A/34/PV.13 General Assembly

We are grateful for this opportun- ity to be here. We greet the President of the General Assembly, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, and we wish to express our appreciation of the action which M:r. Kurt Waldheim has taken and continues to take on behalf of the people of Nicaragua. 3. For 34 years, the Somoza regime usurped the rep- resentation of Nicaragua at the United Nations. For 34 years, intervention spoke in this hall through the voice of Somoza and his followers. For 34 years, the rep- resentatives who walked along these corridors and spoke in these forums on behalf of Nicaragua were an offence to the conscience of peoples. 4. In 1945 itwas Somozaand his National Guard, both of them the results of intervention, who made themselves members of the United Nations. 5. On 19 July 1979 it was the people ofNicaragua who became a Member of the United Nations. 6. For 34 years the Somoza regime found support in NEW YORK this Assembly among those representatives who were also enemies of their people. 7.. The triumph of the Popular SandinistRevolution in ~Icaragua also brought about the defeat of unjust posi- tl~ns, attitudes of surrender, a policy of intervention, cnme, torture, theft, genocide, and the exploitation represented by the Somoza dictatorship and defended by his accomplices. 8. But the Sandinist victory also resulted in a modest but resounding triumph for peoples who Ilad fought for national liberation, true democracy and peace. Andjust as Somoza found accomplices in the United Nations, the people of Nicaragua found brothers in the United NatIOns. 9. In our victory, we wish to greet the representatives of revolutionary Governments, of progressive Govern- ments, ofdemocratic Governments who sided with the people of Nicaragua. 10. The war waged in Nicaragua was a war of libera- tion. In our country the people, united and led by the Sandinist Front for National Liberation, defeated in an unequal battIe the occupation troops which North American intervention had left behind after assassinat- ing Sandino. 11. In Nicaragua, we always saw in Somoza and his so-called National Guard the exemplification offoreign ag~ression. Only thus can one understand the great umty of the people and the barbaric nature of the Somoza regime. 12. The Somoza dictatorship has no equal in Latin America. A criminal capable of bombing schools, hospitals, entire cities, of assassinating women, children and old people, or setting fire to and looting the country, can only be a foreigner or, more accurately, a mercenary. Somozafaithfully followed in the footsteps of William Walker, that freebooter from the southern United States who, in 1857, after setting fire to the city ofGranada in our country, left a sign which read' 'Here was Granada". 13. We have said and say again that among other things, the Somoza dictatorship left our country in a state ofeconomic bankruptcy. At this time we shall not draw attention to figures on the losses caused by the bombing ofthe dictatorship's air force, nor to the inabil- ity of our country to meet its payments, nor on its foreign debt, and so forth. But we do believe that it is our obligation energetically to appeal for unconditional support for the reconstruction of Nicaragua. 14. Peoples who in Africa, Asia and Latin America have been subjected to slavery and servitude to the big, so-called "civilized" countries have been overcoming domination at the cost of immense sacrifices. A/34/PV.13 16. Somoza and his henchmen brought the economy ofour country into bondage; they eased the way for the looting of our natural resources; they incurred debts with international banks on behalf of Nicaragua. But are we to blame the Somoza regime aIon,e? Would it not be fitting to ask who bears the greater responsibility- whether it was Somoza who managed investments, loans, mortgages and so on, for personal gain, or those who provided those investments, loans and mortgages? 17. In 1972, an earthquake shook our country. The losses were enormous and international assistance came swiftly. But it was no secret to anyone that the dictator and his .clique ofcivilians and military officers shared everything among themselves, from food-stuffs to financial grants and loans. 18. That fact was more than enough to justify con- demning the dictatorship and refraining from giving it one cent more. But other interests prevailed, and con- siderations of economic and political bondage were more powerful than those of justice and morality. 19. In the last two years of the dictatorship, world repugnance became more and more manifest. In those last two years the dictatorship's criminal activities in- creased blatantly; in those last two years thefts by the dictator and his accomplices were revealed. 20. But, in that time, short-term loans and credits from the international banking system at high interest rates increased to such a degree that in the months to come the people of Nicaragua are due to pay back approximately $600 million. Nicaragua cannot pay that debt; nor will it incur new indebtedness to do so. 21. Somoza and his accomplices have opened bank accounts and made investments outside our country with the money they obtained from international banks, money they stole from the people. It is Somoza and his accomplices who must be sued by Nicaragua's interna- tional creditors, 22. It is our opinion that the external debt that the Somoza regime left in Nicaragua must be taken over internationally, and above all by the developed countries, the economically powerful countries, start- ing with those that routinely fed the Somoza regime with financing. So the people ofNicaragua proposes to this Assembly of the United Nations the adoption of that idea. 23. As we have said, our struggle is one of national liberation, and at present we are at the stage of national reconstruction. That fact makes ourcountry a targetfor imperialist policy. > 24. The most aggressive circles of the United States and ofCentral America dream of restoring the Somoza 25. Some North American representatives maintain that they have been informed by the Government ofEl Salvador and by industrialists and businessmen of E1 Salvador that we Sandinists have started various opera- tions in that country to bring about the downfall of its Government. A member of the United States Senate, Richard Stone of Florida, for example, affirms this and rushes to the defence ofthe Salvadorian "democracy", saying that he will ask the Government of the United States to be more vigilant with regard to Nicaragua. 26. We see all this as a provocation meant to justify economic, political and even military pressure on Nicaragua. 27. We in Nicaragua could not prevent the people of El Salvador from rejoicing over our victory. We Nicaraguans could not prevent ourselves from becom- ing an example that would be of concern to the most notorious cnminals in Latin America. But, at the same time, we have formulated a policy designed to normalize our relations with all Governments in the world, in a context of equality and mutual respect. 28. With a view to our total economic and political emancipation, we decided to join the non-aligned countries, and at their Sixth Conference in Havanal we defined our international position. 29. We agree with the idea of the unity of the weak, and just as we have shared the triumph ofour revolution with free peoples and those that are not yet free but are struggling to break the chains, so today we also con- sider the implementation of the treaties returning to Panama its sovereignty over the Canal Zone to be a victory for our peoples, but above all for the people of Panama, which had sworn to seize the Canal on I Oc- tober of this year at whatever cost. 30. At this time we recall the victory of the peoples of Latin America when, at the historic 17th Meeting of Consultation of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Oq~anization of American States, imperialist attempts to mtervene in Nicaragua were defeated. 31. Today, the news speaks of the people captured in Puerto Rico. Members of the religious community, lawyers and politicians are being arrested. The human rights of the citizens of Puerto Rico are being violated by the maintenance of United States military bases on the island of Vieques and the non-recognition ofPuerto Rico's inalienable right to independence. 32. Let us see how many of those senators who are now concerned about the fate ofthe Somozaguards and about the security of the Salvadorian Government are going to protest because of this inconceivable violation of the human rights of the Puerto Ricans. I Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, held at Havana from 3 to 9 September 1979. 34. In our struggle for peace, for independence and for genuine change, we support Bolivia in its stDlggle to obtain an outlet to the sea; we support the Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe, the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], the Frente POLISARIO, and the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO]. Nicara- gua emphasizes its historical solidarity with the long- sufferin~, heroic and fighting people ofPalestine. As we have Said, we support the Palestine Liberation Organi- zation, which is the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, as well as the organizations I have mentioned as the legitimate representatives of peoples who are fighting for their freedom and independence. 35. We also feel that we have a moral obligation to support the people of Belize in their striving for in- dependence and the people of Korea with their goal of reunification and the withdrawal of North American troops from the south of that country. 36. At the Sixth Conference ofnon-aligned countries, we stated our repugnance with regard to the genocidal Pol Pot clique, which, like Somoza, was the product of foreign intervention and, as such, was in its turn made use of as a spearhead for aggression against the heroic people of Viet Nam. 37. Who does not know that the criminal regime set up by Pol Pot and his clique was the product of the ex- pansionism of the Chinese leaders? Is it not that brutal and cowardly expansionism that has created crises in South-East Asia? Chinese troops have committed ag- gression against Viet Nam; Chinese troops continue to threaten Viet Nam. But the spirit of the people of Viet Nam has become stronger than the huge death-dealing Chinese divisions, and we look on with repulsion while adelegation of the so-called Democratic Kampuchea- in other words the representatives ofgenocide-usurps a place in this Assembly. Those who voted in favour of that representation have done nothing other than to support the expansionist policy of the Chinese leaders, which form a bloc in international forums with the most reactionary and murderous sectors of the world. 38. Nicaragua, a small, independent country that wishes to honour its position of non-alignment, as- sociates itself with the heroic people of Viet Nam. 39. We are waging and shall continue to wage a battle alongside and on behalfof the oppressed peoples ofthe world. Weare waging a battle and shall continue to do so without compromise ofany kind. We are striving and shall continue to strive for the advancement of our people, for the defence of our revolution, for a just peace that is that of sovereign peoples and for a genuine peace that is the peace of free peoples.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to express our gratitude to His Excellency Commander Daniel Ortega Saavedra, member of the Junta of the Govern- ment of National Reconstruction of the Republic of Nicaragua, for the important address he has delivered.

Sir, permit me, first of all, to express the ~enuine satisfaction of the Bulgarian delegation at see- mg the responsible post of President of the General Assembly this year being entrusted to you, the re{)- resentative of the friendly United Republic of Tan- zania, a worthy son of the African continent and a tireless fighter against colonialism, and one ofthe most experienced and respected diplomats in the United Nations. 42. It is particularly gratifying for us to note that the recently concluded visit of your President, Mr. Julius Nyerere, to Sofia and his talks with the Chairman ofthe Council of State, Mr. Todor Zhivkov, were an im- portant incentive for further extending relations be- tween our countries in the interests of peace, co- operation and social progress on earth. 43. I should also like to .pay a tribute to yourpredeces- sor, Mr. Lievano, for hiS devoted efforts at the last session. 44. The Bulgarian delegation would like to welcome the newest Member of our Organization, Saint Lucia, . and to wish its people success in their development. 45. We share the profound griefofthe Angolan people over the tragic loss they have suffered in the untimely passing of President Agostinho Neto. The Bulgarian people knew and regarded him highly as a committed revolutionary and convinced patriot, a brave fighter against imperialism and colonialism, and a tireless champion ofsocial progress. With his death, Africa has lost a great and worthy son. 46. At present, despite existing difficulties and nega- tive manifestations, detente continues to affirm itselfas a durable trend in international relations. Life itselfhaS proved that the policy of reducing tensions is the only way completely to remove and ultimately eliminate the danger of a devastating global thermonuclear conflict. , 47. An exceedingly important step in this resPect was the successful talks held between LJ. Brezhnev and President Carter in Vienna, which ended in the signing of the Treaty resulting from the conclusion of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALTP, as well as other important instruments, between the Soviet Union and the United States. The SALT Treaty is generally recognized as being the most significant act taken for curbing the nuclear arms race in the period following the Second World War. Once again it has been reaf· firmed that even the most complicated problems of international relations can find mUh.lally acceptable so- lutions when approached with a high sense of responsi- bility, wisdom, far-sightedness and political realism. We are deeply convinced that the new Treaty can and must become a starting-point for future steps directed towards a genuine reduction of nuclear weapons, and that it will play the role ofa catalyst in negotiations on other disarmamentissues. It will contribute to a consid- erable improvement in the general international cli- J Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms, signed at Vienna on 18 June 1979. 48. World developments unequivocally confirm that detente not only affects East-West relations but consti- tutes an invaluable achievement of universal signifi- cance for all mankind and for progress on our planet. The interests ofall nations require that insunnountable barriers be raised against attempts to undermine the process of detente and bring international relations back to the days of the "cold war". This need was re-emphasized at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-aligned Countries. The Final Declaration adopted there [see A/34/542] reaf· firmed the desire ofthe non-aligned countries to rally all forces to preserve peace and security in the world. The People's Republic of Bulgaria highly values the non- aligned movement as an important factor in interna- tional affairs and supports its struggle and efforts for the establishment of lasting peace in the world. 49. As a result of the policy of detente, lasting and favourable changes have occurred in the political atmosphere on the European continent. In conformity with the principles and agreements in the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, 4 political contacts are being further promoted, economic and cultural co-operation is developing, and the process of mutual acquaintance among European peoples is being broadened. The Madrid meeting ofthe States which participated in the European Conference is designed to produce further positive changes in the political climate in Europe and the world at large. That meeting must contribute to deepening the process of detente and to strengthening security on the continent. 50. The further affirmation and promotion ofthe posi- tive trends in Europe requires the implementation of effective practical measures in the field of military de- tente on the continent. That is precisely the aim of the proposals put forward by the States signatories of the Warsaw Treaty in order to break the deadlock in the Vienna talks on the reduction ofarmaments and armed forces in Central Europe. . 51. To these measures should be added the proposal for the conclusion, among the States attending the European Conference, of a treaty on not being the first to use nuclearand conventional weapons, as well as the proposal for holding a political-level conference with the participation of European countries, the United States and Canada for the purpose of discussing and adopting measures for the strengthening ofmutual con- fidence, the lessening of military confrontation in Europe and the subsequent reduction ofthe concentra- tions ofannaments and armed forces on the continent. 52. Although we note with satisfaction that these con- structive proposals have met with understanding and interest on the part of a number of countries, it is also obvious that tangible progress in military detente on the continent requires joint efforts by all countries con- cerned. We hope that agreement will be reached in the very near future to proceed in concrete terms towards the solving of these problems. 53. As for the Balkans, we have every reason to be 54. The world today is living through a complex and dynamic epoch. It is confronted by many problems which transcend the boundaries and interests of indi- vidual States and nations, and which rather concern mankind and are of a world-wide nature. It is these problems that, in ouropinion, have the first claim on the attention of the United Nations, not only because they most fully coincide with its international character, but also because they focus upon and comprehend, by their very nature, the necessity for forward movement, and because their proper solution would create the condi- tions and prerequisites for successfully resolving a number of other mternational issues. 55. Among global problems a key place is naturally occupied by the reduction, the prevention and, in the final analysis, the complete elimination ofthe danger of a new world war through the attainment of genuine disarmament, which is a fundamental prerequisite to this. The achievement of this end is important both in itself and also because it paves the way for solving major problems such as overcoming economic under- development in the world, doing away with hunger, developing new sources ofenergy, eradicating the most dangerous diseases, preserving the environment, con- quering the world's oceans and outer space, using the achievements of scientific and technological progress for the benefitofall mankind, awakening the potentially ~reative forces of the human individual, and pursuing the all-round development ofman and human society to its highest point of perfection. 56. This is the direction in which the efforts of the socialist and all peace-loving countries tend. 57. In their declaration of 23 November 1978,5 the member States of the Warsaw Treaty Organization proposed practical ways for the termination ofthe arms race. The aim ofthese proposals is to transfer the ques- tion of halting the further qualitative and quantitative increase ofarmaments and armed forces from the realm of good wishes and resolutions to the sphere of actual pracqcal solutions. In their communique adopted last May m Budapest, the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Sta~es J?arties to t~e Warsaw Treaty reaffirmed the determmatIon of their Governments to carry on the stru~le for the attainment of genuine progress in this field. 6 Ibid.• Thirty-!ourTh Year, Supplement for April, May and June 1979. document 8/13344. . me~ts: This approach and clear-cut stand .of th.e SOCialiSt countnes on this matter are set forth m their proposal submitted to the Committee on Disarmament last February [see A/34/27, para. 42 (a)]. The primary task now is to begin talks on ending the manufacture of nuclear weapons in all their diversity and on the gradual reduction of nuclear stockpiles, until such weapons are completely removed from the arsenals of States. 59. In the light of the exceptionally complicated na- ture ofthe problem of disarmament, negotiations in this field can in Our view be facilitated if at the same time, there are continued efforts to strengthen the political guarantees and guarantees under international law for the security of States. That is why we attach such great importance to the conclusion of a world treaty on the non-use of force, which would strengthen confidence among States and provide a strong impetus to the pro- cess of genuine disarmament. 60. In emphasizing these issues, the Bulgarian delega- tion is far from underestimating in any way the other items on the agenda of the current session. We attach particular importance to accelerating work on the draft- mg of a convention on strengthening guarantees of the security of non-nuclear States, as well as the adoption of measures such as the cessation of all nuclear weapons tests; the .erohibition ofthe development, pro- duction and stockpIling of chemical weapons as well as the destruction of existing stockpiles; the prohibition of the development and manufacture of new types of weapons of mass destruction and new systems of such weapons; the reduction of military budgets, and so forth. 61. The COITlmittee on Disarmament should take up without delay the drafting ofa treaty banning radiologi- cal weapons, elements relevant to which are to be found in the draft submitted by the Soviet Union and the United States [ibid; para. 56 (a)]. 62. At the same time, we should like to draw the attention of the General Assembly to the importance of universalizing international treaties and agreements concluded in the field of disarmament. We believe that it is imperative for our Organization to make its own timely contribution to the practical solution of this im- portant question. 63. A World Disarmament Conference will play an exceptionally important role in the series of measures directed towards the mobilization of the efforts of States for real disarmament. 64. We welcome the initiative of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic in proposing that the General As- sembly should include in its agenda an item entitled "Adoption of a declaration on international co- operation for the purposes of disarmament" [A/34! 141]; this ~ould undOUbtedly contribute to further pro- gress in thiS field. 65. The People's Republic of Bulgaria also attaches ~reat importance to the conversion ofthe Indian Ocean mto a zone of peace. That would be an important step 66. In assessing the present situation in the field of detente, one cannot but take into account also the nega- tive stand and impact of those forces which are oppos- ing the J?ositive developments which have occurred in international relations. For instance, at a moment when there exist genuine conditions for curbing the arms race, new steps are being taken in precisely the oppo- site direction: to intensify the arms race and to increase military budgets. 67. A further negative factor is the policy of hegemonism, which leads to the undermining of the process of detente, the creation of sources of tension and the provocation ofmilitary conflicts. This policy is incqmpatible with the development of the positive trends in. international life and with the task of, stren~thening mutual confidenceamong nations and the prinCiples ofequal rights and the sovereign equality of States. 68. The interests of peace, detente and international co-operation require resolute resistance to the expo- nents and instigators of this policy of hegemonism, which is so dangerous for mankind. 69. That is wbY we welcome andfully supportthe new Soviet proposal for the inclusion in the agenda of an item entitled "inadmissibility of the policy of hegemonism in international relations" [A/34/243]. It is time for hegemonismto be condemned and for effective barriers to be raised against it. We believe that the renunciation of this policy should not only be elevated as a fundamental principle ofinternational relations but should also be embodied in an international agreement. 70. There is no doubt that efforts to ensure a lasting peace in the world are inseparable from the struggle to remove the sources oftension and conflict which exist in various regions of our planet. 71. The security and stability ofSouth-East Asia have been subjected to new trials. The freedom-loving Viet- namese people have been obliged again to defend their inalienable and legitimate rights to a peaceful and inde- pendent existence. 72. Socialist Viet Nam, however, which has become a symbol of valour and self-denial in its struggle for in- dependence, has already given a worthy answer to the aggressors. It has also replied to the slanderous campaign which has been whipped up against Viet Nam in connexion with the problem of refugees from Indo- China. That is indeed a serious problem but it must not be used in order to increase tension in that part of the world or to conceal those who are really guilty for the suffering of tens of thousands of people in the region. 73. There IS not a shadow of doubt in the opinion of the People's Republic ofBulgaria that the seat of Kam- puchea in the United Nations must be occupied by the legitimate representatives of the People's Republic of Kampuchea and not by those representing the Pol Pot- Ieng Sary clique, which was overthrown by the Kampuchean people and which imposed a policy of genocide upon its own people for a numberofyears. We also emphatically object to attempts to have the United Nations intenere in one way or another in the internal 75. Recent events in the Middle East region have furnished new evidence that the separatist deal be- tween Israel and Egypt does not lead to peace but to an aggravation ofthe conflict. Attempts to settle the fate of the Palestinian people without their participation have yielded no result whatever. A true lastingandjustpeace 10 that region is possible only ifIsrael withdraws from and liberates all the Arab territories which it has oc- cupied since 1967; if the Palestinian people, headed by their sole and legitimate representative, the PLO, are ensured their right to establish their own State; and ifall nations in that area are guaranteed an independent and peaceful existence. That is the only kind ofpeace which has any future. 76. The Cyprus question still remains open. This problem must be resolved in a peaceful way, as en- visaged in the decisions ofthe Security Council and the General Assembly, while preserving the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus in the interests of the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots, and while respecting the non-aligned policy ofthe Republic ofCyprus in the interestofinternational peace and security. 77. In recent years, the peoples of a number of countries have scored historical victories in the struggle for national and social liberation from imperialism, co- lonialism, neo-colonialism and reactionary and Fascist regimes. 78. We welcome the peoples' revolutions in M- ghanistan, Nicaragua and other countries, and we wish the nations of those countries success along the road to the construction of a new life. 79. The struggle against colonial domination has en- tered its final and decisive phase. One ofthe most acute problems now is to complete the genuine liberation of southern Africa from colonialism, racism and apartheid. At the same time, however, there is an in- tensification of imperialist and neo-colonialist ma- . noeuvres designed to impose puppet regimes on the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia in order to shield attempts to preserve the economic interests of capitalist monopolies and corporations on a neo- colonialist basis. The People's Republic of Bulgaria condemns those manoeuvres and firmly supports the struggle of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, un- der the leadership of the Patriotic Front and SWAPO, for genuine freedom and independence. 80. The majority of newly liberated and developing countries continues to suffer from the exploitation of those who formerly exploited them, and particularly from the multinational corporations, which try in every way to preserve the existing machinery of unjust trade and economic relations. We fully support the valid de- mands ofthe developing countries for the restructuring ofinternational economic relations on ajust and demo- cratic basis. In the struggle for such a restructuring, the 81. The contribution which the current session will make to solving some of the basic problems facing mankind will be, at the same time, a contribution to achieving those goals which the United Nations has set in eroclaiming 1979 as the International Year of the Child. For without detente, without disarmament, without lasting peace and co-operation, and without economic development and social progress, it will be impossible to ensure the kind of present and future which we all desire for children. 82. Children in socialist Bulgaria are the subjects of priority care and attention. They receive the best of everything; they are provided with everything needed for harmonious development and education in a spiritof peace and friendship among nations. 83. Guided by these lofty objectives, Bulgaria ini· tiated and played host to the International Children's Assembly "Banner ofPeace" that was held last August and was one of the outstanding events held during the International Year of the Child. As the first forum ofits kind devoted to children's creativity, and directly linked as it was with mankind's natural quest for con- tinuous creative development and for improving the human individual, the Assembly became a symbol of friendship and solidarity among children of all conti- nents. Under the motto "Unity, Creativity and Beauty," the efforts and aspirations of our planet's youngest citizens were united in order to make them the worthiest of creators and better builders of the future. We are deeply convinced that such events open new perspectives and give increased dimension to the noble Ideal of solving the over-all range of problems, both present and future, not only of the coming generation, but of the whole of mankind. 84. For four decades, mankind has been spared the nightmare ofa world war. There can be no doubt ofthe contribution the United Nations has made in this respect. 85. Peace and international co-operation are cherished ideals of the Bulgarian people. For the ~5 years following the victory ofthe socialist revolution 10 Bulgaria, my Government has been pursuing a consis- tent policy of peace, good-neighbourly relations and co-operation. As Todor Zhivkov, First Secretary ofthe Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party and Chairman of the Council of State of the People's Republic of Bulgaria, said recently: 86. That is why the People's Republic of Bulgariawill continue, as it has done heretofore, to make its con- tribution toward enhancing the role of our world Or- ganization in the common endeavours of nations in order to strengthen peace, promote international co- operation and affirm the progressive processes on our planet. 87. With this thirty-fourth session of the General As- sembly, the United Nations is stepping out of the pre- sent decade and is moving on to the next. The manner in which the United Nations upholds and reaffirms its place in international life as a factor that integrates the efforts of States and nations towards the strengthening of international peace will determine the extent to which it will be able effectively to discharge its noble mission. We are confident that it will in fact be able to accomplish this mission in a worthy manner.

I should like to begin by paying homage to the memory of the late President of the People's Democratic Republic of Al- geria, Houari Boumediene, and the late President ofthe People's Republic of Angola, Agostinho Neto, with whose demise the world has lost two great leaders and champions of non-alignment, independence and the equality of peoples. These two men made an outstand- ing contribution to the realization of the ideals of the United Nations and of non-alignment. 89. It gives me great pleasure to congratulate you cordially, Mr. President, on your election as President ofthis session ofthe Assembly. All ofus who know you appreciate your wisdom, your sound judgement and your dedication to the principles of the Charter. Be- cause of this, we are convinced that your contribution to the success of our common endeavours will be a significant one. Our satisfaction is all the greater in that you reJ?resent the non-aligned United Republic of Tanzama, with which my country maintains very friendly relations and shares the same objectives and values. 90. I wish also to avail myself of this opportunity to pay a tribute to the President of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly, Mr. Indalecio Lievano, the representative of friendly Colombia, for his dedicated discharge of his responsible duty. 91. Allow me also to pay due credit to t~e disti~­ g.uished Secretary-General, Mr..Kurt Waldheun,.for .hIS tireless work in promoting the alffiS ofour Or~anlzatIon and. ~n strengthening its role in world affaI~s. M~y positive achievements over the past years Will remain linked to his name. It is a special honour for all of us to have had the privilege of collaborating with him. 92. This Assembly is faced with very important is- sues. Once again, we have an opportunity to demon- strate our readiness to work for the advancement of 93. May I emphasize, as have many previous speak- ers, that I see particular importance in this General Assembly. The current session offers us the opportun- ity to deal not only with the affairs ofa single year, but to review in retrospect our achievements and our fail- ures over the past decade. 94. At the moment of transition of this decade to the next, our world presents a motley picture indeed. 95. We can say, however, that our Organization has dealt honourably with the many challenges it has faced. In this period, our Organization has become almost universal. This is demonstrated not only by the continu- ally increasing number ofMembers, but also by the fact that it more faithfully reflects the world in which we live today. 96. We can frankly say that this is primarily the merit of the non-aligned movement, which considers that it is in its own vital interest to ensure greater respect for the United Nations, to strengthen its role and to enable itto work more effectively. Owing to this, many significant results were achieved over the past decade. Many ques- tions of crucial importance to the life of the world community have been broached. All ofthis shows that the world is changing. 97. The aspirations of nations to freedom and inde- pendence, to equality and active participation in inter- national affairs, have increased enormously. This growth, moreover, has not been limited to aspirations. It has given rise to the increased readiness of peoples and countries to fight in order to take their fate and the world's destiny into their own hands. 98. No people will submit to domination. The libera- tion struggle against all forms ofdependence and subju- ~ation is gaining momentum throughout the world. This IS attested to by the successes achieved by the peoples of Palestine, southern Mrica, Nicaragua, Iran, Panama and others in their struggles for independence, national identity and sovereignty. 99. This general process ofabolishing privileged rela- tionships and of emancipating peoples is most clearly expressed in, and most powerfully supported by, the strengthening of the policy and the movement of non- alignment. 100. The hopes and expectations of mankind have not however, been entirely fulfilled. We still find our~elves in the midst of a difficult battle with the pro- ponents of acquired privileges, various fOims of in- terference and domination. 101. The world is still tom by many c(;m~r~dictions and burdened with many dangers. Bloc dIVISion tends to become a general and permanent state of world rela- tions. The arms race has taken on the character of uncontrolled madness. A deep chasm separates those who enjoy the blessings oft,he greatest achievements of industrial and technological development, whose wealth multiplies from year to year, and those to whom poverty, disease, hunger and ignorance are a way of life. 103. Acute world crises fraught with constant danger to world peace are not being solved. The consequences are evident. The fragile peace and stability in the world depend on a balance of power and fear; detente is still sta~ating; the North-South dialogue on the new inter- natIonal economic order has not yet emerged from the phase of confrontation; conflicts between the East and the West are being spread to non-aligned areas of the world. 104. The inheritance of a difficult past dangerously burdens our present. The gap between ideals and reality is often disappointingly great. We have now reached the dividing line between two decades. Rarely in history has a single decade brought so many un- certainties and at the same time offered so many pos- sibilities for true progress. 105. The course that we follow from this cross-roads depends on us alone, on our readiness to change what we have inherited from the past and to bear responsibil- ity for what will be tomorrow. That is what mankind expects ofus. If we did not do this, history would not be able to pardon our failure. 106. None but the United Nations is called upon to offer hope and support to those who rightly expect them of us. 107. I believe that one ofthe most urgent questions on which we should reach full agreement is the elimination of the remnants of colonialism, particularly in Africa. From the moral and human standpoint, we can say the worst about that abhorrent anachronism of our time. However, this is not only a moral or human question; it is, essentially, a political one. What must we do to bring this shame to an end? 108. The answer is clear. We must decisivelY espouse the cause of the peoples of southern Africa and help them by all possible means to achieve, at the earliest possible moment, their sovereign right to freedom, in- dependence and social progress. 109. The non-aligned movement has devoted great attention to the liquidation of colonialism on African soil. Important deCIsions were taken at the recent meet- in~s in Maputo, Colombo and Havana. Under your able gUidance, Mr. President, the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation ofthe Dec- laration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples reached conclusions along the same lines at its recent meeting in Belgrade. 7 110. At all those meetings there was a unanimous feeling that, if it wishes to preserve its self-respect, the world community can no longer afford to delay tearing out from the annals ofhuman history the shameful page of colonialism, racism and apartheid, 7 ibid.• document S/13283. 112. We should commit ourselves to supporting the legitimate right ofthose peoples-including full support to SWAPO and the Patriotic Front-in their efforts to achieve their freedom through armed struggle. We must express our solidarity with and support for the front· line States in their resistance to the constant aggression pe!'Petrated by the racist regimes of Pretoria and SalIsbury. We are in duty bound to take all necessary measures, including the use of peace-keeping forces or the imposition of sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter. We have to emphasize the responsibility of those who for selfish reasons continue to co-operate with the racist regimes and thereby prolong their ex- istence and encourage their obstinacy. 113. In my view, it is not necessary to enumerate here the concrete measures to be taken in this connexion since they are known to us all. It seems to me more important to point out the essence of the problem, the substance of our option and the thrust of our action. 114, Another global crisis is the one in the Middle East. There we are faced with tolerance of brutal ag- gression and the impermissible denial of the legitimate sovereign right of a people to self-determination and independence. 115. I wish to point out that it is the consistent posi- tion of my country that no aggression and occupation can be condoned or rewarded. That is why we are consistently demanding that the international commu- nity and our Organization take energetic measures for the elimination of Israeli aggression and its grave consequences. 116. We must be aware of our responsibility not only towards the peoples that are the immediate victims but also towards mankind, whose interests are threatened by the continuation of this aggression. 117. Let me reiterate our well-known positions. First, Israel must withdraw from all the Arab territories oc, cupied in the 1967 war. Secondly, the legitimate na·' tional rights of the Palestinian people to self- determination, to return to their homeland, to indepen· dence and to their own State must be recognized, This includes recognition and acceptance of the PLO as the only legitimate representative ofthe Palestinian people. Thirdly, only a lasting, just and comprehensive settle- ment can ensure peace and security for all the countries ofthat area, including Israel, as well as the inviolability of their borders. 118. Expelience has taught us that separate roads and agreements do not lead to this goal. On the contrary, Israel makes use ofthem to deny totally the rights ofthe Palestinian people. to commit new acts of aggression against the neighbouring Arab States and to usurp Arab land. 119. It is high time to reverse the course ofevents. We 120. If we were to add those new elements to the existing resolutions and decisions ofthe world Organi- zation, I am convinced that that would be a way out of the blind alley in which we still find ourselves. 121. I should also like to address myself to another problem that has the elements ofaglobal crisis. That is the crisis in South-East Asia, where, regrettably, mili- tary interventions have taken place, transforming the entire area into a new focal-point ofinstability. This has brought about unforeseeable dangers to peace and se- curity notonly in the area but also in the world at large. 122. It seems to me that, at this moment, the most important thing is to reaffirm the principles that can lead to the solution of this crisis and, at the same time, guarantee to all countries ofthe region an equal right to peace, security and internal development of their own. 123. This is possible only ifintervention and the use of force are brought to an end; if foreign occupation is ended and foreign troops withdrawn; if the indepen- dence and sovereignty ofthe peoples are respected; and if the peoples involved are accorded the exclusive right to choose their own system of government and way of life without outside interference. 124. It would be very dangerous ifwe were to endorse the thesis ofgood or bad, justified or unjustified, foreign military intervention. In that case we would bring in question not onlyjustice but the very basis on which the stability of international relations rests. 125. We are profoundly convinced that the full and inviolable sovereignty of nations is the supreme law of international relations. No one has the right to call it in question in any way or on any ground whatsoever. 126. I am convinced that only within the framework of such a 'peaceful, just and comprehensive settlement of the CriSIS in South-East Asia would it be also possible to do away with foreign interference and the imposition of alien interests upon the peoples of the area. 127. Within this context, we could also solve other difficult problems confronting the peoples of that re- gion, such as the question ofrefugees, hunger and other forms of suffering and deprivation. 128. The principles that I have set out in respect ofthe aforementioned global crises also inspire Yugoslavia's attitude towards so-called regional and local crises. 129. The right to self-determination, to independence and sovereignty without foreign interference must be consistently applied in the case of Cyprus, Korea, Western Sahara and wherever the same problems and the same values are involved. 131. We also support the constructive and positive efforts of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea aimed at achieving the peaceful unification of the Ko- rean people and strengthening the independent and non-aligned position of that country. 132: The question of Westem Sahara is one ofdecol- onization which must be solved on the basis of self- determination in accordance with the principles and resolutions of the United Nations and the decisions of the Organization of Mrican Unity and of the non- aligned movement. 133. Peace and stability in the world do not depend only on the solution of the most acute crises. But the settlement ofthose crises would be facilitated by a more profound and comprehensive process of relaxation of tensions. • 134. Speaking of detente, we are primarily concerned with matters affecting peace and general security in the world. This is vital not only because peace forestalls devastations caused by war, but because it provides an environment for the successful struggle of peoples for independence, equality and progress. 135. Ifdetente did not serve this end, it would become either a vehicle for preserving the existing privileges and injustices of the old international order, or else it would enable the strongest Powers, and their respec- tive bloc groupings, to settle their relations to the detri- ment of the rest of the world. 136. We view the relaxation oftensions as a universal process demanding from all of us special efforts. It makes it incumbent upon the United Nations to engage in continual action aimed at consolidating peaceful coexistence as a basis for friendly relations among countries; it requires efforts in the field of disarmament and the establishment of the new international economic order. 137. Within this context, I should like to make some observations regarding Europe, a continent which used to be the stage ofworld confrontations and the source of world wars in the past. 138. On the one hand, it is in Europe that bloc align- ments confront each other most directly, with their sophisticated military hardware. On the other, the pro- cess of relaxation of tensions in Europe has achieved tangible results. in the wake ofthe Helsinki Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. The non- aligned and neutral countries of Europe also have greatly contributed to this positive trend. 139. It would be difficult, however, to conceive of stable and positive trends in Europe unless they en- 141. Disarmament and the new economic relations are among the pressing issues confronting the con- temporary world. However, it is significant that condi- !ions have already become ripe for a quest for a mean- mgful solution of these problems. This is one of the major achievements of the persistent struggle that the non-aligned movement has waged toward this end. 142. The tenth special session of the General Assem- bly, which was devoted to disarmament, was an im- portant event of our time. Notwithstanding certain im- portant initial achievements concerned primarily with the involvement ofthe United Nations in disarmament, the other results have not been too encouraging. 143. I believe that we should continue with a resolute political action to accelerate the process leading toward genuine disarmament. This applies to all means of mass destruction; both to nuclear strategic and tactical weapons and to biochemical, radiological and conven- tional weapons, whose destructive power has been in- creased tremendously since the Second World War. In this respect, I should like to mention the second round of SALT as a good sign. 144. In the coming phase we should, in my opinion, pay greater attention to the substantive work of the Disarmament Commission and to the removal of the obstacles which, as a consequence of big-Power rivalry, obstruct the work of the Committee on Disarmament. 145. Our priorities should also encompass full guarantees to countries which do not produce nuclear weapons, the prohibition of the use of these weapons and the initiation of genuine nuclear disarmament. Otherwise, there is a danger that the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons will be trans- fonned into the monopoly ofthose who possess nuclear weapo~ry or be misused as a monopoly for developing and usmg nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. This would lead to a new form of technological colonialism. 146. The issue of the liquidation of foreign military bases and military presence from other countries re- mains unresolved, as does that of confidence-building measures. Closely related to these are the issues of zones of peace, and co-operation, which we consider to be of exceptional importance. We therefore strongly support the establishment ofsuch zones in the Mediter- ranean, in the Indian Ocean and elsewhere. The slow progress.to~ards the genuine security and well-being of all mankmd LS also demonstrated by the absurdity ofthe aggravation of the economic crisis seen in relation to the enormous increase of expenditure on armaments. 148. It is essential that the industrially and technologi- cally most developed countries, which possess the greatest economic and financial potential, should desist fr<:>m. seeking partial s<?lutions ~o their.specific problems WIthIn closed economic groupmgs. It LS also essential to realize that the true problem does not consist in finding culprits responsible for the inherited state ofaffairs, but that the new system of international economic relations should be accepted as a common need and a shared commitment of all. 149. Regrettably, even today we find ourselves at the point which we had reached five years ago when we adopted the I?eclaration and the Progr~me of Action on the Establishment of a New InternatIOnal Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (S- VI) and3202 (S-VI)]. Wecan break this stalemate only through a persistent search for common solutions, which must encompass all the vital elements of the New International Economic Order-ranging from trade, commodities, manufacture and energy ~o fi!lance, prices, trans~er ~f.technology and the elImInatIOn of all forms of dLscnmmation. 150. This calls for greater activity by the Committee of t~e Whole Established under General Assembly Res- olution 32/174; for a new round ofglobal negotiations which were initiated by the Sixth Conference of Head~ of State or Government ofNon-Aligned Countries; and for the elaboration of the strategy for the forthcoming development decade. 151. Human rights is one of the topics which has engaged the attention of this Assembly. We all know that this question has quite often been the subject of political confrontation. We have noted that the political aspect of human rights is fortunately ever more fre- quently linked with its economic and social aspects which we consider to be a correct approach. ' 152. We should like, however, to go even further and to soun~ a warning that it is very difficult to promote human nghts unless those rights are treated within the contex~ of the rig~t of nations to independence, sovereLgnty, free national development and the right to lead their own life without outside intelference' unless those rights are treated within the context of racial equali~y; unless they are linked to the rights of national mmonties, ethnic, religious and other groups; and un- less they enable the individual to determine the condi- tions of his life and to be a free person without being exposed to any system of discrimination. 153. My country attaches exceptional importance to the role of the United Nations in solving the major pr<?blems w~i~h .beset our world, in removing focal- pOll~tS of CrlSLS, In .strengthening peace, security and eq,!l~ablC? co-op~ratlon am~:mg peoples, and in democ- ratIZIng InternatIonal relatIOns. stren~thening the potential for defending peace and the secunty of the peoples. 155. We do not wish to see the United Nations being used as a place for propaganda confrontation. We be- lieve it is essential that this Assembly should be in- spired by our common aspirations and readiness to create a climate of tolerance and confidence; that we should not conceal differences, but exert maximum goodwill so as to contIibute to the full affirmation ofthe principles enshrined in the Charter when dealing with any specific issue that we have to consider. 156. The non-aligned movement has made its greatest contribution precisely to such a role for the United Nations. I am confident that the decisions adopted at the recently concluded Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries will also contribute to the success of the present session of the General Assembly. We consider that the results of the summit meeting are positive. First and foremost, the Conference reaffirmed the authentic principles and objectives of the policy and movement of non- alignment as an independent, non-bloc factor which plays a significant and irreplaceable role in international relations. The non-aligned countries have thereby strengthened the basis on which they can continue to build their solidarity and unity. 157. We rightly entertain great hopes and hold the firm belief that genuine progress is possible. Let us persevere in our quest for peace and security in the world. Let us exert maximum efforts so that the world of tomorrow may be a world ofjustice, independence, . equality and progress for all.

May I first convey to you, Mr. President, our warmest congratulations on your brilliant election to the high office of President of the thirty-fourth ses- sion of the General Assembly of the United Nations. 159. May I also pay a deserved tribute to Mr. In- dalecio Lievano, the President of the thirty-third ses- sion of the General Assembly. We wish particularly to express our sincere thanks to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General, and to his colleagues for the devo- tion and wisdom shown in their fruitful activities in the service of the interests ofthe international community. 160. The Vietnamese delegation extends its best wishes and welcome to Saint Lucia on the occasion of its admission to the United Nations. 161. It is with profound sadness and boundless grief that we learned of the premature death of the beloved leader of the Angolan people, a worthy son ofAftica, a great friend of our people, the President of the People's Republic of Angola, Agostinho Neto, whose image is forever engraved in the heart of every Angolan and of every Vietnamese. 163. In Latin America, the glorious victory of the Sandinist fighters and the heroic people of Nicaragua over the Somoza dictatorship has opened up a new page in the history of that nation. The heroic people ofGre- nada have overthrown the dictatorial Eric Gairy regime and continue their resolute struggle to safeguard their national independence and build their beautiful country. 164. The Latin American countries, including those ofthe Caribbean re~ion,are waginga tenacious struggle to consolidate theIr political and economic indepen- dence, to recover and preserve their natural resources and to promote their multifaceted co-operation. Joining the fraternal Cuban people, we demand an immediate and unconditional end to the encirclement and blockade ofCuba, compensation for the damages it has caused and the restoration of the Guantanamo naval base to that countly. We support the rights ofPanama to its absolute sovereignty over the Canal Zone. 165. We reaffirm our active solidarity with the Chi- lean people, who are waging a valiant struggle against the FaSCist clique in power. Likewise we energetically support the stJUggle of the peoples of Puerto Rico and Behze and other peoples still living under colonial domination for their right to self-determination and independence. 166. We are elated by the excellent results of the visit by our Prime Minister, Pham Van Dong, to Cuba, Mex- ico, Nicaragua, Panama and Jamaica. This visit to sev- eral countries in Latin America has opened up new prospects for relations of friendship and fruitful co- operation between Viet Nam and the countries of that region. 167. In southern Africa, neither the ferocity of the racist and apartheid regimes nor their collusion with imperialism to impose so-called" internal settlements' , can check the persistent struggle of the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa, under the lead- ership of the Patriotic Front, SWAPO and the African National Congress of South Africa, respectively, for their independence, freedom and dignity. 168. The agreement on cessation of hostilities bet- ween the Frente POLISARIO and the Islamic Republic ofMauritania [A/34/427 - S/13503, annex 1] constitutes an important victory for the Saharan people in their stmggle for the exercise oftheir right to self-determina- tion and independence. 169. The separate arrangements in the Middle East only further strengthen the solidarity of the Arab peoples and international support for the struggle ofthe Palestinian people, whose sole authentic representative is the PLO, for the respect of their inalienable national 170. In Asia, imperialism and international reaction- aries have sustained the heaviest defeats at the very places where their collusion is closest and their efforts most intense. The revolutionary impetus of the Iranian people has put an end to the tyrannical regime of the Shah, thereby causing the collapse of the Central Treaty Organization. The people of Afghanistan have foiled all attempts at foreign intervention and subver- sion, thereby consolidating the gains of the April 1978 Revolution. 171. In the region of the Indian Ocean the struggle of the peoples ofthe littoral countries has been stepped up with a view to turning that ocean into a zone of peace and demanding the withdrawal of imperialist military bases, in particular those on Diego Garcia, while in east Asia the presence of foreign troops in South Korea is sternly condemned by the international community. In South-East Asia, the peoples of Kampuchea, Laos and Viet Nam, overcoming countless difficulties, have scored resounding victories in the field of reconstruc- tion as well as in that of national defence. The events of the past year have shown once again that the friendship and solidarity among the three countries of Indo-China constitute a vital question for them and at the same time a factor for peace and security in that region. 172. The Sixth Conference ofHeads of State or Gov- ernment of Non-aligned Countries, which has just end- ed successfully in Havana, represents one of the most eloquent expressions of the determination of the peoples of non-aligned countries to strengthen their solidarity and develop their co-operation with other democratic and progressive forces in the common struggle against imperialism, colonialism and neo- colonialism, hegemonism and expansionism, racism, including zionism and apartheid, and for the people's independence and freedom, for world peace and inter- national security and for the establishment of a new international economic order. 173. Together with peace-loving forces the world over, we warmly hail the signing of the SALT Treaty, which we consider an important contribution to inter- national detente that would create favourable condi- tions for future negotiations on general and complete disarmament. We sternly condemn those who are step- ping up the arms race and accelerating war prepara- tions, thereby endangering world peace and interna- tional security. We support the consistent policy of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries in favour of peace, detente, the strengthening of the security of the peoples and international co-operation. In this connex- lon, we welcome the initiative of Czechoslovakia in requesting the inclusion on the agenda of the present session of an item entitled, "Adoption of a declaration on international co-operation for disarmament" [A/34/ 14l]. 174. The peoples' struggle for their complete economic independence, for the recovery of their natural resources and for the establishment of a new, 175. My delegation is glad to note that in this year of 1979 we have witnessed many great successes achieved in all regions of the world by the forces of peace, na- tional independence, democracy and social progress. This is the essential direction for the development ofthe world situation at present. Nevertheless, imperialists, in collusion with international reactionaries, seek by every means to obstruct the advance of mankind, to try to regain their lost positions and to prepare new in- terventions and aggressions against the peoples that refuse to submit to their dictates. 176. After more than three decades of undaunted struggle full of sacrifices to regain their independence and-treedom, the Vietnamese people in the spring of 1975 won complete victory and achieved the reunifica- tion of their country. They thought that from then on they could devote themselves fully to the work of re- construction in peace. 177. However, our independence was once again threatened and peace jeopardized, and this time the aggressors were precisely those who had in the past vociferously condemned United States aggression in Viet Nam and repeatedly pledged their fidelity to the cause of Viet Nam, namely, the Peking [Beijing] authorities. 178. One may wonder then why Peking hurled 600,000 troops against Viet Nam when a deep friend- ship existed between those two neighbouring peoples; why, overni~ht, Peking treated a friendly neighbouring country as Its worst enemy. It is indeed difficult to understand this, unless one knows that for a long time Peking has been hatching a global plan to bring Viet Nam under its heel and turn it into a tool of its hegemonistic and expansionist policy in South-East Asia and in the world. Those in power in Peking have always considered South-East Asia as their zone of natural expansion. In comparison with a big, over- populated China with a "superior culture", these are but small countries, under-developed but rich in re- sources. They looked especially to those countries where there are strong Chinese communities and Mao- ist subversive groups that provide two choice means of expansion for Peking. Because of its strategic position, Viet Nam constitutes for China the natural door through which to penetrate South-East Asia. There- fore, China scrupulously prepared plans to bend Viet Nam to its will. 179. That plan comprised all kinds of manoeuvres, from giving assistance to Vietnamese resistance, to the use ofthat assistance as a means ofcontrol and pressure to make Viet Nam give up its policy of independence and toe the Peking line; from using the gains won by the 180. The total liberation of South Viet Nam in 1975 completely upset Peking's plans. Since then, the reactionary Chinese authorities have intensified their preparations for aggression against Viet Nam. They have thought they could exploit to the full the multiple difficulties that Viet Nam faces after 30 years of war. The prospect ofan independent, unifiedand prosperous Viet Nam enjoying friendly relations with all countries seemed unacceptable to them. In their eyes, Viet Nam, which fiercely defends its independence and sovereign policy, constItutes a "bad example" for the South-East Asian countries and thus becomes a major obstacle to their expansionist and hegemonistic designs. There- fore, Peking had to eliminate this obstacle at any cost. 181. Being more sophisticated and more cruel than their predecessors, the Chinese expansionists have chosen a new strategy-that of launching a two- pronged attack against Viet Nam on its south-western and its northern border, while seeking to foment disor- der inside the country with the so-called Hoa problem, concerning persons of Chinese origin living in Viet N am. They thus decided to utilize Kampuchea, which they totally controlled with the help oftheir henchmen, Pol Pot and Ieng Sary, as a base for their attacks against the south-western part of Viet Nam, thus striking at it from the rear and on its flank, choosing a place they thought was the weakest point in Viet Nam, namely, the newly liberated region in the southern pal1 of our country. 182. It is therefore not surprising that as early as 1965, taking advantage of the fact that Kampuchea was the weakest link of the three countries in this region and acting through its henchmen and using subversive methods, Peking was able to tum that country into a base for expansion in the region. After the liberation of Kampuchea that brought Pol Pot and Ieng Sary to power in that country, Peking brought in tens of thousands of Chinese military advisers and a huge amount ofweapons and ammunition in order hastily to set up there an army 23 divisions strong. 183. On the border of Northern Viet Nam, Peking massed hundreds of thousands of troops which carried out daily provocations and incidents, creating perma- nent tenSIOn, and stood ready to invade North Viet Nam. 184. As the preparations were completed, the time for these two almost simultaneous attacks was set for the end of 1978 and the beginning of 1979. However, the aggressors, blinded by their ambitions of conquest, committed a grave strategic mistake in underestimating the Vietnamese forces and thus concentrating the bulk of their combat forces-19 out of their total of 23 divisions-in the border zone to launch an attack in the direction of Ho Chi Minh City. Faced with the rapid 185. The short time that elapsed between 23 De- cember 1978, when the Pol Pot forces attacked Tay Ninh in the direction of Ho Chi Minh City, and 17 February 1979, when 600,000 Chinese troops were marched into North Viet Nam, clearly showed that Peking's two-pronged plan of aggression was carefully prepared long in advance. So it is clear that late in 1978 the Vietnamese people were faced with an extremely serious, life-or-death situation-their territory was threatened with invasion, their national rights trampled underfoot and the freshly-won peace suddenly lost. Endowed with a time-honoured tradition of a. nation for which nothing is more precious than independence and freedom, the Vietnamese people once again took up arms to defend their independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. 186. Exercising their right to self-defence, our people responded vigorously, smashing the Pol Pot forces that invaded Tay Ninh late in 1978, thus avoiding being caught in Peking's two-pronged attack and creating favourable conditions to repel victoriously the open aggression of 17 February 1979 launched by the Chinese expansionists. 187. Had our people not acted thus and held firm, what would have become of the situation in the region? A conflagration would have broken out, possibly drawing into the flames many other countries and destroying peace and stability in the whole South-East Asian region. 188. These developments have unveiled the aggres- sor's fallacious allegations about Viet Nam "daring" to provoke China by which it tried tojustify its purpose of "giving Viet Nama lesson". Those allegations are by no means different from those made by Hitler, who arrogated to himself the "right" to punish other nations. 189. Was it because the Peking rulers take pride in having a human force ofa billion inhabitants and having nuclear weapons at their disposal that they dare claim the arbitrary right to teach a lesson toarlother country? 190. Whatever the real moti~ation 'of the hegemon- istic Peking authorities may be, their behaviour is noth- ing but a revival of the concept of former Chinese emperors, who considered the people of countries around their "Celestial Empire" as barbarians or, at best, as vassals who had to be placed under feudal domination. 191. One may wonder how in our era, in which the princi.ple of relations between sovereign States is well establIshed, and in which the principle of the equal sovereignty of States and the equal rights of people are enshrined in the United Nations Charter as basic tenets, a country-in this case China-can have acted in so arrogant, if not insolent, a manner, arrogating to itself the "right" to punish another country and to 192. We the Vietnamese people, victims of Chinese aggression, are entitled to ask the international com- munity if it can tolerate such a thing. We appeal to it to condemn strenuously the Peking expansionists and not to let them arrogate to themselves the arbitrary' 'right" to "teach a lesson" to other countries, in defiance ofthe entire international community. 193. We also demand that the Peking authorities halt immediately all their preparations for further aggres- sion against Viet Nam, evacuate the points they still illegally occupy on our border, return to us the Hoang Sa-or Paracel-Islands and compensate us for the material losses they caused in their recent war of ag- gression in our six border provinces. 194. During that aggression, Chinese troops brutally massacred civilians, destroyed all their means ofliveli- hood, systematically razing to the ground commercial establishments, hospitals and schools. Those mon- strous crimes not only caused immense suffering to the ,population ofthe six border provinces ofViet Nam but, what is worse, have cruelly imJ?aired the economic reconstruction of Viet Nam, which still has to over- come the dire consequences of 30 years of war. The criminals must be punished for their crimes. 195. After being defeated in its aggression against Viet Nam, China agreed to enter into negotiations with Viet Nam beginning on 18 April 1979. Yet, after more than five months and in the course of 12 negotiating sessions in Hanoi as well as in Peking, the Chinese side has consistently refused to respond positively to the lo~ical and reasonable proposals put forward by the Vietnamese side on such urgent measures as the sep- aration of armed forces and the creation of a de- militarized zone, so as to prevent a resumption of hostilities, preserve peace and thereby create condi- tions conducive to the solution of other issues and the normalization of relations between our two countries. 196. On the contrary, Peking has, during this time, been feverishly engaged in war preparations and has created a most grave and explosive situation apt at any moment to turn into a major war in the Indo-China/ South-East Asia region. Peking is continuing to mass 12 divisions of its troops on the Viet Nam/China border; moreover, it has been stationing more than five army corps in the military regions adjacent to Viet Nam. Recently, it has been concentrating additional troops in the region of Hai Nan Island. Those Chinese armed forces have been engaged in daily provocations and in attacks on Vietnamese territory, causing us losses in human lives and property. In addition, Vietnamese air space and territorial waters are being repeatedly vio- lated. At the same time, Peking has intensified its hostile acts against the Lao People's Democratic Re- public, massing many divisions of Chinese troops on the borders ofthat country, and engaging in subversive activities and war preparations against Laos. In Kam- puchea, Peking persists in its attempts to revive the last vestiges of the Pol Pot army, driving them to sabotage the peaceful reconstruction ofthat country. To top it all off, the men in power in Peking have been constantly threatening "to teach Viet Nam another lesson". 198. Along with all those war preparations, in order to cover up their dark designs, the Peking authorities have mounted a campaign of slander against Viet Nam with the vociferous support of certain Western circles. 199. This propaganda daily harks back to the allega- tion that Viet Nam "invaded" Kampuchea, that Viet Nam is "responsible" for the refugee problem, that Viet Nam has become "an instrument of the Soviet Union". 200. Through this slanderous campaign to sully the ima~e of Viet Nam and to isolate it internationally, PeklOg is 'aiming precisely at preparing world opinion, before launching new act of armed aggression against our country. 201. In the interest ofpeace and in the name ofjustice, we urgently calion the international community and on world public opinion to be vigilant, because behind all these Peking intrigues lurks a grave danger to peace and stability in South-East Asia and the world. 202. In the f!lce of this confusion created by Peking, we deem it necessary to shed light on the whole truth. 203. Since the days when the Pol Pot regime commit- ted genocide against its own people, it has become a renegade, and the United Front for the National Salva- tion of Kampuchea, which rose up to overthrow it and to save the Kampuchean people, represents revolution- ary legality. Hence it is fully in keeping with intema- tionallaw and the United Nations Charterfor VietNam to lend its support to this just struggle. 204. In December 1978, while Pol Pot was massing 19 of his 23 divisions on the border ready to invade Viet Nam, leaving the rear unprotected, the United Front for the National Salvation of Kampuchea, taking ad- vantage of that military blunder, as well as of the favourable strategic moment created by the rapid col- lapse of the Pol Pot fighting force in the face of the Vietnamese riposte, launched a general insurrection culminating in the overthrow ofthe Pol Pot regime, and thus put an end to the almostfour years ofnightmare for the Kampuchean people. That is the triumph of the revolution ofthe Kampuchean people in exercise ofits right to self-determination. The world has witnessed the resurrection of a people that has, by upholding justice, escaped total annihilation. This resurrection contributes to wiping out one ofthe greatest shames of mankind, unprecedented in history, the abominable Pol Pot regime, and paves the way for the Kampuchean people "to go in search oflight, to go in search oflife", as said by the great Angolan poet Agostinho Neto. Let the valiant people of Kampuchea be allowed to rebuild its life in peace and to settle its own affairs as sovereign master of its 'own destiny. 205. The situation in Kampuchea is stabilizing and settlin~ down to normal. It is irreversible. As was indi- cated m the statement made on 26 September 1979 by the Ministry ofForeign Affairs ofthe People's Republic ". . . the perfidious manoeuvre of the im- p.erialists and of international reaction which ex- ploiting the humanitarian aspect poses the so-c~ed pro~lem~f 'aid ~o both sides' or 'provision ofreliefto the inhabitants. In fact, this manoeuvre is aimed at legalizing the provision ofsupplies to the remnants of the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary troops in their opposition to the Kampuch~an people, ~t deceiving public opinion as to. t~e e~Istence of th!s overthrown genocidal ad- mmlstratIon, and at laymg foundations for a so-called 'P?litical solution to the Kampuchean problem'. In thiS way they are interfering in the internal affairs of the Kampuchean people. "8 206. N0 r~ason whatever is to be found for talking about solutIOns. What shoud be denounced is the Chine~e. intervention in ~ampuchea, the Chinese re- sponSIbIlIty for the genOCide committed by the Pol Pot- Ieng Sary clique against 3 million inhabitants of Kam- puchea. Any !llanoeuvre aimed at reviving the Pol Pot- ~~ng Sary clique, ~y man~euvre aim~d at creating two Kampucheas , constitutes an mtolerable in- terfere~ce it?- the internal affairs of Kampuchea and a gross VIOla!lOn. of the .Kampuchean people's right to self-d~te~atlOn and It only prolongs the sufferingsof a nation. which has already suffered too much. No, then~ eXists only one Kampuchea: the People's Re- public of Kampuchea. There exists only one Govern- ment ~f Kampuchea: the People's Revolutionary CounCIl of .Kampuchea, the sole legal and authentic representative of the Kampuchean people. 207. For their part, the Vietnamese people, together with all justice-loving people throughout the world, greet the martyred fraternal people of a resuscitated Kampuchea. We pledge to extend all necessary assist- ance and support for the reconstruction of their country. 208. At the request of the People's Revolutionary Council ofKampuchea and on the basis ofthe Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Co-operation signed between the two countries,9 Vietnamese troops are in Kam- puc~ea both to help the Kampuchean people oppose Peking's attempts to reimpose the Pol Pot regime and to ensure peace and security. This stems from the spirit of traditional solidarity between the three peoples ofViet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea-a solidarity which dates not merely from yesterday, but which has been !empered in each country by a century of struggle for mdependence and which is one of the detennining factOI:s in their successive victories over much stronger enemIes. 209. On the refugee problem, we have said and now repeat that this is the consequence of the long years of wars of aggression which our people have undergone. The responsibility lies with those who invaded Viet Nam. At this moment Peking is seeking to exploit this R ibid., Supplement jor July. August ulld September 1979, docu- ment S113562. 210. Viet N am is an independent and sovereign country. Its relations with the Soviet Union and other sociali~t countries are relations of friendship and co- operatIOn based on mutual respect for independence and sovereignty. The Soviet Union and the socialist c~untries effectively helped us during our national re- ~Istance and they co-operate fraternally with Viet Nam III the reconstruction of the country; therefore it is normal that we have excellent relations. The Treaty of Friendship and Co-operation between Viet Nam and the Soviet Union 11 contributes to the cause of peace and international co-operation and is not intended to oppose any third country. What is abnormal and unac- c~ptable is th.at Peking has arrogated to itself the right to dIctate to Viet Nam the conduct of its international relations, to impose on Viet Nam the choice ofsuch and such a country with which Viet Nam should maintain relations. Peking must remember that the Vietnamese people have amply shown their spirit of independence not only in our era but for millennia. 211. The recent painful ordeals of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea, like other peoples' own experiences throughout the world, show quite clearly that a new dan~er is threatening the international community: Pekmg hegemonism, in collusion with imperialism, is challenging the peoples ofthe world. We must increase our vigilance and we must act in time to halt their dark designs. Mankind's fight has not ended against these scourges: imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, racism, apartheid, zionism and now the hegemonism of Peking which has been added to this list of ills. But we are convinced that the joint forces of peace, indepen- dence and freedom allover the world will be capable of taking up the challenge and winning. 212. We welcome the initiative ofthe Soviet Union in requesting the inclusion on the agenda of this session of the item entitled "inadmissibility of" the policy of hegemonism in international relatioQs". We unre- servedly support the draft resolution submitted by Comrade Andrei Gromyko, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, for adoption by the United Nations [A/34/243,annex]. 213. We warmly welcome the resounding victories scored by the Lao people in their work of reconstruc- tion as well as in their defence oftheir national indepen- dence, foiling all manoeuvres ofthe Peking authorities 10 Meeting on Refugees and Displaced Persons in South-East Asia. held in Geneva from 20 to 21 July 1979. 214. Viet Nam and China are neighbouring countries with historical, cultural and other ties which date back thousands ofyears. The two peoples-Vietnamese and Chinese-have lived the same past, and supported each other in their struggle against feudalism, colonialism and imperialism. In the course of this struggle an inde- structable friendship and solidarity was forged. The Vietnamese people will never forget the fraternal senti- ments and valuable assistance of the great Chinese people during the Vietnamese struggle for national sal- vation. That is why we cherish even more our friend- ship and solidarity with the Chinese people and why we are all the more determined to oppose the hegemonist and expansionist policy ofthe present Peking rulers, for it constitutes an offence to the sentiments of our two peoples and aims at destroying what we were trying so hard to build together. 215. To the leaders in Peking we make a pressing appeal: if they stop their hostile policy against Viet Nam, peace will be restored, relations will be normalized, and the two countries will live in harmony for the good of our respective peoples and in the in- terests of stability and prosperity in the whole region. We should like to proclaim our firm and unshakable will to defend our independence, national heritage and ter- ritorial integrity. Nevertheless, we wish to settle all disputes between our two countries by means of peace- ful negotiations. We have proved our good will. Let the Chinese leaders do the same. Only in that way will negotiations progress and achieve the results so deeply hoped for by our two peoples and by all peace-loving peoples in the world. 216. The South-East Asian countries, including Viet Nam, have gone through the same painful past under colonialism. They have been victims ofthe same policy of "divide and mle" of the oppressors. Yet, in spite of the vicissitudes ofcontemporary history, our countries are called upon to live in good neighbourliness. As for the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, it is determined to forget the past, to look forward to the future and to do its best to write jointly with other countries a new page in the history ofthe region. It is in this spirit that during recent years my country has taken the initiative to increase direct contacts at various levels with the countries of the Association of South-East Asian Na- tions with a view to establishing together a zone of peace, independence, freedom and neutrality, a zone of stability and prosperity, in conformity with the legiti- mate interests of each country and with those of world peace and international security. 217. In our relations with the countries of South-East Asia, we advocate the following principles which we scrupulously observe: mutual respect for indepen- dence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, non- aggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, the non-use or threat of use of force, refrain 219. Have not we countries of South-East Asia come to an understanding that it is desirable to consult with one another on problems of mutual interest? As far as Viet Nam is concerned, we have always favoured con- tacts and we want to maintain dialogue in order to achieve further mutual comprehension, avoid misun- derstandings, narrow differences and increase similarities. Undoubtedly, that is the most appropriate way to establish a zone of peace, freedom and neutral- ity in South-East Asia. In this spirit Viet Nam is pre- pared to sign treaties ofpeace and non-aggression with the other countries of South-East Asia. 220. We firmly believe that, by signing such treaties, the peoples of South-East Asia will show the interna- tional community that they are willing to contribute actively to the cause of peace and stability in the region and in the world at large. 221. Viet Nam has never harmed the interests ofany country. In tum, it will not tolerate any violation ofits independence and sovereignty. The more the Viet- namese people cherish their independence and free- dom, the more they respect the independence and free- dom of other peoples. 222. While fighting for its own salvation against Pe- king hegemonism, Viet Nam is contributing to the de- fence ofthe independence ofpeoples and the peace and stability of the region. The foreign policy of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam is a policy of indepen- dence, sovereignty, peace, friendship, solidarity and international co-operation. 223. The Socialist Republic of Viet Nam advocates the development of normal relations and a diversified co-operation with all countries, regardless of political systems, on the basis of the principles of peaceful coexistence. 224. The Vietnamese people fully realize that the struggle which they waged in the past, like the one they are now carrying out for their national interests, is an integral part of the common struggle of the peoples of the world for peace, national independence, democracy and social progress, a policy which corresponds perfectly with the objectives of the non-aligned move- ment and with those of the United Nations as well. 225. On this occasion I should like, on behalf of the people and Government of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, to express our sincere gratitude to our friends and brothers all over the world for the sympathy