A/34/PV.10 General Assembly

This afternoon the Assembly will hear an address by His Excellency Mr. William R. Tolbert, President of the Republic of Liberia and cur- rent chairman of the Organization of African Unity [OAU]. On behalfof the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excel- lency Mr. William R. Tolbert, President ofthe Republic of Liberia and current Chairman of the OAU, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

Five years hence a century will have elapsed since Africa stood defence- less before the Powers at Berlin. The very nations that had then long plundered Africa's treasures and snatched its children into slavery were declaring that even in his Mrican homeland the African would not be free. Injustice and indignity would be visited upon the Mrican within Mrica, the only place on earth which is his home. At that very time, there had stood undaunted, though defied, for 37 years, the symbol of Africa's invincible soul, the torch of Africa's vindication, the flame of Mrica's resurgency, the Republic of Liberia, materially weak but spiritually strong. 3. Alas, the years have fleetingly gone by, and today, on 'behalf of 49 African sovereignties. comprising nearly one third of this Assembly, a Liberian President appears here endeavouring. humbly yet with pride, to speak not of vengeance but of victory, not of powerbut ofju:itice, not ofconfrontation but ofreconciliation,not of conflict but of accommodation. not of self-centered action and protectionism but of genuine co-operation for global advancement. We have come to speak not of domination but ofdevelopment, not ofdivisiveness but ofunity, not of hoarding but of sharing, not ofhate but oflove, not of human exploitation but of human rights, not of war but of peace. 4. What better evidence could be adduced that Africa Wednesday, 26 September 1979, at 3.20 p.m. is fast gaining its rightful place'in the forefront ofhuman affairs? In the span ofless than acentury since 1884-to which I have referred-Africa has made substantive advances from the throes of sftrvitude to frontiers' of significance; from the depths of exploitation into the councils of human uplift. This new emergence. how- ever, is seen by Africans not so much as the attainment ofan inheritance 10ng denied butas a relished opportun- ity and challenge for a great continent, the cradle of human civilization and of human life itself, to rise from slumber and swiftly make its uniquely African contribu- tion to international relations in a troubled world. 5. Our sense of the historic significance of Africa's role in world affairs in these times is further heightened, Sir, by your election to the high office of President of the thirty-fourth regular session ofthe General Assem- bly of the United Nations. You are, Sir, one ofMriea's most outstanding and proven sons of ability. Hailing from the gallant and freedom-loving sister State of the United Republic of Tanzania, both you and your country stand in the forefront of the as yet unfinished task of African liberation, unity and development. On the battlefields of southern Africa where the war for liberation goes on, Tanzania's well-known and con- structive efforts place it at the front lines of global freedom and justice. In the halls of international diplo- macy and debate, no less than in the realm ofconstruc- tive ideas and pragmatic action, Tanzania's statesman- ship and diplomacy have championed the MIican cause. All ofthese reasons, coupled with yourpersonal attributes of experience and knowledge, energy and affability, make us confident that you Will guide the work of this session of the Assembly to fruitful and significant conclusions. 6. We should also like to express appreciation to Mr. Lievano of the Republic ofColombia for the successful manner in which he presided over the thirty-third ses- sion of the General Assembly. 7. We welcome the State of Saint Lucia as the one hundred and fifty-second Member of the Uniled Na- tions. In admitting Saint Lucia to membership, the United Nations has thus moved one step further to- wards the achievement of its goal of universality. 8. Since the close of the thirty-third session, t~e Afri- can continent has been buffeted by n1utlled v.mds of mourning, in the home-goingoftwo ofits stalwart,sons: Houari Boumediene. the PreSident of the People s Re- public of Algeria, and Antonio. Agostinho Neto! the President ofthe People's RepublIc ofAngola. Presldt;nt Neto was a heroic freedomfi~terup~mthe lastfro~~ler of African independence. v.;hile Preslden~ Boumedl~ne stood valiantly among the plO~~ers ofAfncan ~d thlr~­ world emancipation, b?th p~litJcaland economlc·1helr voices will be sorely mIssed In the hon~ured co,:,n~ds of our time but we trust that theirsouls WIll rest Wlthm the hallowed cloisters of eternal bliss. 10. Africa is resolved at this time, more than ever before, to accelerate the gains already made by African countries in the social and economic development fields. Many of the issues which are to be discussed during this session of the General Assembly bear di- rectly on matters before the GAD. Unfortunately, too many of those issues before this Assembly for many years have remained unresolved. For example, nearly two decades after the General Assembly's resolution on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)], the question of decolonization, especially in southern Africa, remains unsettled. 11. In the field ofdisarmament, the arms race between the super-Powers goes on unchecked. Moreover, and most regrettably, an increasingly high level of expendi- ture on arms continues to be made by almost all countries, including poor countries, whose meagre re- sources should be used productively to improve the living standards of their people. This trade in the merchandise ofdeath is being pursued most vigorously by countries which, even as they derive great profits particularly in the most volatile and explosive regions of the world, continue to preach peace, whose cham- pion they acclaim themselves to be. 12. A third example is the area of economic develop- ment where, in spite of two development decades de- clared by this great Organization, the development aid programmes of rich countries, numerous studies, and strate~ies for development, the rich countries are get- ting ncher while more and more of the poor ones are perishing. 13. Against this gloomy background the annual con- veningof the General Assembly presents the opportun- ity for all Members of this Organization-which now embraces most nations of the world-to meet peace- fully, and through calm and consistent debate, and through reasonable proposals, endeavour to evolve a better world for all mankind. 14. While the vast majority of the world's population lives in ignorance, disease and poverty, the endless output offlowery speeches and wordy resolutions at the UnIted Nations and other international forums have brought but little relief to afflicted humanity. Can the voices of so many go unheard for so long by the ears of so few? 15. Africa has the largest number of the world's poor countries, i:ffid many millions of our peoples live in abject poverty at a level of human subsistence which is 16. Numerous programmes already being imple- mented by the United Nations deserve the fullest praise; but the many unresolved items on its agenda for development must remain priority action issues. Con· currently, the OAU believes that through unified and concerted effort within our own regional organization, and through productive alliances with other regions of the third world we who are, let it be said-"the wretched of the earth"-can achieve true economic and social progress. 17. The establishment of the New International Economic Order is essential if the have-nots of this world are to have their just share of the immense en- dowments that a bounteous God has intended for dis· tribution throughout the earth. Accordingly. the DAD will work even more vigorously in concert with the non-aligned group and other regional organizations, to- wards the implementation of the programme of action for the establishment of a more just and equitable world society. 18. Justly and equitably, the wealth of South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe belongs to the peoples QFthose States. Yet Africans who make up the vast majority of the populations there cannot enjoy their own land with dignity, nor can they even enjoy fair recompenseforthe fruits of their labour. Racism rules supreme, and the abhorrent policy of apartheid continues unabated. 19. The daily violation of the rights ofhuman beings in southem Africa on account ofrace is a direct slap in the face of the nations of Africa, in particular. and a de- meaning affront to this lofty Organization, whose moral and legal obligations to defend oppressed peoples everywhere cry out for discharge. 20. How long will the conscience of decent, civilized mankind allow racism and apartheid to remain a blot on our age? The arrogant racist regime in South Africa falsely believes that dissensions among African States, some of which South Africa itself stirs up, and the problems faced by our nations in the area of economic development will prevent Africa from liberating all Af· ricans throu~hout the continent. Let the racists live with their mIsbeliefs, but Africa will not renege on its promise and its duty to the peoples of southern Africa. While the racists persist in their mischief, Africa will not rest until all of Africa stands tall in the sunlight of freedom. 21. The patience of Africa has worn thin, but Africa shall win. Good will triumph over evil! Right will can· quer wrong! Victory is certain! 22. Africa is grateful for the stand taken and the sup- port given by many nations of the world in the struggle against apartheid and racism. We anxiously await the day when all who articulate their disagreement with South Africa by pronouncements will courageously match their words with consistent deeds. 23. Motivated thus, we would urge the international community duly to recognize the need for increased assr-stance to the brave front-line States, which have 24. We realize that no Stat~least of ,:,-11 a non- African State-is compelled to aid the front-hne States. At the same time, Africa feels that the acts of no country should give evidence of collusion with the ra- cist regime of Pretoria. It is our fervent hope that all States Members of the United Nations should consider it morally wrong to co-operate in any way with South Africa thus aiding in the perpetuation of the horrors of aparth'eid. None, indeed, preaching democracy and the right ofthe individual to liberty and the pursuit ofhappi- ness as a way of life should give support in any form to the evils as are endemic in the diabolical apartheid system. 25. But even if Africa must fight alone-and may God grant that this will not be the easel-we will not relent until in His appointed time and with our combined stre~gth, we shall demolish the vile structure of apartheid. 26. At the OAU Assembly of Heads of State and Government in Monrovia, Africa called once again for a complete oil an~ arms embargo and for. other economic sanctions to be Imposed on South Afnca. The nuclear collaboration between South Africa and some Western Powers was deplored, and a strong demand was made that such collaboration should cease forthwith. The making of nuclear weapons available to desperate bands of racists is a most serious threat to world peace and security, and deserves the most urgent attention of this Organization. 27. In brazen defiance ofthe resolutions passed by the General Assembly and the Security Council, Pretoria continues its delaying tactics in the implementation of the United Nations plan for the independence of the international Territory of Namibia with the a~ of establishing there a puppet regime. ~uch con~mu.ed defiance in our view has left the Secunty Councl1 With no altem:ative but to force an end to the illegal occupa- tion of Namibia, by invoking enforcement measures against South Africa as provided for under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. We therefore call upon the Security Council to convene as soon as possible for this purpose. 28. That the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] is the sole and authentic representativ~ofthe N~ibian people is well established in resolut~ons of thiS body. It is therefore necessary that we contmue to give increased material support to SWAPO in the strug- gle which it fearlessly spearheads by armed struggle and by negotiation for Namibia's. freedom.. The economic and moral support already given by the I~ter­ national community and the significant suppo~ .glven by the United Nations to the people of Namibia are greatly app'reciated by all mem~ers of t~e OAU.. Such support will continue to be reqUired untIl every mch of Namibia, including Walvis Bay, is free. 30. The events which have transpired in Zimbabwe, particularly the installation of a Government there headed by Bishop Muzorewa, have not deluded the OAU, nor should any other nation in good faith believe that the Muzorewa regime was freely and fairly ejected by a majority of the populace. 31. The OAU unreservedly condemns the puppet Muzorewa regime and its view remains unchanged that Rhodesia is still a colony of the United Kingdom, in rebellion against the Crown. The OAU has called upon all of its member States to refrain from recognizing the Muzorewa regime, and any attempt at recognition of the illegal minority regime ofRhodesia by any member of the international community would be considered an act of hostility against Africa. 32. Meanwhile, the economic sanctions levied by the United Nations against Rhodesia must be maintained, for the lifting of those sanctions by any nation would be tantamount to recognition of the puppet regime. 33. In recognizing the Patriotic Front as the sole legiti- mate and authentic representative of ~~e people of Zimbabwe, the OAU reaffirmed the legitImacy of the arme<:i struggle waged by the Patrioti~ Front, call~~for its intensification and resolved to mcrease pohtical, material and financial assistance to the Patriotic Front. This was the united stand of Africa taken at Monrovia. 34. Notwithstanding this, Africa has never closed the doors to a peaceful resolution ofthe Zimbabwean prob- lem. That is why the nine-point plan on Zimbabwe adopted by the Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries, held at Lusaka from I to 7 August [see A/34/439-S/13515, annex, para. 15], of- fered some encouragement to Africa. We are following with consuming interest the constitutional talks now under way in London, which have brought to the con- ference table the principal parties to the Zimbabwean problem. It is our fervent hope that a constitution ap.d the appropriate modalities acceptable to all the parties concerned will emerge from the talks, so that Zimbabwe may accede to genuine independence with majority rule. 35. Regarding the grave danger to international peace and security inherent in the Middle East crisis, Africa reaffirmed in Monrovia its unrelenting support and un- swerving commitment to the struggle of the Palestinian people for the full realization and exercise of all of their national rights. 36. In pledging its full sup\,ort and .determinat!on to continue to work for a lastmg and Just peace In the Middle East, Africa, speaking in M(:lnrovi~, c~n· demned all partial agreements and treaties which VIO- late the recognized rights of the Palestinian people 3;nd contradict the principles of just and comprehenSive solutions to the Middle East problem. 37. If current peace initiat}ves in the Middle East are to lead to a comprehensive,Just and dura?Ie settlement, it would seem imperative, in our View, that the 38. The right of the State of Israel to exist must be respected by all, including the Palestinian people. At the same time, we must equally insiston full recognition and respect for the national rights of the Palestinian people by the State of Israel, especially their right to self-determination and a State of their own. Israel must withdraw from all occupied Arab territories. In this connexion, the establishment of settlements on Arab lands and the continued bombing of southern Lebanon by Israel, so destructive of innocent human lives, can only destroy the atmosphere required for a much de- sired peace and aggravate an already explosive situation. 39. In this, our one world, each human being has an inalienable right of return to a land he can call his horne. That being true, each nation must remain safe and sec- ure within its internationally recognized borders, from threats and terror, from intimidations and territorial violations. 40. In furtherance of reconciliation and accommoda- tion in the Middle East, it is our earnest hope that fears will ¥ield to confidence, misgivings to goodwill and confbct to peaceful coexistence. 41. In this spirit, Liberia appeals to all nations of the world to join in enhancing the process of peace in the Middle East, to the end that a comprehensive settle- ment of the existing conflict can be achieved. 42. As we insist that self-determination be applied to all peoples, we are challenged by the dangerous conten- tions in Western Sahara. Following mediation in this matter, and on the basis of the report of the Ad Hoc Committee of Heads of State on Western Sahara, the so-called committee offive wise men, the OAD decided in Monrovia that a proper atmosphere for peace should be created in the area through a general and immediate cease-fire, and that the right to self-determination be given the people of the Western Sahara in a general and free referendum which would enable them to choose either total independence or the maintenance of the status quo [see A/34/552, pp. 90-91]. 43. Havin~ fully assumed its responsibility in this matter, Afnca, through the committee of wise men, is continuing its initiatives towards securing the peaceful implementation of that decision. In this process, the sovereignty, territorial integrity and the internationally recognized borders of Mauritania must be respected. 44. ~rotracted disputes regarding self-deterrmination, to which the peov.le ofthe Western Sahara are entitled, only unnecessanly postpone more urgent problems of development, which the people of that ~rea must tackle. 45. Violent political turbulence and foreign interfer- ences in South-East Asia and other parts of the world have for too long prevented the upward thrust for pro- gress and development. They have also ledto the mass 46. For us in Africa, where there are now more thart 4 million refugees, this problem has reached crisis pro. portion~. We therefore. addres~ an urgent apJ?eal to the internatIOnal commumty for Increased assistance to meet this alarming need of our 4 million refugees. 47. Full respect for human rights should be an abso· lute imperative in our times. An essential rationale of the United Nations is that its activities should lead to the enjoyment by all peoples of their human rights- civic, political, economic, social and cultural. 48. Africa subscribes to the principlel3 contained in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It was in this spirit that the sixteenth session ofthe OAD Assem- bly authorized the preparation ofa preliminary draft of an African charter on human rights which would pro- vide for the establishment of bodies to promote and protect human rights in Africa. 49. Our commitment to human rights is further evidenced by the fact that, upon the invitation of the Government of Liberia, and in accordance with are· quest of this Assembly, the Secretary-General of the United Nations organized at Monrovia, from 10 to 21 September, the United Nations Seminar on the Establishment of Regional ~ommissions on Human Rights with Special Reference to Africa. That seminar adopted a proposal for the establishment ofan African commission on human rights. That Commission will conduct studies and research on African issues in the field of human rights; it will examine and assess the occurrence of alleged violations; and it will make re- ports and will propose for consideration legislation reo lated to the enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedom. We shall give the closest attention to these important and constructive proposals, which, in our judgment, will bring us much nearer to our goal of a commission on human rights for Africa, established by Africans and consisting of Africans. 50. Africa desires peace; and we shall never hesitate to do all that is within our power to bring all African disputes to a peaceful settlement in the spirit ofconcili· ation and accommodation. Peace and tranquillity must be established in Africa so that the mighty energies ofa vibrant and resourceful people may be focused upon their social and economic development. The OAD is committed to a more important role in the process of human progress in Africa. This course is the more im· perative because a large number of African and third- world countries continue to experience a decline in their balance of trade and export earnings, while their indebtedness and the cost of imports, especially en- ergy, dramatically rise. These conditions greatly ob- struct development goals and objectives. 51. During the past few years, intense negotiations have been held to establish a more equitable interna- tional order. Sadly, some nations of great power, wealth and influence do not seem desirous of ushering in such a new economic order. 52. Consequently, their actions have frustrated de- 53. Comprising nearly three quarters of our planet, the oceans are our last great frontier of untapped re- sources for' an expanding human family. It is most un- fortunate to note again that negotiations since 1958 to bring order and equity to their exploration and exploita- tion have still not ended. We therefore urge all nations to show every degree ofaccommodation and bring that historic Conference, now nearing completion, to a suc- cessful conclusion. 54. This year, once again, the issues involving the realization of the New Intemational Economic Order are an important part of the Assembly's agenda. Sev- eral resolutions of acknowledgment have been adopted, but mere acknowledgment by developed countries is of only limited relevance to the immensity of problems with which developing nations are faced. The implementation ofresolutions already adopted and the adoption and implementation of additional and more meaningful resolutions this year are essential to the economic survival of most nations of the third world. 55. The scope of these resolutions must range from commodities to currency stability, from indebtedness· to energy. With rich nations staggering under the pres- sures of escalating energy costs and poor nations being crushed under the increasing weight of declining de- mand and spiralling .product prices, the world commu- nity must come to gnps with the growing energy crisis. We must work speedily towards the convening of a world energy conference to energize in newer ways our globally strangulated economies. 56. At the same time, we of the third world must translate our interdependence into productive actions, into regional and interregional projects, to the end that we may become self-reliant. The OAD, therefore, once ~ain has fully committed itselfto the resolutions of the SIXth and seventh special sessions of the General As- sembly calling for the advent of a New International Economic Order relevant to our very existence. 57. At the OAU Assembly in Monrovia, Africa re- solved upon a co-operative course of coexistence, and adopted the Monrovia Declaration of Commitment [AI 341552, pp. 78-80] for collective self-reliance and in- terdependent socio-economic development. An ex- traordinary Assembly of Heads of State and Govern- ment is scheduled to convene in Lagos, Nigeria, to tackle the subject of African economic development, hi~lighting regional and subregional development prOJects. 58. Also emerging from the OAU Assembly in Monrovia was the adoption ofa Strategy for Economic Development in Africa [ibid., pp. 16-18], affirming the establishment ofan African Economic Community and other recommendations contained in the report of the ECA-OAU Colloquium on Perspectives of Develop- ment and Economic Growth in Africa up to the Year 2000, which was held in Monrovia earlier this year. The sixteenth session ofthe OAU Assembly recommended that the General Assembly of the United Nations con- 59. Africa is counting on the continuing support ofthe United Nations and its specialized agencies for the implementation of this strategy. 60. May I here pay a most deserved tribute to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his continuing dedication to interna- tional peace and justice, for his conscientious efforts to make the institutional machinery ofthe United Nations more responsive to the needs ofa growing international commumty and for his productive attention to the aspi- rations of the African peoples. His unswerving commit- ment to the objectives of the United Nations and his concern about the welfare ofpeoples everywhere were again demonstrated by his presence at the recent Monrovia OAU Assembly, as well as in other parts of Africa, and his visits to South-East Asia, Europe, the Caribbean and other regions ofour one world during the course of the year. We extend to him our heartfelt commendation and pledge our fullest support and co- operation as he untiringly endeavours to bring to frui- tion the lofty goals of this world body. 61. Five years hence, as the centenary of the Confer- ence on Berlin arrives, all in Africa will be confronting yet more dramatically together the challenge of a new age of African development. That challenge will not be met on the drawing-boards of any single nation, or by the perimeters ofideologicalinfluence; it will not be met through oppression or through subversion. 62. Neither armaments nor animosities will serve; nor will complexes, selfishness or prejudice. Rather, man- kind must measure its varied resources and merge its vibrant energies through unity and solidarity among nations; through accommodation and reconciliation; through co-operation and alliances for progress; through the practice oflove and the pursuitofpeace and prosperity, for the building ofa more wholesome func- tioning world society. 63. May Almighty God-the merciful Allah-propser the works of the United Nations and bring unity and peace to our one world.

On behalf of the General As- sembly I wish to thank His Excellency Mr. William R. Tolbert, the President ofthe Republic ofLiberia and the current Chairman of the OAU, for the important state- ment he has just made.

May I convey to the President my wannest congratulations on your election, which is proofof the esteem and appreciation with which the United Repub- lic ofTanzania is justly regarded throughout the world for the efficiency and realism which distinguish its con- tribution to international affairs. 104. President Nyerere's visit to Rome last July con- firmed our view of a country and of a continent which are more and more actively involved in the solution of those problems to which so much ofourfuture is linked. 105. While I take this opportunity to pay a tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Lievano Aguirre, I am sure that under Mr. Salim's presidency, the firmness and effi- ciency of which we have already begun to appreciate, this General Assembly will constitute again the most important occasion of the year for assessing the results ofour efforts over the last 12 months, for courageously facing our failures, and for seeking new paths of c?- operation between our peoples. Ind~e~~ all of.us Will again be faced with a great responslblhty dunng the debates of this session. 106. The United Nations can only be. what we ourselves, the peoples of the ~art~, wan~ It to be. It depends solely on us whether It will contmue to be a forum for a free and frank discussion of ideas, or whether it will degenerate into an arena of conflicts where the logic.of preconceived.ideas ~r~vails over a thoughtful review of our respective POSItions. 107. Italy welcomes t~e admi~sion of Saint Lucia to membership in the Umted Natlo~s as a.new step to- wards the ultimate goal of the umve,rsallty of the ~r­ ganization and looks forward to frUitful co-operation with this new Member. . 109. The activities described in the Secretary- General's report to this session of the General Assem- bly on the work of the Organization [A/34/l] are evi- dence of an effort which has never wavered in the face of difficulties. Apart from the measure of success of individual initiatives, these activities remain the best indication of the vitality and validity of the United Nations, especially at a time when mankind is becom- ing more and more aware of a common future and is now faced more than ever with political and economic problems ofsuch a scale that they can only be solved at the world level. Italy is well aware of this global in- terdependence which confronts every country more and more often with problems which cannot be solved merely by a bilateral approach. 110. For these reasons, Italy's foreign policy has al- ways ~een ins.pired by the ic;leals of an increasingly broad mtematlonal co-operatIOn which has found its expression in Italy's participation in the intensive and fruitful efforts ofthe United Nations on behaJfofpeace and the advancement of peoples. In the same spirit, Italy is committed to the construction of the European Community, which is in the process of being enlarged to include Greece, Spain and Portugal. This C;:ommunity-the European Community-must con- tmue to develop on a world scale its action ofsolidarity and peace, with the primary goal of helping to establish a fairer balance in the social and economic situation of the peoples of the world. In the construction of Europe the participation of the peoples in the institutional and representational machinery is of vital importance and for this reason J wish to draw attention to the recent election by direct, universal suffrage of the European Parliament. Similarly, our participation in the Atlantic Alliance as an essential regional factor for security and peace is another basic element in Italian foreign policy. 111. Since Italy's participation in international affairs is based on the principles of the United Nations Char- ter, the Italian Government has never failed to voice its concern at the persistence throughout the world of seri- ous centres of tension and dangerous factors of destabilization. 112. An analysis of the world situation, this year again, reveals that in many-too many-countries of the world the factors of destabilization have not been reduced or shown any tendency to decrease. LB. Italy firmly supports and considers as essential the efforts of the United Nations aimed at detente and disarmament. However, these efforts can be effectively pursued only within an over-all context where centres of tension are eliminated. 114. The maintenance of international peace and sta- bility is, I repeat, a collective responsibility, even ifthis goal must be sought primarily through the effective participation in the processes of normalization by all the parties involved in the various crises. 116. Italy is convinced that the peaceful settlement we all desire can be achieved only if these basic princi- ples are applied by all the parties to the negotiation fora comprehensive solution. This applies equally to the PLO, which for quite a long time Italy has recognized as an important political force of the Palestinian people. 117. Still with regard to the Middle East situation, Italy decided last July to participate directly in one of the most important peace-keeping operations of the United Nations. It accepted the Secretary-GeneraL's invitation to place a helicopter unit at the disposal ofthe United Nations Force in southern Lebanon. This practical contribution, an expression ofItaly's determi- nation to help in a gradual solution of the problems ofa geographical area with which it has so many historical and cultural ties, is proof of our fuJI confidence in the role of the United Nations in the Middle East and ofthe United Nations peace-keeping forces deployed in that area. Therefore we consider it necessary above all to work so as to prevent the tragic tensions in Lebanon from leading to increasingly uncontrollable developments. 118. In the vital area of the Mediterranean, Italy con· tinues to follow with legitimate and natural interest the prospects for a normalization of the situation in the Republic of Cyprus and for a peaceful and mutually beneficial coexistence between the two communities on the island. We have every hope that positive results will be achieved through the tenacious efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim. 119. On the African continent, along with such posi- tive developments as the return of some countries to democratic forms ofgovernment and the attainment of higher standards in the protection and promotion of human rights, we note with concern the persistence of tensions which are encouraged by the presence of foreign military forces and whose implications appear increasingly serious and unforeseeable. 120. Italy firmly condemns the institutionalized viola- tion of the rights of the majority of the South African people which is embodied in the apartheid system, and It also condemns the political and economic regime based on this system. In this context, with regard to the problem of Zimbabwe, we support the negotiating ef- forts now taking place at the Rhodesia Constitutional Conference in London for the peaceful and rapid attain- ment of an internationally accepted independence for the territory. Should these efforts, like those for Namibia, fail, the stability of the region, detente in general and the guarantees of the rights of the peoples concerned would be seriously endangered. 122. Faced with the tragic situation of the refugees from the Indo-Chinese peninsula, Italy has felt in duty bound to participate actively in the practical implemen- tation of the internationally agreed operations designed to relieve the sufferings ofthose forced to abandon their native land and their homes. Thus, last July, three units of the Italian navy participated in those seas in the rescue operations of the Indo-Chinese refugees, whom we are helping to resettle in Italian society in a spirit of increasingly close humanitarian co-operation with the programmes ofthe United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. 123. The international Meeting convened last July in Geneva by the Secretary-General ofthe United Nations to discuss the humanitarian aspects of the problem of the Indo-Chinese refugees has yielded positive results. The fact that such a large number of countries participated in those discussions constituted an elo- quent expression of the extent to which international solidarity may contribute to the relief of human suffer- ing. However, even though efforts have been made to reduce the burden on the countries of first asylum, the final solution of the problem of the South-East Asian refugees still seems, unfortunately, to be far off. This will require persistent efforts by the international com- munity and, above all, the will ofall those directly and indirectly concerned to tackle on the political level the basic problems of that area. 124. We have fonowed with profound sympathy the long sufferings of the Nicaraguan people in liberating themselves from dictatorship, whose overthrow Italy has welcomed with satisfaction. It is the duty of the entire international community to endeavor to give con- crete proof of its solidarity with that greviously striken people. This effort must take the form of a programme of economic and social aid, to which Italy has already made its contribution. At the same time, we reiterate the hope already expressed by the Organization of American States and by the European Community in the Declaration on Nicaragua of29 June that the situa- tion in that country will develop along democratic and pluralistic lines. 125. With regard to Latin America, the same ideals of freedom and democracy, in which the Italian people firmly believe and which have always inspired the ac- tions of their Government, prompt us to welcome with satisfaction the progress of other countries towards forms of representative democracy and lead us to hope for a .new era of co-operation and progress, which will certamly be among the objectives of the next General Assembly of the Organization ofAmerican States at La Paz. .126.. Italy's confidence in the process of detente is msplred by, and has as its ultimate objective, the rec- ognition of the worth and dignity of the human being, which the Charter of the United Nations affirms in its very Preamble. 127. Indeed only a process of detente and disarma- ment, conducted with conviction and pursued with loy- 128. Ir, however, we ask ourselves whether and to what extent we have witnessed during the course ofthe year further prospects of effective progress in the rec- ognition of human rights within each State and in the international protection of these same rights, the reply is not yet satisfactory, and in many instances it is defi- nitely unsatisfactory, with serious political implications which vary in importance in the different cases. 129. With regard to the international protection of human rights, we cannot help observing that, this year again, many hopes have been dashed by the rigid appli- cation of the principle of non-interference in the inter- nal affairs of States. Italy maintains that the application ofthis principle in the field of human rights admits, and indeed requires, a certain degree of flexibility. 130. In this respect may I recall that Italy has ac- cepted all the optional provisions of the international conventions on human rights, inclUding those concern- ing communications submitted by States in regard to violations of human rights. 131. In Europe the strengthening of security and co- operation has found at the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe and in the follow-up confer- ences appropriate forums to begin a dialogue which, we hope, will at the meeting in Madrid next year, further promote the creation ofconditions ofstability and trust In relations between States and between individuals. 132. After the solemn signing of the Final Act of that Conference at Helsinki on l August 1975, the process set in motion by the Conference has resulted in a grow- ing number ofmeetings at various levels, among which the Madrid meeting may, through the efforts of all the signatory States, represent a new and important stage along the path of detente. In close collaboration with the other members of the European Community, Italy is preparing for this meeting in an open and constructive spirit. 133. Italy's commitment to peace and detente is also reflected in its active participation at the European level in the Vienna negotiations on the mutual and balanced reduction offorces and at the world level in the disarm- ament negotiations. 134. There is no doubt that the security of States cannot be guaranteed through the uncontrolled spiral- ling and piling up of weapons of destruction. On the contrary, the halting of this process and its reversal is the priority task ofthe international community, as was pointed out last year in the Final Document ofthe Tenth Special Session of the General Assembly [resolution S-1O/2], which was devoted to disarmament. This is the more true as the arms race, in addition to causing a general feeling of insecurity, also involves at the world level an enormous waste of resources, which are di- verted from their natural function of serving the economic and social development ofall countries, and in particular of those of the third world. 136. Within the context of ourjoint efforts to achieve general and complete disarmament under effective in- ternational control, nuclear disarmament is obviously of particular importance. We therefore welcome the second SALT Treaty reached by the United States and the Soviet Union on intercontinental nuclear weapons and we hope for the prompt conclusion of a treaty on the comprehensive banning of nuclear tests and new initiatives aimed at limiting nuclear weapons. 137. However, in parallel with the process of nuclear disarmament, negotiations for a balanced and con- trolled limitation of conventional weapons must pro- ceed so as to strengthen stability and achieve decreas- ing levels of armaments. 138. A better and more stable world requires a grow- ing commitment to overcoming a difficult economic situation whose negative characteristics are a decrease in employment, strong inflationary pressures and a slackening in economic growth. 139. We are all therefore faced with the priority task of ensuring a more dynamic and harmonious develop- ment of the world economy. 140. The strengthening of world peace also requires a greater measure ofeconomic justice for all peoples. It is clear that the time in which we live is characterized by a growing interdependence between industrialized and developing countries and between problems we must tackle on a global scale. 141. The economic crisis cannot therefore be invoked as an excuse for diminishing the solidarity ofthe indus- trialized countries with the third world. The path to be followed inevery case must lead to the strengthening of this solidarity. With this aim in mind, Italy-despitethe difficult economic situation-has decided in recent weeks to double in 1980 the volume ofits official aid for development and also proposes to increase its aid still further in the coming years. With this aim in mind, we have also decided to cancel the official debts of 10 ofthe least developed among the developing countries. 142. We hope that other countries will follow this lead and in particular that all the industrialized countries, whatever their political system, will participate in a renewed effort of solidarity and justice. 143. But, however important official aid for develop- ment may be, it cannot alone solve the problems of the third world. 144. In this context Italy has noted with particular interest the recent proposal, made by the Group of77 at the last session of the Committee of the Whole Es- tablished under General Assembly Resolution 32/174 145. The large-scale co-ordination of these policies must be ensured in practice through a close comple- mentarity between measures taken at the intematioilaJ level and measures and objectives to be pursued at national level by both the developing and the indus- trialized countries. 146. Only such a co-ordination between instruments and objectives can guarantee for all the satisfaction of essential needs and the achievement of a lasting and widespread economic balance. If we missed this op- portunity we would all of us bear a serious responsibil- Ity, a responsibility to future generations and to the weak and the less fortunate. We cannot forget that economic imbalances and energy crises have a tragic impact on the day-to-day economic realities ofso many developing countries, which are struggling for advance- ment and to bring to broader segments of their popula- tions the benefits of development. 147. The dramatic figures published by the United Nations on the world food crisis make us reflect bitterly on the problems still encountered by mankind today and must awaken our consciences so that we can take up successfully the challenge of satisfying the funda- mental needs of the world's population. 148. That is why Italy has decided to concentrate an important part of its additional official development aid on multilateral programmes which can contribute to an improvement of the food situation. 149. Italy is therefore ready to intensify its contribu- tion to the efforts ofthe United Nations to work outand implement a new international development strategy for the next decade. 150. In this context, and for the achievement of the objectives of a greater measure of social justice throughout the world, of an international community based on the reaffirmation of the worth and dignity of the human person, and ofan ever growing co-operation between States for the settlement of disputes and the maintenance of peace, the Italian Government has worked and will continue to work on the basis of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. 151. Ifwe remain faithful to these principles and seek to apply them constantly, it will mean that men and States will have chosen the right path-the path oflife, peace and solidarity.

It is particularly ¥ratifying to Indonesia that the Preside~tof this session IS not only a distinguished diplomat With a long association with the United Nations but also an outstanding representative of the United Republic of Tanzania, with which my country enjoys excellent rela- tions. I wish to take this opportunity to express to the 153. At the same time, I should like to pay my country's tribute to his predecessor, Ambassador In- daleci() Lievano of Colombia, for the efficient manner in which he conducted the deliberations of the last session. 154. To our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whom my Government recently had the pleasure to welcome to Indonesia, I wish to state our sincere ap- preciation for his unremitting efforts to promote peace and international understanding within the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations. 155. I also take pleasure in welcoming the State of Saint Lucia into the United Nations. The admission of Saint Lucia underscores the widening universality of membership of the United Nations and the need for mutual co-operation. My delegation looks forward to close and useful co-operation with the delegation of Saint Lucia in our common effort in solving the myriad problems that confront the world community today. 156. Once again we are assembled in this hall to ex- amine the concerns of our times, to seek new avenues to strengthen global peace and security, to solidify in- ternational co-operation, and to chart a better future for the nations of the world. These concerns evolve at a time ofstructural transformation ofthe present political and economic order-a process which is advancing irresistibly. The challenge facing the international com- munity is to influence the direction of this process to- wards the formation of a new pattern of international relations, a more equitable intemational co-operation for development and a new international order develop- ing in a world which requires, for the successful con- summation of these processes, a stable and enduring peace. 157. While we are confronted with these new challenges, new forms of threat to global peace are constantly emerging as a result ofpower politics and the intensification ofthe arms race, bringing in their wake a serious deterioration in the climate of international se- curity. We are witnessing, among others, a changing international power structure and a new generation of local conflicts. These conflicts in certain parts of the world emphasize the need for the revitalization of de- tente. Relaxation of tension between the major Powers and between Power blocs constitutes an important pre- requisite. Detente, as a prerequisite for the mainte- nance of real peace as distinguished from a mere ab- sence ofarmed conflict, should be made to evolve into a global system of peaceful coexistence comprising all regions of the world and all aspects of inter-State rela- tions. It must be based on respect for the territorial integrity and political independence of all States, non- interference in internal affairs and the non-use offorce. To lead to a durable peace, detente should also be consciously pursued as part of a universal effort to- wards general and complete disarmament. 158. It is in this context that consensus has grown among the members of the international community to find ways and means to enhance the effectiveness ofour 159. The United Nations has a long and enviable re- cord of providing assistance to refugees. More re- cently, the United Nations High Commissionerfor Ref- ugees, among others, has been burdened by the deluge of Indo-China refugees and displaced persons flooding the countries ofSouth-East Asia, putting a heavy strain on them. Indonesia and the other members of ASEAN have none the less extended their co-operation within their limited means to alleviate the suffering of the refugees. 160. The influx of refugees has left in its trail local problems and unsettled local conditions. The situation IS further exacerbated by the fact that the refugees are not only a humanitarian concern but also pose ques- tions of national security containing at the same time potential threats to the political and economic stability of the region. 161. The recent Geneva Meeting on Refugees and Displaced Persons in South-East Asia has produced some encouraging results, although it fell short of pro- viding an over-all and lasting solution. In this connex- ion, my Government has noted with appreciation the response of the Government ofViet Nam with regard to extendirlg its co-operation to the High Commissioner for Refugees in tackling the problem at the source, and hopes that it will continue to honour its commitments undertaken in this regard. However, it is of the utmost importance that the intemational community-in· particular, the receiving States-take more concerted action to expedite the resettlement of the refugees. 162. The importance of the success of the Geneva Meeting on refugees lies in the fact that, given the opportunity, the United Nations system can and does work. The Meeting was able to pluck the nations of South-East Asia from the brink of chaos because we, the participants, were able, for a change, to set aside our differences and address ourselves to the problem at hand, irrespective ofour social, economic and political inclinations. 163. The South-East Asian region is now again faced with a problem of great magnitude. It is pertinent to note that the conflict is still continuing and a threat of widespread famine now appears imminent. Such an eventuality will result in hardship and deprivation on a 164. In the final analysis, in this deteriorating situa- tion not of their own making, the people ofKampuchea must be allowed to detennine their future .by themselves. This must be made free ofoutside interfer- ence and influence. Coming from the region, we must express ourconcern at the threat that this conflict poses to the peace and security of the ASEAN States and to the whole region. It is in view of these considerations that the ASEAN States have urged the General Assem- bly to consider at this session the situation in Kam- puchea [see A/34lJ91]. 165. The principles which I have just noted concern- ing the situation in Kampuchea are, indeed, of rele- vance to the whole region of South-East Asia. In particular, it is essential to accord recognition to the principles of respect for the independence of all the States in the region and the sovereign right of those States to define their national policies free from foreign interference and intervention. His also necessary to reject any action by individual outside Powers which is aimed at the creation of spheres of influence. The countries of the region should be left to solve their own problems in accordance with their perception of na- tional interests and regional harmony. The countries of the region should be given a chance to seek a solution towards meaningful and real peaceful coexistence, re- gardless oftheir respective economic, social and politi- cal systems. At the same time, the countries of the region should refrain from policies or actions which would give a pretext for or justify interference or in- tervention by outside Powers. Through such an ap- proach it should be possible to build a strong and vib- rant region whose Governments can devote their ef- forts to the economic development of their peoples. l66. On the question of the Middle East, the United Nations has adopted a number of resolutions I particu- larly since 1%7, to serve as a basis forajustand durable peace. However, rsrael has consistently defied and failed to heed the demands of the overwhelming major- ity of the international community. Israel's policy of aggression and colonial expansion and occupation perpetuates a situation ofprotracted conflict and inher- ent injustice. Israel's defiant acts of provocation and persistent disregard of United Nations resolutions have been exposed, time and again, as being the major obsta- cle to a just and lasting peace in the region. Israel continues its universally condemned practice of establishing new settlements in the occupied terri- tories. Only a few days ago it took still another defiant step by sanctioning the acquisition of land in the oc- cupied areas by its citizens. Such actions are added proof that Israel intends to maintain control of those areas with a view to annexing them. Its repeated and senseless attacks against Lebanon have caused the loss of innumerable innocent lives and of property. 167. We are all united in the conviction that a settle- ment of the Middle East question cannot be achieved through partial solutions. A solution to be just and lasting should be one that is comprehensive- l68. Indonesia has consistently supported the univer- sally accepted position that the Palestinian issue is the core ofthe Middle East problem and that the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people should be realized, in- cluding their right to establish an independent State of their own, and the recognition of the PLO as the only legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. No one can ignore the fact that the PLO, as the sole rep- resentative of the people of Palestine and their aspira- tions, is now more universally recognized. We look forward to that inevitable day when the PLO partici- pates in the negotiations for a just and comprehensive settlement leading to the establishment by the Palestin- ian people of their own national State. 169. Despite the strenuous efforts of the international community to bring about just and peaceful solutions, the situation in southern Africa has deteriorated over the past year. Colonialist repression and racial discrimi- nation continue to flaunt world opinion and pose a threat to international peace and security. 170. International efforts over many years totally to eliminate the apartheid policy in South Africa have so far shown no substantive results. In view of this, my delegation feels that it is time now that new ways and means for forcing an end to this policy were considered seriously and implemented with firmer determination. In this regard, Member States should support the com- plete isolation of the Pretoria regime by any means, mcluding the continuationofUnited Nations sanctions. 171. The illegal presence of South Africa in Namibia continues in contravention of the responsiblity of the United Nations for bringing Namibia to national inde- pendence. This is an open defiance of United Nations authority. We must deal with it effectively in order to bring South Africa to a settlementwhich would give the people of Namibia genuine independence. Specifically, the States that enjoy a close relationship with the Pre- toria regime must exert further pressure in order to make the Pretoria regime adhere strictly and im- mediately to the relevant United Nations resolutions. In the event these efforts prove fruitless, our recourse should be to implement resolution 33/206 of 31 May 1979, which calls upon the Security Council to consider enforcement measures against South Mrica, as pro- vided for under Chapter VII of the Charter. In. My delegation is satisfied that the decision on Zimbabwe by the recent Meeting of Heads ofGovern- ment of Commonwealth Countries held in Lusaka [see A/34/439-S/13515, annex, para. 15] has led to the pres- ent London Conference aimed at ending the impasse on the decolonization of Zimbabwe. The fact that all con- cerned parties are participating has given the Confer- ence an auspicious start which may lead to a positive solution. My delegation, however, believes that that solution should be one acceptable to all parties, and must lead to genuine independence. Until such a solu- tion is reached, my Government will continue to sup- port relevant United Nations resolutions pertaining to the question, including sanctions. 174. Another important question concerns the secur- ity guarantee for the non-nuclear-weapon States. Ef· forts in this regard did not succeed due to disagreement among the nuclear-weapon States to provide such a guarantee. We believe that an effective and credible guarantee consists in the prohibition of the use or the threat to use nuclear weapons. Such a prohibition is in the interests not only ofthe non-nuclear-weapon States but of the entire world as well. This issue should be dealt with expeditiously, as the non-nuclear-weapon States, which have accepted unequal and onerous obli- gations, are justified in urging the nuclear-weapon States to provide such a guarantee. 175. Indonesia welcomes the signing of the second SALT Treaty between the United States and the Soviet Union and looks forward to its entering into force soon. It is our hope that the agreement will contribute to the improvement ofrelations between them, and thus help to reduce the risk of an outbreak of war. Despite the successful outcome of the second round of SALT the world is still far away from real disarmament. We hope, therefore, that the parties concerned will continue, as they have a~eed, to pursue negotiations on measures for further hmitation and reduction in the number of strategic anTIS as well as for further qualitative limitations. 176. As regards the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)], my dele- gation has welcomed the progress achieved dunng the Meeting of the Littoral and Hinterland States of the Indian Ocean, held in July. It has set in motion the process ofconvening an international conference with a view to reaching an international agreement which will facilitate the implementation of the Declaration. The Meeting also epitomized the desire of the States con- cerned to evolve a common position and to work to- gether to ensure peace in the region. My delegation attaches great importance to the non-use of the Indian Ocean as an arena for great Power rivalry and conflictin any ofits manifestations and ramifications. In this light my delegation views with concern the increasing mili- tary presence of the great Powers in the area. This constitutes a serious setback to the efforts by the States of the region to keep great Power rivalry out of the Indian Ocean. We hope that the forthcoming confer- ence on the Indian Ocean, the venue and date ofwhich will be decided by this Assembly, will succeed in facilitating the attainment of the objectives of the Dec- laration to the benefit not only ofthe riparian States, but of all the peace-loving nations of the world. 177. The experience of ASEAN, in its efforts to establish a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality, of- fers a useful analogy in this regard. Its most important objective is the attainment and preservation ofpeace as 178. The Third United Nations Conference on the Law ofthe Sea approved during last summer's session a programme of work4 providing for the adoption of a new and comprehensive convention on the law of the sea next year. My delegation wishes to express its appreciation for this useful and timely decision, which will enable us not only to initiate the exploitation of deep sea-bed resources but also to avoid protracted negotiations which, in the final analysis, will exhaust our limited resources, especially those of the develop- ing countries. 179. Although the eighth session of the Conference did not finalize a formal text, it did achieve significant progress on certain hard-core issues. My delegation continues to support the statement made by the Chair- man ofthe Group of77 during the last session5 concern- ing unilateral legislation on the exploitation of deep sea-bed resources, since such action would prejudice the results of the Conference. 180. Indonesia, as an archipelagic State, lying at the cross-roads, between two continents and two oceans, attaches great importance to the successful outcome of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law ofthe Sea and will always lend its support to the acceleration of meaningful negotiations. It is our earnest hope that all interested parties will negotiate fully in a spirit of comJ?romise in order to reach agreement as soon as pOSSIble. 181. The world has come to realize that there is an inseparable link between international security and economicjustice and equality. There can be no genuine and lasting peace as long as gross inequalities and im- balances prevail. As we enter the new decade of the 1980s, we are very much aware that there has been no substantial progress towards the elimination of these inequities which aggravate the widening .gap between the developed and the developing countries. Moreover, the world is still affiicted by a pervasive economic crisis and is experiencing a general sense of drift and uncer- tainty on major issues relating to international co- operation for development. There has been in recent years a growing awareness that the problems now be- setting the world economy are of a structural nature, and that the measures taken to date by the international community have not been commensurate with the im- peratives for structural change nor with the accelerated development of the developing countries. As a conse- quence, the world economy continues to ~how sYfI.lp- toms of inherent structural malfunction, which adversely affects the economies ~f t.he· developing countries. The resurgence o.rprot~ctlOms~ ha~ fu~her compounded these difficuItle~, With ~egahve lffiphca- tions for the pattern of mternatlOnal trade and development. 183. In the face of these adverse trends and critical developments in the world economic situation, we should seek new initiatives and approaches in order to achieve concrete results on the fundamental issues re- lating to the establishment of the New International Economic Order. In this connexion the Secretary- General has rightly appealed for a new impetus in the North-South negotiations to dispel the present climate of uncertainty and disenchantment. 184. The proposal of the Group of 77 to launch a round of global and sustained negotiations on interna- tional co-operation for development at the special ses- sion of the General Assembly in 1980 constitutes an innovative and bold initiative to bring about a break- through in the present stalemate. My delegation wishes to reaffirm its conviction that this new approach should be action-oriented, and that the main issues involved should be dealt with in an integrated manner. 185. We also subscribe to the view that the global negotiations should not involve any interruption of the ongoing negotiations in other United Nations forums. Furthennore, there should be a close relationship be- tween the preparations of the global negotiations and the completion of the work for the new international development strategy, as the proposed negotiations are designed to make a significant contribution towards the implemc;mtation of that strategy. 186. We see the new international development strat- egy as the principal instrument for achieving the objec- tives of the New International Economic Order, con- stituting a conceptual framework for the whole range of North-South dialogiJes. We must reaffirm our confi- dence in the concept of an international development strategy as a concrete commitment of the international community to establish ajust and more equitable world economic order, 187. Having presented the views of my Goyernment on major worldproblems, may I now touch bnefly upon the efforts to enhance the effectiveness of the work of this Assembly. The growing number of problems dis- cussed in the General Assembly bears testtmony to the increasing importance of the United Nations and :e- flects the determination ofthe international commun,lty to settle its problems by means of constructive dialogue. 188. Conversely, these positiv~ developme~ts po.se serious problems for the effective and effiCient dls- 189. From my account ofour common efforts to deal with world problems and the role ofthe United Nations, it may have been noted that we have an undiminished and enduring faith in our Organization. All things con- sidered, there is no viable alternative to the United Nations system in our efforts to build a new and better world, however far from perfect the United Nations may seem to its critics. 190. It is for this reason that Indonesia, which has benefited since its birth from the United Nations, has in its turn and within its limited means constantly sup- ported United Nations programmes and efforts in our search for a more peaceful, just and better world. We have done this because, for better or for worse, we .Member nations are the United Nations. 191. As we stand now at the threshold of a new dec- ade, it is appropriate for us in this Organization to learn from the failures ofthe past and to take strengthfrom its positive achievements in order to go forward in our quest for a more peaceful, prosperous and just world. The United Nations-that is, we-cannot afford to fail.

In calling on the next speaker, the Minister for Foreign Affairs ofthe Czecho- slovak Socialist Republic, I take this opportu~ty to extend to him, and through him to the Government and people of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, our very deep condolences in connexion with the passing away ofthe fonner President ofCzechoslovakia, Army General Ludvik Svoboda. .

Mr. President, allow me'most sincerely to thank you for the words of sympathy ex- pressed to my country in connexion with the passing away of the outstanding Czechoslovak statesman, our fonner President, hero of Czechoslovakia and of the Soviet Union, Army General Ludvik Svoboda. The peoples of my country have lost in his person a great, courageous man whose name is linked with my country's national liberation struggle against fascism and for socialism and world peace. His memory shall for ever remain inscribed in the hearts of our people. 194. We should like to take this opportunity to ex- press our sympathy and to share the sorrow of the Angolan people over the loss of its faithful son .and passionate fighter for the freedom of the Afncan peoples, President Agostinho Neto. 195. Mr. President, I congratulate you, an outst~d. ing political figure and eminent diplomat of the Umted Republic ofTanzania, on your election to the lofty and responsible post of President of the thirty-fourth ses- sion of the United Nations General Assembly. We are convinced that you will successfully fulfil your mission and, together with the Secretary-General ofthe United 197. [f we attempt to describe the international situa- tion in an informed and diligent manner-as. in facl, we do every year from this rostrum-we cannot this time lose sight of the fact that we are approaching the end of a decade which. unlike previous ones, has assumed an almost crucial significance for us, the present genera- tion. After all, the annals of the seventh decade of this century and, in a concentrated form, the events of the last year, reflect virtually everything that could be de- scribed by the all-embracing term of "concretization of detente". 198. What, then. has the past year brought? What has it shown us? 199. [n the first place, it has produced proofthat the spirit of new faith has been awakened in the ability of mankind to have sufficient perseverance in the strug- gle for the cause of peace; that the paralysed political dialogue has once more been reanimated; that we have been able to witness a number of ambitious projects representing a significant political contribution to a peaceful future for the world; that, after a certain lapse of time, an encouraging level ofglobal stability has been re-established; that in the space of a single year fUl1her anti-popular regimes have collapsed in Asia and in La- tin America and that important changes that advance the preservation of peace have been added to the politi- cal map of the world. That, then, is lirst and foremost. 200, At the same time, and this is no less gratifying, we have to a significant degree managed to unblock certain mechanisms impeding international develop- ment, to halt the development ofcertain negative trends and to repel concentrated attacks by the most reaction- ary forces against progress, socialism. democracy and the national liberation movement. 20 I. Moreover, although violators of the peace of all types continued their efforts to preserve the vestiges of the cold-war era, they failed to capitalize furtheron this burdensome mortgage of the past. Although they tried to retain the vestiges of fossilized thinking, they did not succeed in infecting international life with them. Al- though they tried to steer a policy running counter to the general course of events, they did not manage to reduce detente to a servile role. Although, as in the early states of detente. they once again manoeuvred in distrust. suspicion, and lack of understanding, em- ptoying intrigues and provocations, they did not re- verse the trend. Indeed, despite all the pitfalls. obsta- cles and discouraging difficulties placed in the way of detente by its opponents, that policy has been develop- inggenerally in the correct direction, and they have not managed to limit the scope ofthat policy, to discard it or to plunge the world into helpless confusion. 202. Thus we can conclude that the past year has been a demanding endurance test from which detente has emerged as mature. Detente gradually has become the 203. If. in saying this today, in 1979, we look back and compare t~e present time with the cold-war years and the formative years of detente we see that our state- ment is justified. ' 204. We are all the more gratified since in the course of last year as in the past we have had no aspiration other than to continue consistently along the road of peaceful, dynamic policies on which we have started to open up new horizons of broad international ~o­ operation, to direct people towards what brings them close together, and away from what divides them, and to overcome patiently the conflicts among peoples. Thus. we took the correct course, and historical de- velopments proved us right. 205. We s~ould like it to be pos.~ible to say one day that the entIre past period was decisive for the fate of detente in what we may call its developing stage and that detente was not exposed to destructive hegemonism, that obvious negation of the peaceful, constructive relations among States which are reaf- firmed by the United Nations Charter. To ensure that this weed in international relations was deprived every- where and once and for all ofthe soil which nourishes it, the greatest contribution would be made by an effective international agreement, as was proposed yesterday by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the USSR, Mr. An- drei Andreevich Gromyko. 206. We therefore fully support the inclusion on the agenda of this Assembly session of an item entitled "Inadmissibility of hegemonism in international rela- tions" [A/34/243]. As a non-permanent member of the Security Council, we support the proposal that this question should also be considered by that highest body uf the United Nations. 207. We hope that it may be possible to say one day that the first stages of international detente were fol- lowed immediately by a significant deepening of that process characterized by a shift from words to deeds, from tactical temporizing to constructive negotiations and, above all, by a move to military detente. The arms race, after all, has not yet been halted. . 208. In that respect, we regard as very promising the conclusion of the second SALT Treaty which is an example of perseverance, determination, mature polit- ical will and forward-looking responsibility for mankind as a whole. This most important world event reaffirmed most amply the effectiveness of the untiring and de- terminedly peace-loving Leninist policy of the Soviet Union, which strives to promote the process ofdetente, disarmament and peace throughout the world. That is why we also want to stress from this rostrum how deeply we appreciate t.he co~tribution of t~e Com- munist Party of the Soviet Umon, of the SovIet State, and of Mr. Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev personally to the preparation and successful conclusion of that Treaty. 209. That would again significantly strengthen the great hope of all mankind that the threat of a world n~c1ear conflict may be averted forever. More favour- able conditions would be created for concrete negotia- tions on the entire range of disarmament proposals relating both to nuclear and conventional weapons, as well as on confidence-building measures among States, including a world-wide treaty on the non-use offorce in international relations. 210. We are well aware of the beneficial influence of everything that has been achieved along this road up to now. But so far, it represents but a small fraction of the possibilities offered by the development of detente. 211. To achieve those possibilities, however, we must discard once and for all the illusion that lasting peace and security can coexist with huge stockpiles of the means of mass destruction; that it is possible without disannament to solve successfully the vitally important problems of concern to the whole of humanity, such as the establishment of a new economic order, the provi- sion of the food so needed by mankind, the develop- ment of new sources of energy, the eradication of dangerous diseases, the protection of the environment, the satisfaction of the spiritual and cultural needs of humanity, and the achievement of advances in the exploration of outer space. 212. As a country that knows the price of peace, we are aware that it is not war alone, but the very fear that there might be a war, which diverts mankind from its endeavours to tackle the most pressing tasks of our time, 213. The treaty on the prohibition of radiological weapons, which has been proposed jointly by the SovIet Union and the United States and which we warmly support [see A/34/27, para. 56 (a)], provides fresh proof that the problem ofdisarmament can indeed be tackled and resolved. 214. That is why Czechoslovakia will continue to de- vote priority attention to halting the arms race ,an? to disarmament. We are prepared to conduct negotIatIons on the broad spectrum of concrete proposals. In the Declaration of the States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty adopted at the meeting of the Political Consultative Committee held at Moscow on 23 November 1978,6 we submitted, 'jointly wit~ our alfi,es, well-known initi~­ tives the implementatIon of whIch would mark a deCI- sive 'turning-point in the negotiations on halting the arms race and on disarmament. 215. We shall spare no effort to bring ~bout the gradual achievement o~ that goal. We .Intend to negotiate patiently and WIth perseverance With all part- ners on our proposals as well as on theirs, at any place 216. This determination ofours was expressed by the President of Czechoslovakia, Gustav Husak, when he stated in Prague on I May of this year: "States should assume the obligation, preferably in the United Nations, to approach disarmament ne- gotiations constructively and to contribute to the cre- ation of an international climate conducive to the speediest possible achievement of the needed progress." 217. That is why my country is now submitting adraft declaration on international co-operation for disarma- ment [A/34/141/Add. I, annex]. We have based the document on a deep and objective study of many years ofexperience in holding disarmament negotiations and on the need for an all-round intensification of the com- prehensive implementation of the objectives, decisions and recommendations that we all adopted unanimously at the tenth special session of the General Assembly, which was devoted to disarmament. 218. In the more than a year that has elapsed since then, a great deal has been done. This year we shall consider the first report of the Committee on Disarma- ment [A/34/27] working with its new expanded mem- bership. However, the time has come for us to embark on concrete measures and agreements, overcoming all the difficulties that may still arise along this road. 219. That is why we strive to give a new impulse to the creation of a yet more favourable climate for an early implementation of the results of the special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, and that is also why we stress in the draft declaration the very clear and compelling fact that today the Govern- ments of all States of the world have a truly historic reponsibility for eradicating war from the life ofma~, a responsibility that must be met by agreeing on effectIve and decisive measures for the achievement of general and complete disarmament-that ancient ideal of man- kind which was also in the mind of the great Czech thinker of the seventeenth century, John Amos Com- enius when he wrote in his world-famous monumental work 'On the Reform of the Human Condition: "Weapons must therefore be removed so that there may be no occasion to revert to hostilities and wars, for there is no salvation in war and nothing results from it but the menace of fire, steel and the uprooting of States." 220 At that time, however, they could only dream of dis~rmament. Today we are already negotiating, and tomorrow we must act. That was why, in submitting the draft declaration-which one could call a code ofpoliti- cal princir.les to govern States in the interests of purposefu , effective, con,structive and continuo~s co· operation in the field of dIsarmament, we are trymg to help to draw up one of the possible operative instru- ments to facilitate the uninterrupted course as well as the results of both the current and future disarmament negotiations. 221. The purpose o~ this .is by no means a ve~bal proclamation of good IOtentlons or a mere mechanIcal 222. We want such key premises of the entire dis- armament process as the consolidation, development, expansion and intensification of international co- operation for disarmament to become basic political and moral law for the behaviour ofStates, regardless of their geographical position or their affiliation with this or that socio-political system. 223. We are deeply convinced that our proposal is fully compatible with efforts by nations for the establishment of lasting peace and the safeguarding of strong international security, and that it reflects the unanimous will of the world community to find reliable solutions to the pressing problems ofdisarmament. We trust that at this session the proposal will meet with the constructive support of the States Members of the United Nations. 224. Peace and security throughout the world have always been inseparably linked with the fate of Europe. That is where political detente was initiated and where it made the greatest advance. That is why military de- tente also should make the greatest possible advance there, so that the dark dens ofthe alchemists ofwar may be transformed into useful laboratories of peace and co-operation, where the dials will display but one constant-mutual advantage and an unshakable system of equal security for all. 225. Keeping in mind this very goal, we propose, together with the other States parties to the Warsaw Treaty, the immediate conclusion of an agreement amon¥ the participants in the Helsinki Conference on SecurIty and Co-operation in Europe a treaty to the effect that they will not be the first to use either nuclear or conventional weapons against each other. We be- lieve that even today it is possible to start preparing a conference on military detente to be held on a political level and with the participation of all European States, the United States and Canada. This important initiative proposed by the Committee of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty in Budapest last May 7 opens up broad possibilities for a matter-of-fact consideration of all proposals designed to reduce the danger of military confrontation. 226. As a direct participant in the Vienna talks on the reduction of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe, we are understandably deeply interested about a tangible progress in these talks. That, however, can be achieved only if our partners re-examine their con- cept of "first arming themselves adequately and then proceeding with disarmament". As it is, for instance, the latest plans for a speedy introduction of the so- called Euro-strategic weapons in Western Europe can- not be seen but as a further tightening of the Gordian knot. 7 Ibid.• Thirly-jimrlh Year, Supplel1lell/ JCI,. April, May and JUlie /979, document 8/13344. 228. Czechoslovakia is trying to make an all-round contribution to this process by developing its bilateral relations. In our view more frequent meetings among representatives of the countries which signed the Final Actofthe Helsinki Conference will promote its creative regeneration and a fresh momentum aimed at support- ing peace. 229. This awareness, enhanced by our specific geographical position as well as the objective pos- sibilities which have emerged, provided an opportunity for us to normalize the micro-climate of relations in Central Europe, specifically the relations with our Western partners. 230. Our relations with the Federal Republic of Germany are based on the political will of both sides embodied in a joint declaration signed by President Gustav Husak and Chancellor Helmut Schmidt during last year"s official visit of our Head of State to Bonn, and are in the process of practical and concrete de- velopment. We have deep interest in their future posi· tive and smooth continuation. 231. With neighbouring Austria we have construc- tively tackled everything that has burdened our rela- tions, being aware ofa prospect ofmany years ofstabil- ity. The process of restoration of relations on the basis of ~ood neighbourliness culminated successfully in the viSIt by President Rudolf Kirchschlager to our country last March. We are now translating creatively the re- sults of that visit into mutually advantageous co- operation. 232. Thus for the first time since the establishmentof our independent State, we have, after more than six decades, fully normalized relations with all our neigh~ bours including those with a different social system from ours, a development which did not come about even when these differences did not exist. This is our active contribution to the peaceful reconstruction ofthe situation in Central Europe. 233. In this connexion we are ever more actively en- riching the process of detente by expanding mutually advantageous co-operation with many other European countries. As a State member of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, which this year commemorates 30 peaceful, fruitful and creative years since its establishment we actively promote our all-round co- operation with Asian, African and Latin American countries. Our warm sympathies and constructive sup- port go to their endeavours to strengthen their political IOdependence and to achieve their economic indepen- 234. We welcomed the results of the Sixth Confer- ence of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries held recently in Havana. They reflect new evidence that the source of strength and effectiveness of that movement resides in its unity in the defence of the just cause of the peoples struggling for their libera- tion from political, economic and social oppression. in their struggle for the strengthening of peace and inter- national security. for disarmament and detente and against imperialism, racism and neo-colonialism. 235. World peace and security are not undermined by the arms race alone. An acute inflammation of detente is caused also by the hotbeds of tension. by painful old and new conflicts in various palis of the world. Czechoslovak public opinion and our Government. along with the entire peace-loving humanity, have con- demned resolutely the aggression against socialist Viet Nam, the instigators of which. in complete contraven- tion of the United Nations Charter and international law, tried and are still trying to raise "military lessons" to a norm of conduct in inter-State relations. 236, From this high rostrum we once again express our firm support for the peoples of Viet Nam, Laos and the People's Republic of Kampuchea. who. after so many years of destructive, aggressive wars. are pas- sionately longing for peace and are striving to build a just and peace-loving society in a calm atmosphere. 237. We regard as most deplorable the recognition of the so-called "credentials" ofthe representatives ofthe barbaric Pol Pot regime. overthrown by the Kampu- chean people, a regime unique in history for its policy of massacring its own people. This goes against the spirit and purposes of the United Nations, undermines its authority and prestige and is fundamentally at variance wi!h political reality. Our position of principle is une- qUivocal. The seat of Kampuchea in this Organization must be taken by the representatives appointed by the People's Revolutionary Council ofthe People's Repub- lic of Kampuchea, which is the legitimate government of t.hat ~ountry and which alone is able to discharge the oblIgatIOns of a State Member of the United Nations. 238. Nor are the inter~stsof the Kampuchean people, of the peace and secunty of the peoples of South-East Asiaand ofthe mission of the United Nations served by the attempts to internationalize the non-existent so- called Kampuchean question and to intelfere thus in contravention of the United Nations Charter in the internal affairsofthe People's Republic of Kampuchea. 23~. .We also strongly object to efforts to misuse the artifiCially produc~d problem, fanned by propaganda, of the so-cal!ed Vl~tnamese refugees for political aims dIrected agamst Viet Nam. 240, We welcome the opening of negotiations be- tw~en the. USSR and China on the normalization of theIr relatIons, That can be to the benefit not only of 242. Therefore. we emphasize once again that in the vortex of contradicting events in the Middle East. only one comprehensive settlement has hope of success- that is the withdrawal of Israeli troops from all terri- tories occupied in 1%7 and the safeguarding of the rights of the Palestinians. including their right to the establilihment of their own State. as well as the right of all countries in that region. not excluding llirael. to an independen't and secure existence. 243. We are convinced also that the burning problem ofCYPI:us cannot be resolved in any other way than on the baSIS of respect for the sovereignty, independence territorial in tegrity and non-alignment of the Republi~ of Cyprus, 244. Likewise. we liupport the efforts of the Demo- cratic People's.Republic of Korea to bring about the peaceful. democratic reuniRcation of Korea, and we call for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from the southern pm1 of the country. 245. We emphatically reject the fresh attempts by the colonial and racist regimes in southern Africa to perpetuate themselves and to postpone their histori- cally ineyitable elimination. We actively, effectively and consistently support the struggle of the peoples of southern Africa for freedom, and independence. We express our solidarity with SWAPO, the sole and legiti- mate representative of the Namibian people. We reaf- firm our full and all-round support for the sole genuine representati ve of the people of Zimbabwe-the Patr!otic .Frol)t. We advocate a comprehensive in- tenSification ofthe struggle against apartheid, including uncompromising economic sanctions under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. which finally should compel the regime of the Republic of South Africa to respect the United Nations. We shall continue to make efforts to bring ou r Organization to use its entire author- ity to prevent the barbaric attacks by the racists against neighbouring States which are still continuing with impunity, 246. I believe there is no need to repeat from this rostrum the well-known truth that if we wish something to be destroyed it is sufficient to fold one's anns and wait, and the rest comes by itself. That is why it is our intention to do our utmost to contribute to an effective joint search for new ways in the struggle against the erosion and devaluation of the values of peace and international security which have already been achieved-especially so because the time is ripe for finding new initiatives to exclude the possibility of a new apocalypse, to make progress along the path of new, great ideals of peace. detente and co-operation. despite all obstacles. and to shape current history for a peaceful future. so that the United Nations also. this Irreplaceable universal forum, might fulfil the hopes placed in it by the whole of peace-loving humanity and 252. Two attempts have been made this year to re- solve the conflict by force. Neither has succeeded. The conflict arises from deep-seated issues--anC:lent animosities, revived and stimulated by receO;t actions that have been aided and inflamed from outSide Indo- China. Nationalism runs too high for anyone.party to impose its will on another by force. Peace wtll be ~­ stored only when the countries of the area-those In Indo-China and their neighbours, too--l7ar.n to r~spect one another's independence and territonal mtegnty., as they pledged to do when they joined the U OIted Nations. 248. It is a pleasure to congratulate you, Sir, and other officers of the Assembly on your election. I should be grateful if you would convey my special greetings to Ambassador Salim, the President of this session. New Zealand values its special link with the United Republic of Tanzania. We work together in partnership, within the Commonwealth. We admire Tanzania's example of self-reliance in the struggle for social and economic progress. We admire the leadership Tanzania has given to the movement for self-determination not only in Af- rica but for all people. We New Zealanders value, in particular, the help Ambassador Salim, as Chairman of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, has given us as we have worked, loyally and consis- tently, to promote the principle of self-determination in the small island Territories of the South Pacific which have been associated with us. 253. There can be nojustification for any government to send anned forces into another country against the will of its people. There is no justification for a govern- ment to drive out vast numbers of its own people to hazard their lives on the high seas. It has been abundantly demonstrated that government policies can stimulate, and can retard, the flow of refugees. If that desperate flow of people begins again, the world will know where the responsibility lies. If, however. it ends once and for all, the process ofpolitical negotiation can begin. Ifthe withdrawalofforces can be brought about. the normalization of relations can be contemplated. The massive task of relief and rehabilitation for the suffering people of Indo-China can proceed without hindrance. 249. Ambassador Salim has had the opportunity of seeing how remote and isolated are the islands of the Pacific. New Zealand, too, is remote from the trouble- centres of the world. This geographical isolation, how- ever, has never cut us off from the impact of world events. This year we have followed with attention, and with concern, events in three areas of instability: the Middle East, southern Africa and South-East Asia. We have welcomed the political progress made in the Mid- dle East, limited though that may have been. On the other hand, we have deplored the continued escalation ofoil prices, for this has jeopardized efforts to establish a stable world economic order and damaged the economies of many countries. We have taken part, through the Meeting ofHeads of Government ofCom- monwealth Countries in Lusaka, in the efforts of the Commonwealth to break the impasse on Rhodesia. But our most direct concern, naturally enough, has been with the conflict that has taken place nearest to us. The calamitous events in Indo-China have caused us the gravest concern. There we have seen continued armed conflict. Vast numbers of people have been forced to move. Starvation and suffering are daily facts of life. Fighting goes on and may well spread. The already desperate food shortage threatens to get worse. The situation is little short of disastrous. 254. New Zealand has always said that the most pres- sing need was to begin working towards a political settlement. That need is even more urgent today. Any settlementmust be based on the fact that there are three separate countries in Indo-China, each with its own national tradition. These three countries must live closely together. In practice this means that there can be no peace until the independence of Kampuchea is assured and Kampuchea is prepared to co-operate with its neighbours. 255. My Government accepts as logical the decision taken by the General Assembly on the question of Kampuchean credenti~s [4th meeting]. That does not mean that we condone many way the policies ofthe Pol Pot Government. That regime was tyrannical in the extreme. It was notorious for its cruelty and its utter disregard for the most basic human rights of its people Nevertheless, it :-vas the esta~lished Government of K&ffipuchea, and It was recognIzed by the international community. The sam~ cannot 1;e. said of the regime heaqed by Heng Sam~n. That regIme was installed by foreign forces: It~asfaded to d~J?1onstrateits independ- ence. The maIO aim of any pohttcal settlement must be to let th~ people of KaIJ.lpu~hea express themselves freely Without the dommatmg presence of foreign troof.'s. They mu~t. be ablt; to deCIde their own future. 250. My Government is deeply concerned by these developments. The conflict in Indo-China has polarized South-East Asia: a gulf of mistrust now divides the States of Indo-China and the members of ASEAN. 251. New Zealand has close and friendly ties with the five countries that belong to ASEAN. We have welcomed the rapid progress they have made in de- veloping their economies and improving the living standards of their peoples. It has been a remarkable achievement. ASEAN has emerged as a significant force in international affairs. It has been able to make a ~nt!l th<?se condltJon~ eXIst my Government sees no Justification for expelhng t~e present representatives 0 Kampuchea or for acceptmg another delegation. 257. The most desperate human problem at this Il!'0- ment is in Kampuchea. Continual fighting, followmg the internal troubles of recent years, has uprooted a large part of the population. Food supplies have been severely disrupted. Before long, 10 per cent of the country's population may be starving. Famine would bring a new wave ofdesperate refugees who would flee to Thailand. The world must stop this disaster happen- ing. Another great effort by the international commun- ity is essential. Food and medical supplies must be provided-and right away. New Zealand is ready to Join in this new effort. 258. We do not forget that in other regions there are also massive displacements of people. Some of these situations are oftragically long standing. Here, too, the search for negotiated solutions to the conflicts that have caused this human suffering must be a prime concern of this Assembly. 259. In southern Africa there have been some promis- ing developments. The most significant was the agree- ment reached by the Commonwealth Heads ofGoven- ment at Lusaka last month. From this came the Rhodesia Constitutional Conference on Zimbabwe Rhodesia. My Prime Minister, to underline his support for the agreement reached at Lusaka, sent a message to all 24 delegates assembled in London for the confer- ence. He said: "The road to a peaceful settlement is now open to you. It is for you-each and all-to make your con- tribution to the final stage and to lead your country into independence, f;leace and stability. I do not minimise the difficultIes that lie ahead of you. But I hope that you will keep in mind at all times that the fate of millions of your men, women and children now and in the future, lies in yourhands-and in you~ hands alone." 260. New Zealand hopes that, through this Lusaka initiative, which underlines once more the value of the Commonwealth association, one area of southern Af- rica will at last reach peaceful and legal independence. 261. My Government is also encouraged that the con- sultations which five Western Powers initiated over t~'? years ago,?n Namibia have been resumed. Apos- slbtlIty now eXIsts for the final, legal mdependence of the Namibian people. 262. But if there are prospects for a peaceful solution ~o two ofthe problems ofsouthern Africa, the third, the mtolerable system of apartheid, still exists unchecked 263. In his inaugural remarks [lst meeting] the Presi- dent called on this Assembly to pursue practical.means, rather than to promote ever-increasing resolutions, in the search for solutions to the many problems which afflict the world today. Nowhere could his advice be better heeded than with respect to the situation in the Middle East. My Government sees as a significant ad- vance the dramatic events of the past two years, which culminated in the Camp David agreements and the sub- sequent negotiations between Egypt and Israel. The current efforts of the leaders of these States must be given a chance to succeed. A critical dialogue has be- gun. The objective ofthe world community now should be to broaden that dialogue. 264. My Government continues to believe that Secu- rity Council resolution 242 (1967) contains the essential element for a negotiated settlement. That resolution remains a central foundation, and it can be builton. It is now widely recognized that the search for a political solution in the Middle East must involve the participa- tion ofthe Palestinian people. The rights ofthe Palestin- ians, including their right to self-determination and to establish an independent Palestinian State if they so desire, can no longer be ignored. 265. The road to a negotiated,just and lasting solution in the Middle East will not be easy. It is critical, there- fore, that everyone concerned should eschew insensi- tive or provocative acts. We believe that the continued establishment of Israeli settlements in land occupied during the 1967 war is one such act. The recent out- break of hostilities in southern Lebanon is another. My Government rejects the policy of pre-emptive strikes by Israel as strongly as it rejects any act which violates the territorial integrity of Israel. The road to peace is fragile. It should not be put at risk. 266. The year 1979 could have been a watershed year for the international community in its continuingdebate on global economic reform. The fifth session ofUNC- TAD and the Tokyo round of the multilateral trade negotiations were major events which held great prom- ise for a neW break-through in North-South relations, but then ended inconclusively. The urgent task of this session of the Assembly will be to find a way of restor- ing momentum to. the debate on the establishment of a New International Economic Order, for the interna· tional community faces pressing and dangerous economic problems. The economic "ripple-effects" of this year's sharp price rises in oil have become painfully obvious-to developed and developing countries alike. The outlook is for severe disruption to the process of global economic growth. Sluggish rates of economic growth will inhibit the continued development of en· larged "northern" markets for "southern" good~and vice versa. Heavier foreign debt burdens for many countries seem inevitable. Inflation, unemployment, balance ofpayments disequilibriums and protectionism 267. No Government need imagine that it will be able to insulate its economy entirely from the effects of a spreading economic malaise. Developing countries- and all small economies, that rely on trade, including my own-will be especially vulnerable. 268. In the face ofthese probabilities we can no longer afford the luxury of debating the possibility of new forms of global economic co-operation, structural ad- justmentand institutional reform. The time has come to put an end to the polemics and arid definitional disputes which have so far characterized the dialogue between North and South. Let us do so in the sure knowledge that if we do not master the forces of economic and social change, they will surely master us. 269. New Zealand looks to this session ofthe General Assembly, and to the special session to be held in 1980, to bring a new sense ofpurpose to the unfinished task of formulating strategies for global economic manage- ment. We believe that the effectiveness ofthese strate- gies and the future well-being of the interdependent global economy will rest, to a very considerable degree, on the success of renewed efforts to find constructive solutions in two critical sectors-trade and energy. 270. The explosion in world trade in the last quarterof a century has brought greater prosperity to many countries. We must ensure that this growth is maintained, based upon acknowledgement of the doctrine of comparative efficiency and a positive as- sault on the forces ofprotectionism. New Zealand can- not accept that there should be two sets ofrules,one for the old mdustrial producers and another for the rest, that is, for the new industrial producers and for the agricultural producers. Agricultural protectionism is practised by almost all industrialized countries-to the disadvantage of their consumers and to the frustration ofintemationally efficient producers, such as New Zea- land. That, we believe, is a denial of the responsibility of this generation to establish an efficient production base for feeding the next. This responsibility demands new approaches and positive adjustment policies based on the principles of free multilateral trade. 271. We also have to learn to see energy issues in a new perspective. Experts predict that within the next 10 years the production capacity for our present oil- based energy system will have reached a ceiling. There will be further rises in the real price of oil and an absolute and increasing shortage in relation to total global import requirements. Therefore, there can be no argument: we must move to new energy systems. The challenge lies in how we manage the transitional period. The General Assembly has already risen to this challenge by deciding to convene in 1981 a United Na- tions Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy. New Zealand attaches the highest importance to this Conference. It intends to play its full part to ensure its success. While many important energy ques- tions lie outside its purview, the Conference has the potential to make a significant contribution to identify- Ing new energy systems that will benefit us all. 272. In its short history this Organization has often taken the lead in promoting new goals for socaljustice, 273. We in New Zealand are conscious ofthe sense of disenchantment in the United Nations and in other international economic bodies with the use to which these existing mechanisms are put. We are ready to look with an open mind at proposals that may come forward for new mechanisms, or new methods ofwork- ing, to help us find a way around the obstacles which at present inhibit our efforts to achieve a new order in mtemational co-operation. The recent meeting of the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174 took an important initia- tive to this end [see A/34/34]. Such a proposal is an expression offaith in our collective capacity to control our economic destiny. We may from time to time lose faith in the machinery. We cannot afford to lose faith in the goals. 274. Another major topic on the agenda of this As- sembly is the problem ofdisarmament. There are some areas in the vast network of negotiations currently in progress where there is a clear and urgent need to bring the negotiations to a head and to reach new agreement. 275. Foremost among these is the need to conclude a comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty. The Pacific was for many years an arena for the atmospheric testing of nuclear weapons. Underground tests are still beingcon- dueted in the South Pacific, and elsewhere, despite repeated calls for a halt by the overwhelming majority ofthe United Nations membership. Last year the Gen- eral Assembly set a time-table for the conclusion of a treaty [resolution 33/71 H, lV]. To the regret of us all, that time-table has not been met. It was a reasonable time-table, given the very substantial agreement al- ready apparent on the main provisions ofsuch a treaty. The problems that still stand in the way of a treaty are described as technical. But as a contributor to the work of the ad hoc seismic group, 8 formed to study some of the requirements of a system to monitor compliance with the treaty, we must frankly say that the problems in this area do not seem to us to justify further delay. The conclusion ofa treaty is widely recognized as a key to preventing horizontal as well as vertical proliferation. 276. We shall also support endeavours to strengthen the non-proliferation regime. We continue to attach primacy to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and to universal adherence to it. Some States continue to stand aside. The balance of advantage under the Treaty appears to them to favour the nuclear-weapons States. They believe also that the nuclear-weapons States have not honoured the obliga- tion they incurred under the Treaty to advance the control and limitation of their nuclear arsenals, and to 8 Ad Hoc Group of Scientific Experts to Consider International Co-operative Measures to Detect and Identify Seismic Events. 277. How can the international community allay the fears that may leada country to keep this nuclear option open? It ~an encourase and support efforts to accom- modate differences within regions. At the global level more can be done. The nuclear-weapons States have been prepared to make unilateral declarations under- taking not to use or to threaten to use nuclear weapons against n~n-nuclear-weaponsStates. Each has, how- ev:e~, qu~ified the .state~ent.ina different way. Without mmlmlzlllg the difficulties 10 the way of reconciling these stil;tements, New Zealand would support further exploratiOn ofthe ~roundfor bringing these assurances together so as to gIve them a collective and ultimately binding force. 278.. ~e~ Zealand has welcomed, as a major step in the limItation of nuclear arsenals, the signature of the second SALT Treaty by the United States and the USSR. Like others, we hope it will soon be ratified. We look fOlWard, also, to further rounds of negotiations that will lead not only to reductions in nuclear arma- ment but to corresponding limitations in the conven- tional field. It is on the success of these efforts and on the growing confidence that should come fr~m such successes, that progress in other areas will rest. It yvould be a tragic irony if the acceptance ofrestrictions III one area led to pressures for enhanced capacity in others. Peoples everywhere legitmately expect that the process of reducing armaments will be made irreversi- ble and that resources currently spent on defence will be redirected to reduce suffering and to advance human welfare. 279. Finally, my Government wishes to pay a tribute to this Organization for its leadership in the field of human rights. In the International Covenants we have a mechanism for the genuine advancement of human rights. Last year in the general debate9 the Prime Minis- ter of New Zealand expressed our intention to ratify both Covenants. We have done this, and the New Zea- land Human Rights Commission has among its tasks that of overseeing their implementation. As a conse- quence, there have been distinct advances in positive action programmes to enhance the position of minorities, where this is necessary, and to introduce new procedures and practices that will help women take their place in the full range of national life. The International Year ofthe Child has been the occasionof spontaneous action throughout the community to take heed of the needs of children. 280. We have taken pride in our domestic record in the field ofhuman rights, but we are not complacent. As our multiracial society develops, new perceptions gleaned in part from the international oversight which we have accepted as a party to the Covenants, impel us to further efforts to improve our perfonnance. 281. New Zealand wishes this Assembly well in its indispensable endeavours. 283. I believe it unnecessary to underline the im- portant and positive role that the United Republic of Tanzania, as well as its African sister republics, plays at present in the international community. That important role con'stitutes one ofthe most characteristic eventsof the post-war era, and has contributed to stabilization and democratization in international relations. My Government is convinced that the growing and active participation of Africa in international life is an indis- pensable factor for an adequate solution of the grave political, social and economic conflicts that preoccupy the world and endanger peaceful and orderly coexist- ence among nations. 284. My Gdvemment wishes to hail and congratulate also Mr. Salim's predecessor, Mr. Indalecio Lievano Aguirre, who so efficiently discharged his duties as President of the Assembly during the thirty-third regu- lar session and with whose country, Colombia, the Argentine Republic is bound by so many close ties. 285. The General Assembly, loyal to its adherence to the principle ofuniversality, a few days ago admitted as a new Member of the Organization a young Latin American nation, Saint Lucia, whose recent indepen- dence and present inclusion in the comity of nations we celebrate greatly. We extend to the Government and people ofSaint Lucia our warmest congratulations, and to its delegation we wish to convey our sentiments of goodwill for the development of close and fruitful co- operation within the United Nations. 286. Peace, the preservation of which is the main objective that has brought together here the representa- tives of 152 countries, neither can nor should be con- sidered the mere absence of armed conflict. The strengthening ofpeace and the consolidation ofinterna- tional security presuppose much more. Peace means a, state ofaffairs III which conflicts, rivalries, distrust and attempts to impose political, economic or ideological supremac~es are abandoned in order to open the way to understanding, harmony and co-operation. It means widening and deepening the incipient process of de- tente, which began to emerge a few years ago. It means, in other words, the realization of the purposes and the principles sanctioned by the United Nations Charter. 287. Seen from this perspective, the review of the major world events since the preceding general debate does not allow us to draw very optimistic conclusions. Those conditiQJ.l§~e far from having materialized; in- stead new hotbeds oftenSionnave'appeared-in-various regions increasing the possibilities of confrontation which are always latent. 289. This last aspect of a rather discouraging over- view is also linked to the subject of human rights, the distorted treatment of which is adding to the list of disturbing factors. Indeed, the noble cause served by the protection of those rights is being inadmissibly ex- ploited as a political weapon in order to affect relations between States. The good faith and credibility ofStates are challenged, while accusations levelled at them by exiled groups dealing in terror are accepted at face value. Furthermore, official opinions, tinged with sub- jectivity, are frequently broadcast by those who lack a thorough understanding of things alien to them, about sovereign decisions adopted by other countries in their domestic affairs. This violates the most elementary norms of international coexistence. 290. Curiously enough, many other countries which have appointed themselves prosecutors of the be- haviour of others conveniently resort to amnesia when it comes to flagrant violations of human rights that they committed only a few years ago. If we were to start a trial here and assign responsibilities, recent events would supply us with more than enough examples to tum those who accuse us today into the accused. 291. We wish to be very clear in stating our points of view. We believe that the protection of human rights is one of the fundamental achievements of the entire civilized world and not the questionable patrimony of one country or group ofcountries in particular. Conse- quently, we declare our most firm support for any meas- ures which by common consent might be approved by the United Nations in order to strengthen those rights and make uninterrupted progress in this field. But with equal firmness, we reject any attempt to take advantage of the exalted feelings aroused by the invocation of those rights when this is done for minor political ends. 292. Having conceived of the protection of human rights as a common endeavour by the community of nations represented here, we must recall the approach taken by General Assembly resolution 32/130. Quite correctly, this resolution maintains that it is necessary to look for global solutions to those problems, taking into account both the over-all context of the various societies in which they present themselves, as well as the need for the promotion of the full dignity of the human person, which is closely linked to the political, economic and social development ofeach country. To isolate the individual from this reality, to deny the spe- cial circumstances of each community or to pretend to see human rights as an abstraction detachedfrom other rights and duties essential to nations would be tantamount to dooming to failure in advance the efforts which must be made to achieve progress in this field. 293. These concepts, to which Argentina adheres, were welcomed and endorsed a few days ago by the 294. Functioning indisputably as the underlying cause in the majority of problems and localized international crises, competition among the centres of Power to maintain, acquire and increase their spheres of influ- ence and hegemony plays a significant role. This situa- tion has direct repercussions on the arms race being perpetrated by the super-Powers, which has reached unheard-of proportions quantitatively as well as qualitatively. 295. Argentina welcomed the signing of the second SALT Treaty between the United States and the Soviet Union. We nevertheless believe it is necessary to em- phasize that its positive side lies mainly in the fact that its implementation could lead to the improvementofthe political climate between the two countries and their respective allies. From the point of view of the reduc- tion of nuclear arsenals, the results are unfortunately very poor and fall far short of the logical expectations generated by the lengthy negotiation for the agreement. This short-coming transcends the bounds of bilater!l1 relations since, as we maintained on 26 May 1978, at the special session of the General Assembly devoted to dlsannament: " .. .in any generalized nuclear conflict between the two super-Powers there would be no possibility for any nation to proclaim itself neutral, or for innocent peoples to remain passive spectators. They would all, without exception, willingly or not, find themselves involved in the holocaust and suffer its consequences." 10 296. At the same time, the increase in recent years of conventional forces deployed in certain critical areas in the world creates permanent security imbalances in a play of balances and counter-balanc~s which give rise to justified anxiety. I refer in particular to Central Europe, the Mi~dle East ~n~.the Indian O~ean. Here again the speCial responSibIlity of the Umted States and the Soviet Union becomes apparent. Detente should therefore also manifest itself in these and other areas of the world through restraint and self-limitation of military expenditures and simultaneously through the development of maximum efforts to solve political problems which may become more complex becauseof the increase in annaments. 297. While the great Powers continue to accumulate weapons ofevery description at a speed thatexceeds by far any reasonable level of legi.timate ~elf-defen~e, some of the industrializ~d count~es pers!stently ralse secondary issues in order to shift attention from the grave threat posed by vertical proliferation. The need to avoid the emergence of additional nuclear-weapon 10 Ibid., Tenth Special Session, Plenary Meetings, 5th meeting, para. 152. 298. The tenth special session of the General Assem- bly, devoted to disarmament, later reiterated those ideas and recommended that new efforts be undertaken to achieve an international consensus on non- discriminator)' and universal ways ofchecking tbe pro- liferation ofnuclear weapons [see resolution S-JO/2}. In the pursuit of these goals, both the nuclear Powers and those countries which need atomic technology to in- crease their sources ofenergy and accelerate their pro- gress bear ajoint responsibility, Therefore, as an essen- tial quid pro tlUO for non-proliferation, restlictive and l:ollective practices that give rise 10 legitimate mistrust and hinder the development of the leust developed countries should cease to exist. 299. We consider that a greater uemocratization of international relations would at least contribute to al- leviating some of the problems that We are discussing here. The unity of human destiny and, in the long run, the community of interests of all nations are facts the understanding of which no one can evade. To try to achieve peace and security on a global scale without undertaking the balanced development ofall peoples is to pursue a myth that our century cannot afford. To accept an errorof such magnitude would be tantamount to believing that injustice can endure and that at present the well-being of the few can l:itand. on solid foundations at the expense of others. 300. Hunger, destitution, disease and the exodus of refugees in different parts of the world undoubtedly have profouud. humamtarian undertones. but the impli- cations of those situations transcend those areas and. under certain circumstances, provoke political tensions with the attendant deteriomtion in inlemutional relations. 30 l. Such is the c,lse of the millions of Palestinians who have been displaced from their homes in the Mid- dle East and whose situation is of fundamental impor- tance in the search for any just and lasting solution of the area's serious problems. That is why today my Government once again states its conviction that, until the rights of the Palestinian people are recognized and irn,IJlemented. the idea of a comprehensive peace in the MIddle East will continue to be Utopian and all the peoples in the area would suffer the painful conse- quences of such a reality. 302. Another serious problem that has a direct bear- ing on the maintenance of international peace and se- curity is the situation obtaining in southern Africa, where the questions of Namibia and Southern Rhodesia, ~lS well as the persistence of aparfheid, com- bine to form a pattern of conl1icts of a seriousness too obvious to require reiteration. My country. whose posi- tion in this mutter is well known and, moreover, is in accord with that of the Organization, is confident that the parties involved will make all the necessary efforts so that those questions may be solved in a peaceful, 303. W~en refe~ng to the ordeal of the refugees, I cannot fall to mentIon that Argentina does not content itself, with expressing solidarity in mere declarations deVOId of any real content, but makes it tangible by means of practical action. The painful predicament sustained under such varied circumstances by hundreds of thousands of refugees from South-East Asia has moved Argentina to open its doors to numer- ou~ gr()~ps of families, the first of which have already arnved 10 our country. Surrounded by the hospitable affe·ction of our people in a climate of freedom and order, they will be able to forget all their past suffering and fully enjoy a better life. This is yet another tangible contribution we make to a well-understood protection of human rights. 304. For many decades, Latin America has kept itself apart. physically as well as mentally, from the serious conflicts that have played havoc in other parts of the g.lobe. The States of our region, after having fought for the achievement of their independence and the establishment of their national identity. very early on began a long process towards integration, a process that was favoured by the common historical and cultural legacy of their peoples and decisively led by illustrious statesmen from all parts ofthe continent who saw unity as the best possible defence in the preservation of a patrimony that was won at such a costly price. 305. Many and arduous efforts were made to establish the inter-American system, which has a place in history as being the first case in which sovereign countries laid the foundations of organized coexistence in order to regulate the harmonious development of their relations and to preserve their freedom and independence. We proudly claim for the Latin American republics the privilege of having been the first ever to proclaim and practise the fundamental principles that lead to interna- tional law and justice and that have been incorporated into the United Nations Charter. Suffice it to mention, inter alia, those of the juridical equality of States, re- spect for their sovereignty and territorial integrity, oon- in telference in their internal affairs and the pacific set- tlement of disputes. 306. But Latin America, in spite of its own organiza- tion and uniqueness, is part ofa world reality and, like other regions, is exposed today to fluctuations in inter- national policy, foreign interference, compromises ar- rived at outside it and the consequences of a generalized economic crisis that is already showing its menacing traits. 307. We are aware of the growing interdependence of nations and of the unity of the larger desLiny of man- kind. We are, however, certain that, in order to play an outstanding role in the common enterprise offorging a decent and acceptable future. Latin America can make its best contribution by acting in unison, closing ranks and offering its experiences and achievements while also demanding that its rights and aspirations not be curtailed. 308. Now, more than ever. we have to unite all our forces and conjure the ideals inherited from our forefathers and the profound feelings of brotherly 309. At times one loses sight of those permanent in- terests for merely circumstantial reasons or sacrifices them on the altar of certain political currents, which, after all, serve only interests that are completely alien to our region. But we trust that those values that are unique to the American peoples will inevitably lead to the reality of regional integration that will consolidate our structures and erect the best possible barrier to foreign ambitions of penetration. 310. As regards its relations with neighbouring countries, Argentina wishes to express from this forum its deepest gratitude to His Holiness Pope John Paul II for having accepted the request that, together with the Republic of Chile, it addressed to him pursuant to the Montevideo Agreement of8 January ofthis year, II that he act as mediator to guide both countries in the negoti- ations they maintain with regard to the southern region of the American continent. Our gratitude goes also to the Holy See for the activity displayed at a higher level with advice, suggestions, and ideas in order that a rapprochement· might be achieved between the two countries in the search for an equitable and honourable solution of that dispute. 311. The most recent meeting of the non-aligned countries at the highest level of political representation took place only weeks ago, and for the first time on our continent. 312. FUlly aware of the reponsibility implied by full membership in the non-aligned movement, we went to ~avana to explain Argentina's position on the main Items of the heavy agenda and, in particular, with a view to contributing frankly to the examination of the movement's structure and of the role it should play in world affairs. 313. We took the opportunity to reaffirm our convic- tion that the non-aligned movement should continue substantially to use its influence in world affairs, which requires that it remain faithful to the basic concepts which led to its creation. This implies, in essence, a reaffirmation of its total independence and flat rejection of the strategy of those Powers or blocs which try to impose their systems or ideologies on others. 314. The movement is made up of nations which have diverse political, economic and social regimes, but which are ofone mind in their decision to preserve their national identities and retain their freedom ofaction in ~he face ofany overt or covert attempt at domination or If!fluence by the most powerful. This unity of purpose in dlv~rsity and plurality is its raison d'etre and the source of Its power and authority to guide the never-ending search for the solution to the serious problems faced by mankind. 315. If for any reason the movement should abandon-even momentarily-its non-aligned stance and identify itself with the interests or objectives ofany Power, its very existence would lose all meaning. 317. The Republic of Argentina, like other Latin American countries, has suffered and resisted, throughout its history as an independent country, all sorts of attempts to encroach on its territorial integrity, to determine its domestic policies and to modify its behaviour in the field of international relations. We have faced embargoes, blockades, subversion, campaigns to discredit us, and the occupation of our national territory. 318. Even today, we continue to be the victim of the illegal occupation of an inseparable part of our territo- ry, the Malvinas Islands, which in 1833 were usurped by force, thus giving rise to the dispute on sovereignty which since that time we have continued with the Uni- ted Kingdom. 319. The United Nations has discussed this problem on many occasions. As is known, the question of the Malvinas Islands has appeared on the agenda of the General Assembly and of the Special Committee on decolonization for many years and both organs have adopted important decisions on the question.The most recent of these [resolution 31/49] calls on the pal1ies to the dispute-the Governments of Argentina and .the United Kingdom-to pursue negotiations without de- lay in order to put to an end the colonial situation prevailing in the Islands. 320. On the basis of that resolution, the two Govern- ments have already held four rounds of negotiations, the results ofwhich have been promptly communicated to this Organization. 321. My Government, which has repeatedly ex- pressed Its conviction that direct negotiation between the parties constitutes the best way to settle disputes, reiterates its finn determination to persevere in the search for a prompt and just solution to this problem. But Argentina's decision cannot be unilateral. It has to be matched by a similar spirit on the part of the British authorities, so that with a view to the future we might jointly eliminate the only obstacle still standing in the way of our traditional links of friendship and resume our common effort for broad co-operation in every field. This reference to the question of the Malvinas Islands would be incomplete if we did not express here our gratitude to the non-aligned movement, which has consistently and firmly supp0l1ed my country in its legitimate claims. The recent Conference in Havana adopted the follbwing declaration on the issue: "In the special and particular case of the Malvinas Islands, the Heads of State or Government firmly reiterated their support for the Argentine Republic's right to the restitution of that territory and sovereignty over it and requested that the negotia- tions in thts regard be speeded up." [See A/34/542, annex, sect. I, para. 168.] 322. With respect to the Third United Nations Con- ference on the Law of the Sea, 1should like to state that 323. Moreover, and as we have done repeatedly in the past, we wish to reaffirm our full rights in the maritime areas subject to our national sovereignty, and our firm determination to ensure respect for them in all their implications, including that concerning the innocent passage of warships. 324. In conclusion I should like to state that the dis- turbing situation I have tried to describe-and by no means exhaustively-adversely affects the search for solutions to the global problems which should spur the imagination and the joint efforts of all the Members of this Organization. 325. Many are the questions requiring urgent atten- tion which could be solved if we decided to use to the full measure ofits potential the invaluable instrument of co-operation that is the United Nations. 326. This General Assembly, in particular, should continue to seek to reflect the problems ofthe world and at the same time act as a catalyst for the changes that our times require. For this to happen, it is essential that the Member States agree on an order of priorities and concentrate on those items which, because of their importance and urgency, can be entrusted to no other forum. This role, assigned to the Organization by its Charter, of being a centre for the harmonization ofthe efforts of the international community, calls for a pro- cess of selection, for our resources and our time are limited. Questions which, because of their nature, could be entrusted to other organizations, should yield to those which, because oftheir impact on peace, secur- ity and development, require the political will ofall the nations represented here. 327. If we do not urgently undertake the procedural and substantive rationalization of the General Assem- 328. The principles and purposes of the United Na- tions Charter form a cohesive whole which has been developed and supplemented by numerous declara- tions and resolutions of the General Assembly the most representative political body in the internat10nal community. Of,! many occasions ~~nsensus.has proved to be ~n effective means for declslon-makmg, since it commits all Member States to make their positions compatible with a common objective. On other occa. sions the principles involved were not, by their very nature, sUflceptible of compromise. But in every case the taking of decisions should be preceded by a proces~ ofnegotiation, accomodation and flexibility. marked by the mutual respect which would be a guarantee not only of the effectiveness of the results, but of full knowledge and understanding of the viewpoints of those who do not share the same ideas. 329. This negotiating process demands time and goodwill. In order for time to be available and for the necessary goodwill to materialize, we feel that the Gen- eral Assembly ~hould concentrate its work on a limited number ofpriority questions and should entrust the rest to other agencies of the system. Only in this way shall we be able to transform the Organization into an effi- cient tool and silence those who argue that the really important problems are not brought to this forum be- cause it lacks the means of achieving adequate results with a guarantee of implementation. 330. These are some ideas which we wish to submit to the consideration of our fellow representatives in this Organization. As always, we are inspired by the desire to contribute to the effective unity of the nations here assembled, with a sense of active militancy for the high ideals that led us to San Francisco 34 years ago. The meeting rose at 7.35 p.m.