programme. We hope that other countries will also support this Programme and thus assist in preparing Namibia for its full independence. 355. The Smith r~gime in Rhodesia should also by this time have been given unequivocal proof that a continuation of its confrontation policy will bring Rhodesia to disaster. Ever since Smith illegally proclaimed his so-called independence in 1965, one of his key political principles has bef'n to gain time. The "internal settlement", as it is called, the last ·in a long succession of strategems, has proved a fiasco. Tne same fate awaits every measure that does not imply a defmitive acceptance of the principle of one man, one vote. Only solutions which are worked out with the full participation of the people of Zimbabwe can be lasting, stable and viable. 357. Events tal<'ing place in Namibia must not make us forget the fateful drama being enacted in South Africa. The States Members of the United Nations must agree on measures to assist the people in South Africa who are struggling for freedom and justice. 358. The Nordic Governments ..ave for their part agreed on a joint programme of actioa against South Africa. This includes measures against new investments and sports co-operation, extended assistance to refugees, and the introduction of compulsory visas. The programme will be extended step by step. 359. Sweden and other Nordic countries will continue pressing for a Security Council resolution against new investments in South Africa. Sweden has already taken some action in this respect and is now considering legislation. We shall also explore avenues for Winning broad support for other steps, such as stopping financial loans and the transfer of nuclear teclmology and equipment to South Africa. We shall continue working for binding decisions against all trade, not least in oil, with South Africa. 360. The year prochimed by the United Nations as International Anti-Apllirtheid Year is now running. Let us with concerted efforts make it a turning-point in the struggle against this system. This ideology of injustice must now be consigned to history's cham'-~r of horrors. 361. In other parts of the world, major hotbeds of unrest are still unresolved. Millions of people have been driven from their homes for one reason ur another. Their suffering continues. We must all seek to alleviate their hardships by means of generous develo;>ment assistance and refugee policies. The problem is growing and creates an increasingly heavy burden on the many poor countries that have to receive these people. It is the poor and the unprivileged groups in society that suffer most when human and material resources &re wasted on war instead of being used for economic and social progress. Therefore, we all share the heavy responsibility of ~nsuring that the quest for peaceful solutions of these conflicts be intensified. 362 The Middle East has long been afflicted by conflicts and antagonisrns. The meeting in Camp David and the peace efforts of President Carter, President EI-Sadat and Prime Minister Begin deserve our respect. We sincerely hope :~il1t their efforts will initiate a process that ultimately can lead to a comprehensive and lasting settlement in the Middle East. 363. The Swedish Government reiterates it- .. w that ~he principles contained in Security CounCil resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) must be the basis for a fmal settlement. These principles must be supplemented with the 364. Peace in this region can only he durable if it is founded as much on mutual trust as on military security considerations. Otherwise, a scttlemcnt can never be more than a cease-fire which compels the peoples to live in continuous anxiety with the constant threat of war breaking ou" Ismel's existence as a State and its right to live within s,llcure and recognized hord;:rs cannot be called into question. Let me add that wc emphatically repudiate all attempts to equate 7.ionislll with racism. Such attempts benefit \10 onc. 365. Israel's settlements policy is a grave obstacle to an agreement. We hope that the S:nai settlements will be evacuated. We also hope that this will mark a change in Israel's settlement policy in the other occllpied areas. The principle that territories may not be acquired by force must apply unconditionally. 366. The tragic events in lt~b:lllon are a serious reminder to us. They show the urgent need to reach a comprehensive and lasting solution in the Middle East. inclUding a settlement of the Palestinian question. 367. It is extremely important that all parties now exercise restraint. The world must be spared a new spiral of violence, which can definitely ';hatter the hopes for peace. 368. In the Middle East we see how the development of military arsenals aggravates an already intolerable situation. At the global level the disarmament situation. or rather the arms ra.:e, continues to cause serious concern. TIle tenth special session on disarmament focused world·wide attention on the discrepancy between the arms race and the efforts to achieve disannament. TIle arms race gathers momentum, and disarmament efforts have yielded meagre results. 369. One important decision of the special session was to initiate an in-depth ~ :udy of the relationship between disarmament and de.ebpment. A fJrst report [A/33/317J has already been delivered to tLe Secretary~General tiy the e.x.pert group appointed by him.:l O 370. The s~cial session has given us new machinery. No ill;tirutional arrangements can, however, replace decisive eff€i!B for disanuament by the two leading military l'owers. Their special responsibility is explicitly confirmed in the Fmal Document ,of the special session [resolution 8-10/2J. 371. The situation as regard'1 the nuclear-arms r-dce and ilGfrproliferatian is gra)'e. Therefore, a more "Oncrete progta.n1JJle of action from the special ression W( i:"_ 'lave been required. A.tl acceleration of the nuclear-arms race rr-.ay m [.act be imminent. New technologies tend to erode i10th results and pITb--perts of our disarmament efforts. New rneuWds and fresh initkth'eS to solve problems mUt't cl)lJtirjuDusl} be explored. l'rogress in nuclear disarmament 1«iU require the prompt negotiation of far-reaching 372. These tasks have proved difficult in the past. So far it has not been possible to negotiate the renunciation of weapons systems which are available to one super-Powl~r but not to the other. The price of inactivity is rising at an accelerating rate in both political and economic terms. The trends in technology and deployment of nuclear weapons in oollsltlve regions lire increasingly counteractive to dt!tent~. 373. The two lending military Powers must reconsider their positions in the disarmament negotiations. The con- cessions they make may have to be of different types. The strategic positions, political systems anu alliance patterns of the two leading Powers and the military blocs differ considercbly. Technology restraints and verifications meas- ures are two crucial areas. Decisive and truly constructive action by these Powers is now U1gently called for. A follow-up of the Programme of Action adopted at the special session should in our view include the follOWing seven items regarding the arms race. 374. First. a comprehensive test-ban treaty is urgently called for. 375. Secondly. an agreement at the second series of the Strategk Arnls Limitation Talks must be reached without further delay. 376. Thirdly. the spe"dy foHow.up of the second series of the Talks b)- a substantial third series agreement is reqUired. 377. The follOWing points are desigm'd to combine polit- ical and disalT.1ament measures in the pursuit of real nuclear disarmament. 378. Fourthly, those nUClear-weapon sy~tems which fall out~de the Talks must gradually ana, if necessary, selectively be included in the framework of existing negotiations. These grey-area systems, as they are called, have been insufficiently dealt with in multilateral nego- tiations, including !~,. Vienna talks on mutual and balanced reduction of fOl'''$ tral Europe. There are great risks inherent in the enT' 'evelopment and deployment of this large ]foup \. ; u",·~ar weapons. Among these the neutron weapon .....'u the SS 20 missiles are two W01'1)i., ;; examples. 379. Fifthly, efforts to achieve {orce reductions in central Europe must be intensified. Umitations on the peacetime disposition of military forces and other constraints would constitute important parts of a fJrst-stage agreement in the Vienna talks. Such measures would contribute to longer- term eff.orts to reduce nuclear weapons in Europe. 380. SixtWy, these efforts should be linked to the attempts to reach agreement on improved confidence- building measures in Europe. This is an important item for the next follow-up meeting of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe to be held in 1980 in Marl.rid. 382. Arms control assessments of planned new weapons might be more closely related to the international disarma- ment process. They could in that case facilitate the introduction of relevant weapon issues in different nego- tiating contexts at the stages of research, development, production and deployment. 383. Let me add that none of these points requires any new negotiating machinery. 384. Oor evaluation of the disarmament situation after the special session leads us to propose that the United l\la~ions initiate a new thorough study of nuclear weapons. The study should cover the technical as well as the political aspects of such weapons. It should also include available qualitative as well as quantitative information and factors regarding geographic deployment. Nuclear weapons con- tinue to be the greatest threat to mankind. The appalling spectre of their possible use haunts the minds of people everywhere. The nuclear weapons of a few States affect the security of all States. That is why a new comprehensive study of nuclear weapons is ihlperative. 385. Sweden's strong and unswerving support for the Treaty on the Non.Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons {resolution 2373 (XXII), anne- I is well known. We main· tain an active interest in any h~easures which can increase support for the Treaty and the international non- proliferation regime. The prospects of these efforts will largely depend on what happens in the field of nuclear disarmament. A complete test ban and agreements on control and on real reductions in strategic weapons and nuclear weapons could together be seen as important steps to prevent- proliferation. The risk of the proliferation of nuclear weapons is also closely linked with the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. Therefore, effective full-scope IAEA safeguards and adequate levels of physical protection are important. 386. All States have the right to decide'how they can best ennre their energy supplies. Advantage should be taken of the possibilities now provided by alternative sources of energy and improved energy conservation techniques. 387. The issue of conventional weapons and international arms transfers was rightly given more attention at the special session than ever before in the United Nations. We are glad that this issue is now on the agenda .md thus can be the subject of serious discussion in the United Nations. 388. The first Preparatory Conference for the United Nations conference n particularly inhumane conventional w.,apons conclud,~d recently in Geneva. The results justify a reasonable hope that meaningful restrictions on use can be achieved for such categories of weapons. Examples are incendiary weapons, land·mines and perhaps also small calibre projectiles. This opportunity must not be rniss3d by the international community. My Government pledges its full support for continued progress in this field during the coming year. 390. The use of enormous human and material resources for military purposes is a grotesque waste 1l1.d it concerns us all. 391. The earth is the common heritage of all mankind. It could provide us with all the necessities for our health and well-being. We are therefore in duty bound to manage its resources wisely. If we squander these stored resources, we impoverish our descendants. If we poison natural assets with our pollutants, we destroy the very foundation of our existence. As long as the few consume more than their fair share, the majority are consigned to poverty. 392. We cannot claim that we are good stewards of our heritage. Those of us who belong to the privileged few are mainly responsible for the present pollution of the envi· ronment and the waste of resources. 393. But many developing countries also are forced by their very poverty to make great inroads into natural assets. The wise management and more pqui.table distribution of the earth's resources is one of the most pressing tasks facing the international community. This will be made easier by increased employment and a more harmonious growth of the world economy. 394. The world·wide debate on energy sounded the flfSt warning that a new approach to the use of resources is necessary. We know that today's large sources of stored energy-such as coal, oil and uranium-are limited. These sources are also combined with great hazards for the environment and human health. Whole-hearted efforts to improve energy management and fmd new, environmentally safe and renewable sources of energy are therefore essential. We shall be forced in the future to discuss many ether resources in the same way, 395. The United Nations international conferences on food, population and the environment have played a prominent role in drawing the attention of world opinion to these issues. We look forward with great interest to the work now to be done to increase our knowledge of the relationship between population, resources, environment and development. More light needs to be thrown on this. Alternative growth concepts, the sharp rise in resC'·. 'e consumption and the relationship between cor.selV"LlOn and waste in the industrialized and developing countries must be dealt with. As part of this work Sweden is prepared to consider financing a United Nations seminar to delineate and give priority to the fields where international expertise is now inadequate. We recommend that the Economic and Social Coun<:il should without delay devote special effort to the question of the management and the recycling of natural resources. Broad support for implementing EGO- nomic andSocialCouncllresolution 1978{61 on convening a conference on new and renewable sources of energy at the e:IDiest possible moment is also essential. 397. We must now seriously start discussing perspectives for the 19805 and thereafter. The substance of a new development strategy still has to be worked ollt, but the objective is clear: a more equitable distribution of the fruits of the earth's resources between Hnll within States. Aware- ness of our dependence UPOll one allother must lead to action. 398. Few tasks are morc vital for the United Nations than the creation of decent living conditions for nil people. But the achievement uf this is still remote. According to recent assessments, at least 800 million hUllllln beings lire living in absolute poverty. That is a frightening figure. hut it must not be allowed ~o give rise to defeatism. 399. Real advances towards satisfying the pressing devel· opment needs of the developing countries have. however. beim painfully few. 400. The work of clarifying and implementing the concept of a new intemational economic. order must be carried forward. The Committee Established under General As· sembly Resolution 32/174 has as yet not fOlmd the role it is to play. Even its September meeting was a disap- pointment. It is essenJal that together we fmd ways for resuming work in the Committee. 401. The undertakings made at the Conference on Inter- national Economic f'lHlpcration must not be betrayed. Negotiations on the common fund for commodities must produce results. In the past year, some industrialized countries have gi\~n specific undertakings to ,,'-o~e off the debts of the poorest countries. It is essential that all industrialcountIies join in this action. 401. The transfer of resources to the developing countries must bG substantially extended. We must tryout new ways of doing this. based on the interdependence of the economies. of the industrial and the developing countries. 403. Today's economic problems in the industrialized wo.dd must nOl block the efforts to change the inter- national economic systems. On the contrary. We must realize that po$iti·..e economic de'fl':.' 'Jpment in the poor c9UAtties can. promote efforts for economic recoverY in the i.qdustrial countries, too. We should regard the surplus ca~~ in wod~ iIJ4ustIy. as. a means. of satisfying the urg,eni, d~'il;lopment req!,lirements of the developing coun- ~$. and not only for in,creasing consumption among the ahe ,Jy affluent. 4(}4, A morl;' cquit.w~ msmbutioo of resourceE between ~l,llltf~ ~ cs.wutiat So, to'",;. is thelIlQre even distribution "Ji r~iOi,U:~es ""itmn th~ coun,tries. That means between 'r-ai~"''i wu of a COtUltr)', between town and countIyside, ~t..~.. G.jff~,@l.t population gJ;OUpS and between men and ,",f;>w~n. 4i,)5, nUmiln re$~Ece:> are a country's greatest asset and 406. Development ns.~lstance must benefit both men and women. Women have far too often been forgotten in development progfllmmc~. Women in the developing coun- tries have gah.'d specific knowledge and experience from their work in farming the land and in providing for their families. That must he made useful. Women must be given equal opportunities in education, in health care nnd other development projects. Preconceived ideas nbout sex roles must not he allowed to put obstacles in the way of development. An improvement of the situation of women in the developin~ rountrles is essential to global justice and solidarity and to c',"onomic and sociai development. 407. The work of preparing a convention on the elim- ination of discrimination against women must yield positive results without delay. It is essential to create equality between men and women, both in the developing countries and in the industrialized countries. 408. Wherever there is war, poverty and social deprivation, the children are the ones who suffer the most. Improving their lot is one of the most important tasks in our efforts to create a better world. The International Year of the Child in 1979 must be the beginning of a determined campaign \vith a lasting effect concentrating on the children of the world. 409. The United Nations celebrates the thirtieth ann!- ~rsary of the Declaration of Human Rights this year. We are forced to admit that gross violations of this Declaration are committed in many countries. The United Nations Ch.., ~r and the Declaration oblige us to work together to promote respect for human rights. The wrongs done to individuals or groups within a country cannot, therefore, iJe regarded as the concern only for the authorities of that country. Here at the United Nations we must strive to de,,-eIQp a system for surveying how Member States fulm their commitments in this field. Chile is one example of countries where the United Nations must vigorously continue its work to protect human rights. 410. The provisions of the Declaration have gradually been given greater force as its .principles havt: taken the fonn of conventio~that are binding on States. But the fact that States ratify these conventions is not enough. We must also make sure that States honour their undertakings. The international bodies charged with monitoring the ob- servance_ of conventions therefore fulm a particularly important function. The Commission on Human Rights has a key role here, of course. It is graUying to note that the Commission has recently been more willing to discuss specific cases of violation of human rights. 411. We must also work for the ever stronger legal protection of human rights. At this juncture, the highest priority should be given to drawing upa convention against torture. 413. We must avoid creating a false conflict between civil and political rights on the one hand, and economic, social and cultural rights on the other. The energies of the United Nations should be directed towards strengthening both simultaneously. 414. We realize that it may be difficult for many poorer countries to create a situation in which both individuals and groups can enjoy economic. social and cultural rights to the full. A low level of economic development, however, must not be taken as an excuse for a weakened protection of fundamental civil and political rights. Among these are the right to one's life, safeguards against torture and the arbitrary deprivation of freedom. It is the individual who has to be protected. Anyone who is tortured suffers just as much no matter in which country he may be. 415. The defence of human rights is an important part of the United Nations efforts to build up an international legal order. The prevention of armed conflicts, the creation of greater economic justice for all peoples, the fight against racism, colonialism and other forms of oppression-indeed, all the work of the United Nations to further co·operation and solidarity serves the same purpose. The obstacles may sometimes seem insuperabJe. The rule of law and justice are easily swept away by violence and power. But a promise and a hope lie in the very fact that awareness ·of our interdependence has grown, that arduous work is being done and that some achievements are being recorded. Perhaps we· can nevertheless believe in a future in which co-operation, justiee and solidarity reign. Perhaps one day mankind's perpetual yearning for peace, freedom and well-being can be satisfi!ld.

I shall now call on the representatives of Nicaragua, Guate- mala and Democratic Kampuchea, in that order, as they have asked to exercise their right of reply. As members will recall, at the 4th plenary meeting the Assembly decided that statements made in exercise of the right of reply should be limited to 10 minutes.

The delegation of Nicaragua was astounded to hear the statements made at this meeting by the representatives of Panama and Mexico. 418. In spite of the closeness of our countries, it is obvious that it is a lack of information that distorts the facts as put forward by the representative of Mexico when he said that the information came from various sources. 419. At no time has the Government of Nicaragua tried to frustrate the will of the people of Nicaragua. In fact, its 420. At this time I shall not try to analyze the motivations for those connexions, but I wish· to state that if that minority thinks it represents the Nicaraguan people the democratic course is to organize a political party and to take part in the next elections. 421. No one has been denied by violent means the right to participate in the guidance of our national destiny. 422. Nor can recourse be had to a play of words concerning the principle of self-determination of peoples, which we all respect, by trying to apply it to cases of terrorist subversion, which seeks to change by force what ~t could not obtain in fair elections. 423. It is true that in the endeavours to maintain peace there has been loss of human life-something we greatly regret-as well as material losses, but not in the exaggerated proportions mentioned by the representative of Panama. 424. There has been no indiscriminate use of weapons of war or any machine-gunning of civ'Jians, as he claims. 425. Never can anyone describe as genocide, as the representative of Panama so lightly did, the legal action of a Government which is compelled to use public force to repress terrorist subversion, which has emerged, not only in my country, but in many others as well. 426. Not to take such action would be to fail seriously to comply with the obligations and responsibilities imposed by the people on the Government. 427. Both the representative of Panama and the represen- tative-of Mexico spoke of the violation of human rights, which shows that there i.s a lack of knowledge of the true situation. Those who have violated human rights are the terrorists. My Government hopes to show this clearly before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, whose visit is scheduled for the beginning of next month. The very fact of Nicaragua's invitation to that Cow..mission i~ indicative of the invariable attitude of my Government, which advocates the promotion of human rights at the international level. 428. It was very interesting that the representatives of Panama and Mexico should have sought to divert the attention of the Members of the United Nations to a qw:stion, 'lVhich a few days ago was dealt with at great length by the OAS, which adopted a resolution accepted by my country.21 Any other initiative aimed at interference in the internal policy of Nicaragua will be rejected by my country as being contrary to the principle of non-inter- vention. 429. The fate of Nicaragua is in the hands of Nicaraguans and is not subject to the emotional fluctuations of the

In Its statemcnt yesterday (7th meetingI the delegation of Cuba made certain allusions to Guahlmala which, in exercise of the right of reply, I now wish to answer lmd reject. 431. The Minister for Foreigll Affairs of Cuha, when stating in his addres.~ to this Assembly that his country favours putting nn end 1'01' al1lime to l:olonialisll1, referred, lIS a deliberately crroneous diversion. to the case of Belize. and truth compels mc to respond to those unfounded allusions. ~32. Guatemala has consistently, uver since it signed the San Fmncisco Charter. which lull to the creation of the United Nations, in different forums lUll! at all times. played its part in and contributed consistently to the stmggle to put un end to coloninlism. and the uarHest records of the United Nations show this. 433 It is our wlderstsnding of that that it encompasses colonialism, whatever its manifestation. covert or overt, of the intention of a nation to c>.-ercise domination or pteponde~nce o~'er llny other, llnd whatever the I".;:ological just.ifi~tion whereby it is sought to substantiate such conduct. 434. The case of Belize is clear-cut and transparent. It is not s coiOllial situation but rather a situation where Guatemala has sought to claim part of its territory which is occupied by a foreign Power; and as no one in this forum ~<lIl deny, e~-ery State has the right under the United Natiuns Charter to claim its own territory. irrespective of the cm;umstam.'eS dlat led to occupation of it. 435. As for the fact that the Foreign Minister of Cuba should take the liberty of describing as "pro-imperialist" the constitutional regime in power in my country, that is a ~ masking an ideological stance which in Messianic tenns seeks to dominate the whole free world. This is imperialism in its clearest: and most obvious form. 436_ The Go.;:mment of Guatemala is founded on elec- tions carried out e\"'eIY four years under the law, with the participatiOll of political entities which under the Consti- tutiQn of my oountry Ieflect the whole spectrum of politi:al thinking The ~nt regime in power in Guate- ;;mh fiOW mu it has won the election, rests on the 'hill of the peopie, an eJei;tion ...iUCll gathered together in a broad ~tioo :& p.o!itkal ~ united in defence of freedom ~j n;""i3!l rig;t~". 437. 1...aclS_! m~ rde. ajiiin to that same statement in ti;ill brA.;· ...~re i1 was ~.id that the Guatemalan regime ~s 'S~p;;lUj by .rramnatiooal corporations. The legis- hiioo ofn.: Republic of Gnatemala does, it is true, allow U>, .~:i ~:re the lIee participation by corporations in S ~;Ar...wrr& proce~ of Guatemala. They may be ~~i,hj;i ar ool1ectiH: national or kreign enterprises, ~;:;<.;.ilie ""un ~ ~ ~ffi4}mlC), but they must abide by the 438. For that reason I have great interest in declaring on behalf of my Government and the Guatemalan people that there is no connivnnce with or undue protection of the economic interests of enterprises by the Government of the Republic of GUlttemala. 439. Mr. rHAN YOllRAN (Democratic Kampuchea) (interpreratioll from French): Defore this Assembly the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Canllda had the impudence and the hypocrisy to interfere, in an inadmissible fashion, in the domestic affairs of Democratic Kampuchea. an independen t 1I0n·aligned State Member of the United Nations, 440. The delegation of Democratic Kampuchea wishes to raise It most emphatic protest here against such inter· ference, which it considers an inimical and hostile act against the people of Democratic Kampuchea and its regime. It vehemently cQndemns this perfidious attitude of the Government of Canada, which reveals itself in the eyes of all as a servant of American colonialism in the campaign of slander and denigration which the latter is waging against Democratic Kampuchea. 441. The delegation of Democratic Kampuchea is not at all surprised at this ignoble attack of that Government against Democratic Kampuchea and its people. In the past the behaviour of the Canadian Government towards the people of Kampuchea has been no different from its behaviour today. In this respect, before American impe· rialism's war of aggression against Kampuchea in 1970, Canada, as a member of the International Commission for Supervision and Control for the cessation of hostiHties in Kampuchea. set up in Kampuchea following the Geneva agreements of 1954, always behaved as a defender of the interests of the American imperialists in that Commission to the detriment of the genuine interests of our people of peace and of the security of our country and of the region. 442..Canada has always adopted an ostrich attitude by closing its eyes and blocking its ears to the obvious evidence of acts of interference, provocation and aggression, as well as many other crimes perpetrated by that imperialism and the puppet regime of Saigon. During that period several thousands of our compatriots were massacred, many of our border villages were razed to the ground and reduced to ashes and a part of our plantations was destroyed by the spreading of chemical products by the American impe- rialists and their lackeys from Saigon. 443. In the face of those crimes and that devastation, the Canadian Government, as an eager servant of that impe- rialism, always found a pretext for excusing the American imperialists. All of this has certainly not been forgotten by our people. 444_ During the more than five years of the war of aggression waged by the American imperialists against our people from 1970 to 1975, an e~tremely cruel and devastating war which left more than a million dead and 445. Today the Canadian Government is shedding croc- odile tears over what it calls the violation of human rights in Democratic Kampuchea, but no honest person here, much less our people, who know how to distinguish between friends and foes, is deceived by that. Everybody is well aware that the Canadian Government has accounts to render to our people, not the other way around. If today the Canadian Government has associated itself with the campaign of denigration and slander waged by the Ameri- can imperialists against our i160ple it is for the clear purpose of erasing the memory of the genocide committed by the American imperialists, with the complicity of the Canadian Government, in Democratic Kampuchea. 446. In this connexion, I should like to rec'lll the balance-sheet of the destruction caused by the war of aggression waged by the American imperialists in Kam- puchea from 18 March 1970 to 17 April 1975. There were more than 1 million casualties, of whom 800,000 were killed and more than 240,000 injured, of whom more than 40,000 lost their ability to work. More than 80 per cent of the factories and plantations, more than 80 per cent of the rice and other fields, 80 to 85 per cent of the forests, 90 to 100 per cent of the temples, 50 to 60 per cent of the livestock and 65 to 70 per cent of the robber plantations were destroyed. Aquatic fauna suffered heavy losses and numerous species of fish have disappeared; 70 to 80 per cent of the bridges, means of communication and strategic 447. In reality, the Canadian Government and the American imperialists find certain truths unpalatable; namely, that, contrary to their wishes and base manoeuvres, Kampuchea has become genuinely and permanently inde- pendent, and that the people of Kampuchea has once and for all become the master in its own house. The people of Kampuchea has defended and fully safeguarded the inde- pendence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country by relying on its own strength and taking into its hands the destiny of its own country. The people of Kampuchea has resolved the problem~ of life in less than two years after the war of devastation, without holding out its hand to the American imperialists and the Canadian Government, and at the same time the living conditions of all our people are constantly improving thanks to the policy of our Communist Party of Kampuchea and our Govern- ment, which is always concerned for the well-being and happiness of our people. 448. Finally, the people Gf Kampuchea has exposed all the activities of espionage and subversion of the imperialists, expansionsts and annexationists and their partisans, as well as their attempts to bring about a coup d'etat in order to overthrow the Government of Democratic Kampuchea. 449. The people and Governm.ent of Kampuchea have never l....!"rfered in the internal ::Jfairs of other countries, in particular the :IT'fairs of Canada. But the people and Government of Democratic Kampuchea will never permit any country to interfere in their internal affairs or violate their sovereign right to decide their own destiny. And, for the best possible reason, they will not remain idle in the face of the perfidious and slanderous attacks of the American imperialists and the Canadian Government, the lackey of the imperialists. The meeting rose at 8.45 p.m.