A/34/PV.15 General Assembly

Sir, it gives me great pleasure to congratulate you on your unanimous elec- tion to the high office of President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. Your election not only represents a well-deserved tribute to you person- ally, but also does honour to the United Republic of Tanzania and its enlightened leader, President Julius Nyerere, and, even more, to the Mrican continent, which has found in you a worthy representative. Your long experience in international affairs and the prestige that your country and you enjoy in the world commu- nity will assist you in successfully conducting the delib- erations and work of this very important session. I cannot but refer to the close ties between Tanzania and Cyprus and the friendship between our great leader, the late President Makarios-as well as myself-and Presi- dent Nyerere. 3. I should like to pay a tribute also to your predeces- sor, Mr. Lievano ofColombia, for the excellent manner in which he successfully conducted the work of the thirty-third session of our Assembly. 4. It is also my pleasant duty to express my high regard and appreciation for the contribution of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whose con- tinued determination to make the United Nations an effective instrument for international co-operation and for the establishment of lasting peace and security has earned him the support and gratitude of alI Members. 5. I also wish to extend a warm welcome to Saint Lucia, a fellow Commonwealth country, which we had the pleasure of welcoming earlier this year the Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries at Lusaka. 1I. Whatever the developments, one cardinal truth remains unchanged; that recourse to the system oflega! 297 . A/34/PV.15 NEW YORK 6. The agenda that is before the General Assembly at this session includes many issues of major concern to the international community. 7. The present session opens against the grim back- ground of increasing political and economic tensions and deepening crises which could aggravate the frustra- tions and fears of mankind for its future. The most important and fundamental objectives-namely, the maintenance of international peace and security through this Organization, and the establishment of a new international economic order-remain far from be- ing achieved. 8. In this context, I deem it necessary to state that Cyprus reiterates its position that in reviewing global problems or international conflicts we should act within the framework ofthe United Nations and its Charter. It is in this light that we consider the report of the Secretary-General a most significant document. Its re- view ofworld developments and its assessment ofsitu- ations should be given full consideration and attention as a basic premise for discussions in the general debate. In the face of a sharply deteriorating world situation, the Secretary-General has rightly pointed out that: "Most of the symptoms and problems ...are ones which the United Nations, if effectively utilized as the working structure of the world community of the future, could be of unique assistance in solv- ing....This is not a matter ofabstract idealism but of practical self-interest. It is also a matter ofurgency. " [See A/34/J, sect. I.] 9. The third-world countries in pmticular have amply reaffirmed and supported this premise during the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, held early last month in Havana. To my mind, that Conference symbolizes the genuine ef- forts of the third-world countries to restructure the world's political and economic order through the United Nations. With the great Powers still in a posture of nuclear antagonism, the increasing manifestations of insecurity and anarchy at the international level threaten the very foundations of human society. In this regard, the genuine efforts ofthe non-aligned countries to arrest these ominous trends assume a more im- portant dimension. As is pointed out in the Secretary- General's report, the non-aligned movement is "agood example of this positive trend" [ibid.]. 10. No doubt it will take many more concerted efforts before we see the realization of a new international society. But we have come a long way from the time when the voice of the third world was unheard, un- noticed and unheeded. 12. In reference to the non-implementation ofthe Se- curity Council resolutions, this year's report pointedly notes: "What has not so far been adequately developed is a general and consistent support of the aims and activities of the United Nations as a whole, as a working model for a genuine world community. This is particularly obvious in the response, or lackofit, to many of the decisions of the Security Council." [Ibid., sect. X.] 13. It is thus clear that mere condemnation ofthe state of affairs whereby the adoption, often unanimously, of resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council without their implementation will in fact have the effect of discrediting the Organization and of en- couraging the party in default to continue its attitude of contemptuous disregard ofsuch resolutions. Therefore my proposal of last year for the holding of a special sessIOn of the General Assembly to deal with this so vital issue alone l is more pertinent than ever before. If the holding of a special session on the question of the implementation ofthe United Nations resolutions is not feasible for the time being, then at the very least serious consideration should be given to placing this issue on next year's agenda as a priority item. Cyprus is ready to co-operate with any other Member States which would agree with the proposal for the inclusion of this item in the agenda ofthe next session ofthe General Assembly. It is an item which is very much of concern to us in Cyprus, but it is evident that it is of much concern to others as well, and to the United Nations as a whole. 14. It is a fundamental truth that this is a challenge that we have to face in our determination to make the United Nations a more effective instrument for interna- tional peace and co-operation. If this could be trans- lated into practical actIOn-and it is for the States Mem- bers of the United Nations to do so individually and collectively-it would provide the solution to nearly all the problems facing the world today, whether they be problems of international peace and security, problems of economic relations between States, problems of hu- man ri~hts or problems of international law. It is only throUgh the faithful application in practice of the letter and the spirit ofthe Charter that the world can be made safer, morejustand more peaceful than it is today. In its absence, the United Nations is left without the means for establishing the system ofinternational security and order envisaged in the Charter and so indispensable for J!eace. aI!d survi,,:al in ~ organized world society. TherelO hes the pnme reqUirement for the creationofan atmosphere of trust and the key to the solution ofmany crucial problems and more particularly that of disarmament. 15. The question of disarmament has become a uni- versal p,roblem of the ~avest concern to the world. The escalatmg ~rms rac.e hes at the very core of the prob- lem. Notwlthstandmg long and assiduous efforts for 16. What has made the spiralling arms race intractable so far is that the world continues to operate under a momentum from the past on the outmoded concept of balance of power which, in a polarized world, has be- come the balance of weapons. The very effort towards such balance inevitably generates the arms race. A recent significant event has been the conclusion of the Treaty resulting from the second round of Strategic Arms Limitation Talks2 between the two super- Powers, and it is hoped that this event will lead the way to a subsequent stage whereby the regulated anus race will give way to genuine disarmament. It would, on the other hand, be misleading to simplify matters and be over-optimistic in the light of the realities with which the world continues to be faced. Partial agreements on disarmament are positive. They should not remain without a follow-up because unless and until general and complete disarmament is achieved the arms race in one form or another is bound to continue, threatening international peace and security and even the very survival of life on our planet. The goal has been and continues to be general and complete disarmament un- der effective international control. 17. I now turn to the important issue ofpeace-keeping by the United Nations and wish to express ourgratitude for the excellent contribution made over the years to the cause of peace in Cyprus by UNFICYP under the most difficult conditions. More particularly, I wish to take this opportunity to express our deep appreciation to the countries that are contributing to the peace- keeping operation in Cyprus either by contingents or materially. I also wish to say how impressed I am with the exemplary manner in which the officers and men of the various contingents are discharging their delicate duties. Finally, I wish to express our deep gratitude to the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, and his col· laborators, both in New York and in Nicosia for their constructive role in relation to the functioning of UNFICYP and for their efforts towards finding a just and viable solution to the Cyprus problem. 18. I should be remiss however, if I were not to point out that peace-keeping operations, no matter how suc- cessful they are in containing a potentially explosive situation, cannot advance a just solution of problems, unless they are coupled with a tenacious peace-making effort on the basis and in pursuance of the relevant United Nations resolutions. The lack of parallel de- termined action to implement those resolutions would make peace on the basis ofjustice impossible. It would only have as a result a mere perpetuation of an unjust status quo. 19. For quite a number of years now, the issue of the establishment of the new international economic order has been included in our agenda. A very considerable amount of the time ofour deliberations at various levels is devoted to this very important issue, and justifiably 2 Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitation of Stmtegic Offensive Arms, signed at Vienna on 18 June 1979. 20. The recognition by the United Nations of the necessity ofrestructuring economic relations on a more just and equitable basis is an encouraging sign. The acceptance by all interested parties of the United Na- tions as the most appropriate forum for the discussion and advancement of this crucial issue is also a promis- ing development. Yet, despite our efforts and willing- ness to negotiate with the developed countries, there is much to be desired concerning the establishment of the new international economic order. No real progress has been achieved thus far. This is evidenced by the negligi- ble results of the fifth session of UNCTAD, held in Manila this year. Instead, we have encountered setbacks and the signs of deterioration are increasing year by year. This problem needs attention and con- certed action by all the countries of the world, rich or poor, because if the situation is left to deteriorate further, the consequences ofsuch neglect will be unpre- dictable. The result could easily be international disas- ter. The dialogue which began with the developed countries must continue and we appeal to those countries to reconsider and readjust their negotiating positions, so that concrete results may be achieved in the shortest possible time. 21. During the recently concluded eighth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law ofthe Sea, a positive step was taken through the decision of the Conference to approve a progranune of workJ for the conclusion of a convention on the law of the sea in the course of next year. Cyprus has always advocated the speedy conclusion of a comprehensive and univer- sally acceptable convention which should include just and adequate provisions regarding the delimitation of the maritime zones between States with opposite or adjacent coasts, coupled with an effective system for the peaceful settlement of disputes. Once that conven- tion is concluded and put into effect it will mark a major achievement in global co-operation. 22. In dealing with the question ofthe advancement of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, I wish to emphasize our total commitment to this noble objective. Cyprus was among the first countries to be- come a party to the International Covenants on Human Rights [resolution 2200 A (XXI)] and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination [resolution 2106 A (XX)]. Cyprus is also a signatory to the European Convention for the Protec- tionofHuman Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. 4 We have all along held the view that the obligation to observe human rights is universal and that no deviation is permitted from this course, no matter what reasons are advanced tojustify such deviation. A mere glance at J See document A/CONF. 62/88. vanou~ c?mpetent organs, such as the United Nations C~~ls~ton on Human Rights, the Committee on the Ehmmatlon ofRacial Discrimination and others remain unimplemented and the agonizing plea for the cessation of such violations goes unheeded. 23. This is true in particular of the situation in my c,ountry, where Turkey, for the fifth year running, con- tmues to trample upon every norm of international law ~d flagrantly to violate practically every basic human nght ofthe Cypriot people. I take it that the world is by now aware ofthe verdict ofthe European Commission on Human Rights, made public on 31 August 1979, which found Turkey guilty of countless crimes perpetrated by its troops of invasion and occupation agamst the people of Cyprus. The official text of the report will soon be circulated to all Members of the United Nations. 5 In contrast to the violations of all human rights in Cyprus by Turkey, and in an earnest desire not only to convince the world of our dedication to human rights and fundamental freedoms but also to prove our goodwill, I wish to repeat what I said in my statement before this Assembly last year. We agree to the setting up ofa United Nations body to supervise the application ofthe highest standards ofhuman rights and fundamental freedoms to all citizens of Cyprus and to report as appropriate to the Security Council or any other competent body. This proposal could easily form part of a solution to the Cyprus problem. 24. With regard to Western Sahara, we maintain that this problem ofdecolonization requires a political solu- tion in accordance with which, in view of the effort made towards re-establishing peace in the region, the Saharan people should be granted the right of self- determination and independence. Cyprus considers that the creation of the special committee established by the Organization of Mrican Unity [OAU] at the sixteenth ordinary session of its Assembly of Heads of State and Government at Monrovia this year [see A/34/ 552. pp.90-91] recently should provide a guarantee for the Saharan people's right to self-determination. We also welcome the recent agreement between the Repub- lic of Mauritania and the Frente POLISARI06 and Mauritania's withdrawal of its forces from Western Sahara territory, a praiseworthy act which points in the right direction. 25. We in Cyprus are very distressed at the turn of events connected with the just solution of the Middle East problem. We firmly believe in a comprehensive settlement which would ensure the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. We do not believe in partial agreements in this respect. Inasmuch as the Palestinian people constitute the crux of the Middle East question, there can be no real solution-and let us face it realistic- ally, laying aside question~ of principle-without.the participation of all the parties to the problem, partiCU- larly the Palestine Liber~tion Organizati0!1 [PLO], which is the sole and legItimate representative of the Palestinian people. Such a solution, which, I repeat, ~ See European Commission of Human Rights, Repu.rt ofJlw C~m­ mission 011 Applications NC!s. 6780/74 lind 6950/75: (ypms £lgW/l.\t Turkey (Strasbourg, CounCil of Europe, 1979). 6 Frente popular para la Liberacion de Saguia el-Hamra y de RIO de Oro. 26. Our Arab neighbours know very well that we in Cyprus have always been on their side defending the just Arab cause long before the events of 1974 brought to Cyprus the same injustice as the one inflicted on them. The fact is that the Middle East and Cyprus, in addition to being situated in close geographical proxim- ity, are facing problems with many points in common. In both cases there has been aggression and occupa- tion; in both cases refugee problems have been created and human rights have been grossly violated; in both cases there have been systematic attempts to create artificial borders and to alter the demographic composi- tion ofthe areas by the mass importation and settlement in them of an alien population after the expulsion by force of the indigenous inhabitants; in both cases there is an attempt to consolidate the faits accomplis created by the invasion and by the violation of human rights. 27. Cyprus has been following with grave concern the developments in Lebanon and strongly condemns the declaration of a separate "State" under the name of "free Lebanon" in the southern part of the country, as well as all acts ofaggression against southern Lebanon, acts which threaten Lebanese independence and ter- ritorial integrity and which grossly violate basic human rights. We call for more decisive action by the United Nations to help the government of Lebanon to restore its sovereignty over the whole of its territory and safe- guard the unity of the country. 28. In observing the International Anti-Apartheid Year, which ended a few months ago, Cyprus joined those who are endeavouring to wipe out the scourge of apartheid, a crime against humanity and an affront to the conscience and dignity of mankind. Furthermore, Cyprus has on many occasions expressed its opposition to tbe policy of "bantustanization" because we believe that such a policy is aimed at the institutionalization of the abhorrent policy of apartheid and the continuation of settler colonialism which impairs the territorial in- tegrity of a country and is a mockery of self- determination. 29. The case of Namibia, where the racist Pretoria regime persists in its illegal occupation 12 years after the termination of South Africa's Mandate over the Territory, is one of the most characteristic examples of the failure by the Security Council to proceed with drastic measures in accordance with the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter in order to bring about the long overdue implementation of its mandatory deci- sions on Namibia. Indicative of the intention of the· racist regime never to withdraw from Namibia, unless it is forced to do so through effective measures by the Security Council, is the fact that it has so far managed through various tactics seriously to undermine and im- pair the implementation of the plan ofaction approved earlier by the Security Council. 7 7 See G.fficial Records ofthe Security Council, Thirty-third Year. Supplement for July, August and September 1978. document S/ 12827. 31. The lame attempt to solve the question of Zimbabwe through a so-called internal settlement meets with our total opposition, as with that of many other countries. We stand firmly in solidarity with the leaders ofthe Patriotic Front and the front-line States in the struggle for genuine majority rule and true indepen- dence for Zimbabwe. 32. The recent proposals and ideas which emerged from the Meeting ofHeads ofGovernment ofCommon- wealth Countries at Lusaka [see A/34/439-S/13515, an- nex, para. 15] and led to the Rhodesia Constitutional Conference have strengthened our hopes that prospects for a negotiated solution of the problem have not yet been exhausted. In the meantime, Cyprus will continue to observe strictly the sanctions imposed by the Security Council against the Salisbury regime. In our view, any relaxation of the sanctions will seriously impair and undermine the efforts for a peace based on justice. 33. It would not be an exaggeration if I were to state that the problems of Namibia and Zimbabwe would have been solved long ago had the United Nations, and in particular the Security Council, acted with more determination against the racist and oppressive regimes of southern Africa. We find no justification for the seeming reluctance of the Security Council to proceed without any further delay to the imposition of the com- prehensive sanctions provided under the Charter, particularly mandatory economic sanctions, against those menacing regimes. 34. Cyprus stands firmly by the friendly people of Panama for the effective functioning of the Panama Canal, in accordance with the Treaties signed in 1977,8 and in this respect fully supports the effective excercise by Panama of its sovereignty over its entire national territory. 35. I turn now to the grave problem with which ~y own country is confronted and which has been holdmg the attention of the United Nations for more than five years. The relevant United Nations resolutions prov!de the basis and the framework for the just and lastmg solution of this problem; yet, five years later, those resolutions still remain contemptuously disregarded by Turkey. The occupation of40 per cent ofthe territory of Cyprus by the Turkish army is still continuing; none of the 200,000 Greek Cypriot refugees have been allowed back to their homes; the 2,000 missing persons have not 36. Moreover, srste~atic me~sures are being taken through the massive ImplantatIOn of colonizers from Turkey and other measures, such as the introduction of Turkish currency in the occupied areas, the cancella- tion of all valid Cyprus passports in the hands of Tur- kish Cypriots, the grant of illegal land titles to Turkish Cypriots and to settl~rs from Turkey in the occupied areas, and other ommous acts---all constituting evi- dence that Turkey's aim is the consolidation ofpartition and, perhaps, the eventual annexation of the occupied part of Cyprus. 37. In its essence, the Cyprus problem is a dispute between Turkey and the Republi~ of Cyprus, and not, as falsely J?0rtrayed by some, a difference between the communitIes in Cyprus. It is a question of invasion and occupation. The internal aspects ofthe Cyprus problem could easily be solved if that task were left to the Cypriots themselves to discuss and resolve without foreign presence and interference. We want Cyprus to become a ~tat~ free from foreign troops, fully indepen- dent, temtonally mtegral, sovereign, united de- militarized and non-aligned. ' 38. We have accepted federation-although in the past such a solution was considered by many constitu- tional experts as completely unacceptable for a small island like Cyprus. But when we speak of"federation", we mean true federation, a federation that would func- tion I?roperly and within which the right to move freely, the nght of settlement and the right of property would be safeguarded and where human rights would be fully and uniformly applied and respected. 39. What the other side apparently wants is not a federation but the creation of two separate States with separate borders, separate armies, separate treaty- makmg capacity and pennits and visas to move from one region of such so-called federation to the other. Suc~ ."federation" would be tantamount to complete partitIOn. 40.. We would have been entitled to refuse to negotiate until the occupation forces had been withdrawn. But we did n~t fo.llow that I.ine, and we repeatedly tried to neg'!tlate III good faIth, despite the presence of the foreign troops of occupation during these past five years. Despite the fact that the negotiations could not be free, as stipulated in the relevant United Nations resolutions, because of the continued occupation of 40 percent ofthe territory ofCyprus and the othercircum- stances created by the invasion, we did what we could th~o~,gh negotiations with the Turkish Cypriot "leader- ship to find some common ~round for progress. And when one speaks of the TurkIsh Cypriot "leadership" let us not make any mistake about it: in fact, it means Ankara. The Turkish Cypriot leadership, primarily by reaSOn of the presence of the army of occupation, is totally dependent on Ankara and reflects the views of the Turkish Government and the Turkish army rather t~an t.he views of the Turkish Cypriots, whose majority !Ive discontentedly in conditions ofmisery and injustice III the occupied areas, completely dissatisfied with the present state of affairs and longing for a better tamor- ro~. No wonder, therefore, that no progress has been achieved. agr~ement :with Mr. Denkta§ consIsting of 10 points,9 WhIC~ proVide a sound basis for the negotiation ofajust solutIOn to the Cyprus problem. I shall not here go into speculation about why Mr. Denkta~ accepted that agreement. However, any doubts were removed when only a few days later the Turkish Cypriot leadership, backed by Turkey, employed all possible methods to undermine the agreement and frustrate the new efforts. Although the talks formally began on 15 June, they lasted for a few days only and the Turkish Cypriot l~ade~ship started putting pre-conditions for the con- tmuatlon of the talks. Those pre-conditions, if ac- cepted, would have amounted to recognizing partition as a final solution to the Cyprus problem. 42. We continue to stand by the agreement of 19 May 1979,10 but we cannot accept any pre-conditions, condi- tions or misinterpretations. As I said before, we re- peatedly chose the path of negotiations, although we would have been entitled not to do so. But we do not want negotiations for the sake of negotiations. The other side may want that, for obvious reasons. It would not be fair-and in fact it would be counter- producti~e-to carry out a fruitless dialogue for the sake ofdIalogue and as a way ofdeceiving world public opinion into thinking that something was being achieved when in fact no progress whatsoever was being made. 43. The stumbling-block to meaningful negotiations is the lack of political will on Turkey's part to abandon its partitionist and expansionist policy-and I believe that that is being widely realized by now by all objective observers of the Cyprus problem. All our attempts throughout the last five years to find a just and lasting solution through negotiations have met the stone wall of Turkish intransigence. But if the opportunity arises for meaningful and substantive negotiations we shall not hesitate to go to the negotiating table again. 44. It is with regret that I report again to the General Assembly this year that no progress has been made towards finding a peaceful and just solution to the Cyprus problem through the implementation of United Nations resolutions. Nevertheless, it is a source of satisfaction for us that at the Commonwealth Meeting in Lusaka and at the Sixth Conference ofHeads ofState or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in Havana the just cause of Cyprus received overwhelming sup- port. We do not reject the method of intercommunal negotiations, but when there has been a deadlock for five years what do you expect a suffering people to do? To sit idle and wait? How can a people suffering for more than five years the devastating effects of foreign occupation be expected to reman idle and forgo its right to present its case to international forums-especially the United Nations-seeking the assistance of world public opinion and a remedy to its plight? That is why it IS absolutely essential for us to continue without inter- ruption to seek justice from the international commu- 45. We have come once again to the General Assem- bly to ask in unequivocal tenns for the speedy and effective implementation of the United Nations resolu- tions. In this respect, we believe that the time has come for the General Assembly to recommend to the Security Council the imposition of sanctions under Chapter VII ofthe Charter, so as to compel Turkey to comply with its obligations under the Charter and the resolutions of the United Nations. Although we have no illusions about the difficulties, due to political expediency, of securing sanctions, we strongly feel that five years are more than enough for a State Member of the United Nations to ignore with impunity the verdict of this Organization. If concrete action is not taken by the United Nations, it is the United Nations which will fail, and the faith of humanity in the Organization will be seriously shaken at a time when we all want it to be- come an effective instrument for international peace and security. 46. I strongly believe that the United Nations can do more. Some years ago, a representative international conference under the auspices of the United Nations was proposed by the Soviet Union to deal with the problem of Cyprus and assist in finding a solution in confonnity with the United Nations resolutions. We reiterate our acceptance of this proposal because we believe that it has much merit and we hope that the General Assembly will take a decision for the holding of such a conference, which we believe can prove very constructive in tackling the problem of Cyprus. 47. We also believe that the General Assembly or the Security Council should appoint a committee from among their members to co-operate with the Secretary- General towards the finding ofajust and lasting solution to the Cyprus problem on the basis of the relevant United Nations resolutions. The composition and the terms of reference of such a committee should be de- cided by theGeneral Assembly or the Security Council. 48. Moreover, we are willing and ready to consider any other effective means which would make possible a just and lasting solution on the basis of the United Nations resolutions. As everyone knows it is Ankara which calls the tune for the Turkish Cypliot leadership. We have over and over again proved our goodwill. We fully accept the agreement of 19 May 1979. I have already mentioned what we are prepared to do in con- nexion with the safeguarding of the human rights ofall citizens of Cyprus. And I repeat my proposal for the complete disannament and demilitarization of the Re- 49. I have given you today's position with regard to the Cyprus problem. What is before this Assembly is the cessation ofoccupation ofa large part ofCyprus by the Turkish armed forces and the implementation ofthe United Nations resolutions in all their aspects. The United Nations must do its utmost to ensure for Cyprus the basic right to which every State, every Member of the United'Nations, is entitled and first and foremost the cessation of foreign occupation. The Charter pro- vides the way and it is our fervent appeal that all peace- loving countries in the world will help us to this end. We appeal to all States Members of this Organization to help Cyprus safeguard its sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity, unity and non-alignment. Today marks the nineteenth anniversary of the independence of Cyprus. But the very survival of Cyprus is at stake. We want to see a completely free and independent Cyprus. We want to create a safer future for our children. We want to create such conditions in Cyprus where Greek and Turkish Cypriots will be able to work and live and prosper together. We sincerely want to contribute most positively to the re-establishment of stability and peace in our sensitive and highly explosive area. Help us to bring happiness and hope to all the people of Cyprus. Help us to put an end to this untold tragedy which Cyprus and its people have been going through for the last five years. Help us restore the unity of the country and the unity of the people, for that is where happiness and prosperity for all Cypriots lie. Help us restore justice; help us restore freedom; help us to do away with the human agony and drama. 50. How can anyone, at this particular moment, forget the agony of the families and dependants of the 2,000 missing persons, who for five years now have not been in a position to know what has happened to their beloved ones? I appeal to all tojoin in bringing influence to bear on Turkey and the Turkish Cypriot leadership to honour the agreement on missing persons of 19 May, an agreement that was concluded in the presence of the Secretary-General and announced by him. Is the ag- 11 Declaration of the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Belgrade from 25 t030July 1978, See document A{33/206, paras. 72-79. liPinai Declaration of the Sixth Conference of Heads of Stale or Government of Non-Aligned Countries. held at Havana from 3 to 9 September 1979, See document A/34/542. 51. I wish to stress that, regarding Cyprus as well as all other international problems on the Assembly's agenda, it is of the essence to co-ordinate our efforts so that, instead of being ovelWhelmed by frustration ~d inability to act, we may take concrete and effectIve steps so as to secure complete freedom, complete justice, and respect for human rights everywhere in the world. It is only upon this basis that lasting peace can be achieved, and that is the task and the mission of the United Nations.

On behalf of the General As- sembly I thank His Excellency Mr. Spyros Kyprianou, President of the Republic of Cyprus, for the important statement he has just made.

Mr. President, we are fortunate to have a person of your wide experience, wisdom and dynamism to preside over this important session of the General Assembly. Your contribution to the work of the world Organization has been outstand- ing. Your country, the United Republic of Tanzania, and President Nyerere are the very embodiment of the struggle for the decoIonization of third-world nations. 54. Let me also express the deep appreciation of the Pakistan delegation to your distinguished predecessor, Ambassador Indalecio Lievano, for the most able man- ner in which he guided the work ofthe last session ofthe General Assembly. 55. We warmly welcome Saint Lucia to membership in the United Nations, and we look fOlWard to mutual co-operation with the Government and people of that new Member State. 56. The past year has witnessed a most disturbing increase in the use of force as an instrument of policy. Armed attacks and military interventions in the internal affairs of States have become recurrent. Hundreds of thousands of men, women and children have been up- rooted from their homes and driven out of their countries. 57. These tragic events underscore the fragility of international peace and the pervasive sense of insecur- ity that haunts the small and weaker nations of the world. The United Nations is the sole universal organi- zation that can respond to such threats to peace and human tragedies. 58..Pakistan's policies are firmly rooted in the princi- ples of the United Nations Charter and of peaceful coexistence. Our unanimous admission to the non- aligned movement at Havana constitutes recognition of our fidelity to those principles. We condemn the use of force in international relations. We are committed to the peaceful settlement of international disputes. We remain dedicated to the right of self-determination of peoples. We have withdrawn from membership ofmili- 59. With our neighbour, India, the process ofnormali- zation of relations continues. We are engaged in the enlar~ement of areas of co-operation on a basis of equality and mutual benefit. We are determined to seek a resolution of the dispute regarding the future of Jammu and Kashmir in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and the spirit of the Simla Agreement. 13 A just and peaceful solution ofthis dispute will usher in a new era of co-operation and amity and stability in our region. . 60. Pakistan will continue its endeavours to promote gOod-neighbourly rel~tions with Afghanistan on the basis of the principles of peaceful coexistence, wllich enjoin respect for the sovereignty and territorial in- tegrity of States, non-aggression, equality and mutual benefit, and non-interference in one another's internal affairs. Pakistan has no political differences with Af- ghanistan, but, if Afghanistan considers there is a dif- ference, we are prepared to open a dialogue on the subject. Regrettably, the development of mutual trust such as we desire has been inhibited by the influx into Pakistan of more than 190,000 Afghan refugees. This massive influx has also imposed a heavy burden on our limited resources, but this is a burden that for humani- tarian reasons we cannot shirk. The granting of refuge to this uprooted humanity is not an act ofill will towards Afghanistan. As the Secretary-General has noted in his report on the work of the Organization for this year, "The Arusha Conference [on refugees] reaffirmed the principle that the granting ofasylum is a peaceful and humanitarian act which should not be regarded as unfriendly by any State." [See A/34/1, sect. VIII.] 61. The strengthening of the solid~rity of the Islamic world is a comer-stone of our foreign policy. 62. The victory of the Iranian revolution, leading to the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran, has added a new dimension to our relations with that country. The cultural and historical affinity and f;he community of interest existing between both countnt:s are now reinforced by their resolve to reorder their national life in accordance with the eternal precepts of Islam. 63. We are confident that the friendly ~d fraternal relations between Pakistan and Turkey Will be further strengthened. 64. We deeply cherish ~ur abid.ing re~at!onship and brotherly co-operation With Saudi Arabia 10 all fi~lds. We greatly value our close ties withthe Arab countnes. 65. Our relations with Bangladesh continue ~o de- velop in a spirit of cordiality and mutual goodWill. 66 Our friendship with the People's Republic of China is based on principles and has with~tood the test oftime. We greatly value the generous assl.stance to our economic development extended by ChlOa over the 13 Agreement on Bilateral Relations between the Government of Indiaand the Government ofPakistan, signed atSimlaon2July 1972. 67. We continue to attach great importance to our bilateral relations with the United States, and express the hope that our present differences will be overcome in a spirit of goodwill, understanding and equity. We acknowledge the extensive assistance provided for many years by the United States to Pakistan. 68. The scope ofour friendly relations with the Soviet Union is being expanded continuously on the basis of the principles of peaceful coexistence and good- neighbourlmess. Economic co-operation with the Soviet Union plays an important role in the develop- ment of our economy. 69. Both China and the Soviet Union are Pakistan's neighbours. They are two of the greatest and most powerful States m the world. Tension between them exerts an adverse effect on the political climate of Asia and the world. We therefore welcome the dialogue be- tween the two Governments on the normalization of their relations. 70. The sitl;lation in the Middle East continues to pose !he most seryous thr~at to world peace and stability. A Just and lastmg solutIOn ofthe Arab-Israeli conflict has beco~e more i!Dperative and urgent than ever. The Egyptlan-Israeh treaty I 4 and the Camp David ?-greements15 that led to it hold no hope for the Palestin- Ian p~ople ofdeliverance from captivity, exile and op- presslo~. ~hey do not articulate the principle of self- detem:llJatlOn, nor do they recognize the right of the Palestiman people to a sovereign State in their homeland. 71. The fulfilment ofthe inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people is the central issue in the Middle East conflict. There can be no lasting and just settle- ment which ignores those rights, or excludes their sole legitimate represen~at.ive, the PLO, from participation m any peace negotiatIOns on an equal basis. No other party has the right to negotiate on behalfofthe Palestin- Ian people. 72. The agreements do not give full expression to the cardinal principle that territory cannot be acquired by the use offorce. Peace will be illusory ifIsrael is permit- ted to expand its borders beyond the lines of 5 June 1967. The expansion and consolidation ofIsraeli settle- ments in the occupied territories and the authorization ~iyen.to I~ra~lis to acquire Ara.b land compound the mJustIces mfltcted on the Palestmian people. 73. Nor does the Egyptian-Israeli settlement address itself to the question ofJerusalem. The Holy City can- not be regarded as spoils of war. The relevant resolu- tions of~he o.eneral ~~semblyand th~ Security Council ma~e thiS qUite exphclt. The Holy City ofJerusalem is an mtegral part of the occupied Arab territories. Israel !Dust ~e required to w!thdraw from all those territories, mcludmg the Holy City of Jerusalem, which must be t 4 Treaty of Peace Between the Arab Republic of Egypt and the State of Israel, signed at Washington on 26 March 1979. IS.A Framework for Peace in the Middle East, Agreed at Camp Davld, and Framework for the Conclusion ofa Peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel, signed at Washington on 17 September 1978. ni~y : The Tenth Isl~ic Conference of Foreign Mlmsters, held at Fez m May, and the non-aligned Conference in Havana have co.ndemned the Camp DaVId agreements and the Egyptian-Israeli treaty. 74. Having secured its southern flank., the Israeli re- gime has been emboldened to intensify its campaign of aggression and terror against the Palestiman and Lebanese people, including women and children in furtherance of its designs on the unity and territdrial integrity of Lebanon. We cannot but condemn such flagrant violations of the principles of intemationallaw and the Charter of the United Nations. 75. An ag~eement ~n the fundamental basis for ajust se.ttlement m the Middle East-namely, total Israeli Withdrawal from the occupied Arab territories and the fulfilment ofthe inalienable national rights ofthe Pales- tinian people-already exists in the relevant resolutions ofthe General Assembly. That consensus has now won universal support. It is time that the Security Council acted in accordance with the will of the international community. Should the Council fail to act, Pakistan will support a call for an emergency special session of the General Assembly to consider the Palestine question and the situation in the Middle East. 76.. We w~lcome the Secretary-General'sproposal for an !nternatl~nal confere~ce under the ausl?ices of the Umted Nations to negotiate a comprehenSive and just settlement ofthe Arab-Israeli conflict [see A/34/1, see/. III.] 77. The situation in southern Africa is another serious threat to peace. We have noted the efforts ofthe Meet- ing of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries in Lusaka to promote a peaceful transfer of power to the people of Zimbabwe on the basis of genui~e .majority rule. ~eports ~bout progress in the negotiations currently bemg held 10 London have raised h~pes ofa peaceful settlement. Ifagreement is reached With the leaders of the Patriotic Front on an indepen- dence constitution which provides for genuine majority rule and, no less important, on transitional arrange- ments for the entry into force of the new constitutions, th~ settlement wilJ be universally welcomed. Should thiS last OppOrtUOIty for a peaceful settlement end in failure, the Patriotic Front will have no otheroption but to intensify its anned struggle for the overthrow of the puppet regime in Salisbury. The overwhelming major- Ity of the world community must continue to lend its f~llest support to the Pa.triotic Front until the people of Zimbabwe are totally lIberated. Equally it must con· d~mn. the T~peated .acts o! aggression by the racist mmonty regime against neighbouring States. 78. The expectations of an early and peaceful inde- pendence for Namibia have not been realized. The im- plementation ,ofSecurity Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (l~78) has been blocked by the racist regime of South Afnca. A puppet administration has been im- posed on Namibia and repression unleashed against SWJ\P9, the sole and .aut~entic representative of the Namibian people, leavmg It no altemative but to con- tinue the anned struggle for liberation. The intema- 79.' The racist regime in Pretoria is the foundation of the structure of colonialism and racism in southern Africa. Pakistan has consistently advocated the imposi- tion of comprehensive sanctions against South Africa to compel that c«;>Untry to dismantle its inhuman s~stem of apartheid. It is deplorable that repeated votes m the Security Council should have frustrated the will of the overwhelming majority of the international commu- nity. South Africa has been further emboldened to maintain its racist policies by its trade with, and the investment, arms transfers and assistance in the de- velopment of nuclear weapons capability it receives from, its friends. But the policy of repression ~d the creation of bantustans will not deter the patnots of South Africa in their struggle for freedom and equality. Their just cause must and will prevail. 80. The international community must also contribute constructively to a just and peaceful settlement of the dispute in Cyprus. We deeply appreciate the personal role of the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, in pro- moting the lO-point agreement calling for the resum!?- tion of intercommunal talks and setting forth the baSiS and priorities for them. We note with regret that the talks between the leaders of the Turkish and Greek Cypriot communities have not yet led to any concrete results, despite the flexibility demonstrated bY,the Tur- kish Cypriot leaders. ~akistan continues to belieye.that a solution can be achieved only through negotiations between the two Cypriot communities o~ the basis of equality and within the framework of an mdependent, sovereign, non-aligned, bicommunal and bizonal fed- eration of CypIUS. 8r. Pakistan consistently supported the heroic strug- gle of the peoples of Indo-China for national liberation, and rejoiced in their victory. It was our hope that the region would be blessed with a perio«;i of peace th~t would enable the countries of Indo-Chma to tum their energies to national reconstruction: Ins~ead,. Indo- China has been tormented by maSSive ViOlatiOns of human rights, by armed intervention to overthrow an established Government and install another regime, and by a flood ofrefugees seekinghaven from terror and persecution. We should like to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General for convening the Geneva Meeting on Refugees and Displaced Persons in South-East Asia to seek international assistance for the refugees, and for the success which attended this great humanitarian effort. 82. Peace and tranquillity in Indo-China, as else- where cannot be based on the domination and hegem'ony of one regional State over its neighbours. Pakistan urges the States ofIndo-China scrupulously to respect the principles of State sovereignty. te~torial inte~rity and non-interference in one another's mternal affairs. We support the call for the withdrawal of all foreign forces to their national frontiers. 16 See OjJicilll Records ofthe Security Council, Thirty-third Yeur. Supplement for July, August lIlId September /978, document 51 12827. 84. International security will remain precarious so long as it is predicated on a balance of terror and the escalation of the arms race. As stated in paragraphs 47 and 48 of the Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of the General Assembly [resolution S-/OI2], which was devoted to disarmament: "Nuclear weapons pose the greatest danger to mankind and to the survival of civilization. . .. "In the task of achieving the goals of nuclear dis- armament, all the nuclear-weapon States, in particu- lar those among them which possess the most im- portant nuclear arsenals, bear a special responsibility. " 85. We welcome the second SALT Treaty as a major effort at limitation and control of strategic nuclear- weapon systems, although the Treaty falls short of ef- fectmg any reductions in ~he nU,clear arsenals ?f t~e United States and the SOViet UniOn. We recogmze its importance as a step which should lead to significant reductions of, and qualitative limitations on strategic arms as a result ofthe third round ofSALT. It would be a serious disaProintment to the world if the third round ofSALT negotiations did not commence w,ithoutde!ay. We believe that other agreements on specific and high- priority measures to halt the nuclear arms race can and should be pursued concurrently with the SALT negoti- ations without waiting for an entire SALT package. 86. It is a matter of profound concern that the past year has witnessed over 250 nuclear tests, almost all conducted by the tw<? m~jor ~uclear-weapo~ Pow~rs, which have the least JustificatiOn for contmum.g to Illl- prove their nuclear weaponry. A comprehensive test- ban treaty among the three nuclear-weapon Powe~s parties to the ongoing negotiations is long overdue. Itis regrettable that the Committee on Disarmament could make no progress on t?!s priority itetp.. Furth~rmore, this questton ofa cut-offmthe productiOn offissionable materials for weapons purposes by the two ~uper­ Powers in order to halt the growth of stockpiles of nuclear weapons needs t? b.e acc?rded.high prio~ity in their disarmament negotiations, if their pledge m the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XX//), annex] to achieve a cessation of the arms race is to be even partly fulfilled. 87. Until nuclear weapons are el~ina~ed, the nuclear-weapon Powers are under the obligatiOn to.as- sure the security of non-nuclear-weapon States ag:.un~t the use or threat of use of n~clear wea~ons. In. thiS connexion Pakistan has submitted a draft mtemattonal conventio~ in the Committee on Dis.annamer:tt [~ee -1/ 34/27, vol. I, para. 45. (a)]. There is no. ob$ction In principle in the Committee to the adoptio~ of such a convention. The non-aligned Conferen~e m ~avana has called for the conclusion ofa convention durmg the next year [see A/34/542, annex, para. 219]. The Pakistan delegation hopes that the General Assembly 88. Urgent measures are required to avert the ever- present danger of nuclear war. Pending the permanent prohibition of the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons, an agreement prohibiting the first use ofthese weapons ofmass annihilation merits the urgent consid- eration of the nuclear-weapon States. An early agreement in the Vienna talks on the mutual reduction of forces and armaments in Central Europe on an ac- ceptable balance offorces and conventional armaments in Central Europe should open the way for the prohibi- tion of the first use of nuclear weapons. 89. Without prejudice to the Vienna talks the conven- ing of a European conference on disarmament, we be- lieve, would also contribute to peace and security in the European region. 90. In other areas as well, a regional approach to disarmament could be more efficacious in assuring the security of re~ionalStates, depriving none ofa level of forces essential for its security. Pakistan, for its part, stands ready to explore the possibility ofmutual reduc- tion of forces in the regional context. 91. Regional security against the nuclear threat can be ensured by the creation of nuclear-weapon-free zones. The concept ofsuch a zone has been successfully trans- lated into reality in Latin America. We are convinced that it is applicable also to other regions of the world, especially Africa, the Middle East and South Asia, for which concrete proposals have been adopted by the General Assembly. The efforts to denuclearize those three regions are closely related to the broaderinitiative to create a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean. This strategic area has become an arena for the rivalry and competition of the two major Powers, whose talks on the Indian Ocean are limited in scope and have faltered more than once. We hope that these talks will be re- sumed before long. 92. Pakistan is concerned over the escalation of ten- sions and conflicts among States in the Indian Ocean region. In this context, we welcome the conclusions of the recent Meetingofthe Littoraland Hinterland States of the Indian Ocean calling for: the total elimination of great-Powerrresence and rivalry; measures to el').sure conditions 0 peace and security in the area; and the denuclearization of the Indian Ocean and the littoral States [see A/34/45, para. 33]. 93. The growing need for energy in all countries is an acknowledged fact, as is the increasing cost and uncer- tainty of the supply of fossil fuels. In the foreseeable future, nuclear power presents an inescapable choice for many developed and developing countries if they are to close the energy gap. 94. A study was conducted by the IAEA in 1972 to estimate the power needs of Pakistan and how best those needs could be met by an optimal combination of various sources of energy. The survey concluded that Pakistan would require 27,000 megawatts of installed capacity by the year 2000 if it were to achieve the 95. Pakistan's oil import bill has risen from $60 million in 1973 to $950 million this year, amounting to 43 per cent of our hard-currency earnings. The industrialized countries ofthe world spend little more than 10 percent of their foreign exchange on the importation of oil. Nuclear eJ.lergy, therefore, off~rs t~e only economical and practical answer to Pakistan s energy require- ments. 96. Neither this consideration nor our assertion that our nuclear programme is devoted entirely to peaceful purposes is a new factor. We have maintained this pOSition from the very commencement of our long quest for the acquisition of nuclear technology, and I avail myself of this opportunity to affirm once again, from thiS rostrum, that Pakistan's nuclear programme is designed only for peaceful purposes. 97. Pakistan's record in the pursuit of disarmament and nuclear non-proliferation is impeccable. As far back as 1968, Pakistan was instrumental in convening the Conference of Non-Nuclear-Weapon States in Geneva to complement the non-proliferation Treaty by measures to strengthen the security of the non-nuclear- weapon States against the contingency ofnuclear threat or blackmail. 98. For over a decade, Pakistan has advocated pro- posals for that purpose and, as I mentioned earlier, has now submitted an international convention on "nega- tive" security assurances to non-nuclear States in the Committee on Disarmament. We have always sup- ported the IAEA safeguard system and its application to the nuclear facilities of all non-nuclear-weapon States on a non-discriminatory basis. We have consis- tently pursued the establishment of a nuclear-weapon- free zone in South Asia. We have advanced the sugges- tion for ajoint declaration by the countries ofour region that would commit them to the renunciation of nuclear weapons. We have proposed reciprocal inspection of our respective nuclear facilities. We are prepared to explore with India other ways to ensure non- proliferation in our region. 99. Nowithstanding all these positive and purposeful steps which Pakistan has either taken or initiated, it continues to be the victim ofa campaign of propaganda and vilification carried out by a section of the interna- tional news media. This is a campaign which, in its inflammatory reference to an "Islamic bomb" and preparations for pre-emptive strikes against Pakistan's nuclear research.and.development facilities, invests ~e power and organizatIOn of the twentieth-century media with the crude and dangerous emotional irrationality of the Middle Ages. "Pakistan will not succumb to such pressures and propaganda. Our nuclear programme is peaceful. Pakistan's dependence on nuclear energy, in the ab- sence of adequate fossil fuels, is inescapable. A de- veloping country should not be required to forgo the attainment of a modicum of self-reliance in this vital field. " 101. The last three decades have witnessed a rev- olutionary upsurge for political independence and na- tionalliberation among the peoples of the third world. Yet the bonds of economic dependence and exploita- tion built through centuries of colonialism remain to be broken and replaced by an equitable set of relations between the developed and the developing countries. 102. The contradictions between the extremes of af- fluence and poverty, between the imperatives of in- terdependence and the reality ofdependence, have pro- duced a series ofeconomic crises which today threaten the world economy with disorder and disintegration. Despite the consensus reached in the United Nations for the establishment of the New International Economic Order, most ofthe developed countries have yet to accept the practical implications of equity in mternational economic relations. Their policies to- wards the third world have been characterized by the pursuit of protectionism, parsimony in the extension of financial assistance, reluctance to resolve the problems ofexternal debt, unwillingness to effect industrial rede- ployment, and restraints on the transfer of technology. In almost all international forums, the N0l1h-South dia- logue is in a state of impasse. 103. The proposal of the non-aligned countries at the HavanaConference for the resumption ofglobal negoti- ations, within the United Nations, on the key issues of raw materials, development, finance and energy, 17 is a timely initiative for genuine progress towards anew and equitable world economic order. We hope that the de- veloped countries will respond positively to that proposal. 104. It is our expectation that such global negotiations will be initiated by the Assembly at its special session next year and will lead, within a specific period of time, to significant progress, including the conclusion of agreements for a substantially increased and automatic flow of resources to developing countries; the pro- gressive and full liberalization of market access for the exports of developing countries; the adoption of com- prehensive adjustment policies by the mdustrialized countries to eliminate support for their non-competitive industries; monetary reform to ensure international control of world liquidity; the establishment of a link between the creation of special drawing rights and de- velopment assistance; and the democratization of inter- national economic decision-making. 105. Paki~J(J.n hopes that th~ ~~velopmentstrategy for 17See document A/34/542, annex, sect. VI B, resolution No.9 on global negotiations relating to international economic co-operation for development. !nternat~onal economic relations any less urgent and Imperative. 106. Even as we debate the problem of poverty, a la~ge number of.developing countries are confronted WIt~ an economIC predicament that can only be de- sc~bed as desp~rate. Their economies are stagnant; theIr trade ~eficlts are almost as large as their entire export earnmgs; they are burdened with massive and mounting external debt; their development pro- g~ammes are in disarray; they are hard-pressed to pro- ":Ide ,even basic necessities to their peoples. This situa- tion IS the consequence of the persistent deterioration in their terms of trade, which has been further ex- acerbated by the paucity of financial assistance, the unequal distribution ofinternational liquidity, imported inflation and the revaluation in the price of energy. Indeed, these countries are the primary victims of the current economic crisis. 107. Their plight cannot be redressed by isolated re- sponses; it cannot await consensus on the international development strategy or a break-through in global ne- gotiations. Their situation demands immediate and ur- gent action-a response of solidarity from the de- veloped countries as well as from developing countries that are in a position to provide assistance; it demands an international response commensurate with the magnitude and gravity of these immediate problems. 108. Pakistan would propose that this Assembly reach agreement on an immediate action plan designed specifically to redress the economic situation of the developing countries most seriously affected by the world economic crisis. To this end, we call upon the developed countries to double the levels oftheir official development assistance to the poorer countries in the next two years and provide themgeneral debt relief. We calIon the industrialized nations to lift immediately the discriminatory barriers against the exports ofthose de- veloping countries which face the largest trade deficits. We call upon the IMF to agree to increased allocations of special drawing rights to enable the poorest nations to meet part of their payments. We ask multilateral institutions to provide sufficient resources on favour- able terms to enable those countries to purchase vital capital goods and to implement t~eir.ongoin~ ~evelop· ment projects. We urge all countnes m a pOSItIon to do so to be more forthcoming in their assistance to these developing countries. 109. A co-operative endeavour to relieve the grave economic problems in the poorer developing countries, to revive economic activity in the third world and to introduce equity in international economic relations is not only deSIrable bl.!t impera~iv~ for the prosp~rity ~d well-being of all natIOns. ThIS SImple truth WIth all Its implications will, I am sure, come to be accepted by the 111. The people of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, inspired by the precepts and spirit of Islam, which teaches that all mankind is one, are deeply committed to a human solidarity transcending differences ofcaste, colour, creed or political opinion. Our solidarity and co-operation on a universal basis, are indispensable conditions for the realization ofa world order based on peace, justice and progress for all States and all peoples.

It gives me great pleasure at the outset Mr. President, to express to you, on behalfof the Gov: ernment of Egypt, our heartfelt congratulations upon y~ur election to the presidency of the thirty-fourth ses- SiOn of the General Assembly. You, Mr. President are th~ perfect .e~bodime~tof the struggle waged by the third world m Its pursuit offreedom,justice and a better future.,In the name ofMrica, you, Mr. President, have champI.oned fo~ many years ~rica's struggle through the United NatIOns for the tnumph of its causes. You have always adopted, and still do, noble attitudes in the ~ame of your.great country, the friendly United Repub- lIc ofTanzania, under the leadership ofAfrica's revered son, President Julius Nyerere, in upholding justice everywhere and pursuing the struggle for its sake. 113. It is also an ad~ed pleasure,for. me to express through you! Mr. Pr~sldent, Egypt s SIncere gratitude to the outgomg PreSident, Mr. Indalecio Lievano for the outstanding role he played while presiding ove; the General As~embly !it its last session. He was the ideal representat~ve of h~s great.country, Colombia, as well as ofall Latm AmerIca and ItS deeply-rooted traditions. 114. I should also lik~ to seize this opportunity to express the congr.atulatIO~s of the Egyptian people to !he people of Samt LUCia, on the occasion of their mde.{'endence and their joining the international com- mumty !it the United Nations. I also convey the con- gratulatIOns of the Egy\?tian people to the people of Panam!i on the occaSIOn of the recovery of its sovereignty over the Canal. 115: The pres~nt session of the General Assembly is takmg place while the world stands at the threshold of velop~ents indicate th~t ~he world. community is ap- proachmg a new stage m ItS evolution, a stage that is marked by the four following characteristics: first seri- ous, persistent and ever-increasing efforts for the ~limi­ nation of racism and minority rule, the eradication of the remnants of colonialism, a confrontation with agression against the sovereignty and territorial in- tegrity <:>f Stat~s .ar:~ the strengthen~n~.of the principle of the madmlsslbllIty of the acqUIsition of territory through war and the upholding of the right of self- determination; secondly, action for the achievement of just, comprehensive and peaceful settlements in areas of tension in order to ensure suitable conditions condu- cive to the solution of the genuine problems relating to economic and social development; thirdly, the identifi- cation of the economic problems that plague the de- veloping countries on the one hand, and those which face the ?eveloped countri~s on the other, as well as efforts mmed at the establIshment of a new interna- tional economic order-which should remedy the dangerous deficiencies inherent in the present system that have caused the present shaky economic order from ~hich we are all suffering; and fOUlthly, efforts to mtensify and promote global detente, which should entail the rli4uction of nuclear armaments, the pursuit ~f general chsarmament and the underscoring of the Importance of international co-operation in the politi- cal, economic, social and cultural fields whether on land or in the ocean, on our planet or on' the moon or other celestial bodies, within the context of the com- mon heritage of mankind, in a common endeavour and for the common benefit to all. 116. Perhaps these main elements-and others ifwe ch~ose to dwell on particulars-constitute a picture which may appear somewhat optimistic. In highlighting these factors, my intention was to present a framework for the picture as I see it or, may I say, as I wish it to be f<?r by accurately identifying the problems, and by plan: mng the appropnate solutions to them, together with constant hope, unwavering conviction and faith in our capacity to confront these problems appropriately and e~fect~vely, we shall have taken the first step in the right directiOn, long hoped for by the thinkers and aspired to by dreamers among mankind. 117. Let me hasten to emphasize that, although this framework may be the right one, it is also correct to state that important obstacles still obstruct the road to our objectives and goals. The whole world witnesses this situation whether in southern Africa South-East Asia or the ¥iddle East, and in the political as well as in th~ .eco,nomlc fields, not to mention social problems ansmg m many countries in the world. This places on our shoulders a great responsibility, which we must assume fOF ourselves and for future generations. It is !h~~ef~re mcum~~nt upon us to proceed with courage, Initiative and VISIOn and pull down all barriers the symbols of despair, and free our minds from all'con- straints and hindrances with a view to opening up new horizons that will usher in a new era and a betterfuture. 118. My country, Egypt, on whose behalf I am proud to speak ~oday, ~as a long history, the roots ofwhich go far back m the history ofhuman evolution. That history has left unmistakable marks on each and every facet of 119. In this context, Egypt's policy is based on un- shakable foundations and solid principles, which in es- sence stress that man was not created to exploit his fellow man, but rather that we should all co-operate for the realization of the noble objective of achieving a better future for all. Consequently Egypt's opposition to all forms of exploitation, colonialism and neo- colonialism is an irrevocable fact. Furthermore, its op- position to racism, racial discrimination, foreign occu- pation and settler colonialism is a matter of principle. Its struggle to bring to an end these unjust conditions, is relentless. As an integral part of the third world and one of its pillars, Egypt has in various phases of its long history suffered from these injustices. It has struggled against imperialism and colonialism for many years. The events of June 1967 represented a culmination of colonialist aggression against Egypt in its role in the vanguard of the struggle for a better future for the Arab nation, for Africa and for the whole of the third world. 120. Throughout the past 12 years, Egypt has been engaged in a continuous struggle for the establishment of a just settlement of the Middle East problem. This problem has taken a heavy toll on Egypt, costing her tens of thousands of martyrs and many billions of dol- lars, all at the expense of its progress and to the detri- ment of the welfare ofits people. In addition to all this, it has had widespread adverse effects on the right of its people to proper education, to adequate medical care and to work opportunities. In the Middle East, no one has endured what the valiant Palestinian people and the people of Egypt were able to sustain. No single people 10 the Middle East has suffered as much as they have suffered. 121. Egypt's record in war is matched by its struggle for peace. It has accepted Security Council resolution 242 (1967) and has co-operated closely with Ambas- sador Jarring in its implementation. It has used its right to self-defence by resorting to the war of attrition in 1969 and 1970 and it has also welcomed all peaceful initiatives that have surfaced during the first six years of the occupation of its territory, foremost among them the Committee of African Heads of State. When it became clear that a conspiracy to impose the fait ac- compli and an attempt to perpetuate the state of "no war, no peace" was being carried out, Egypt waged the glorious October Ramadan war. 122. In both instances, Egypt was committed to peace. Its co-operation with the peace initiatives was not for tactical purposes in an attempt to score tempo- rary propaganda gains, but was motivated only by its firm belIef in the principles advocated by the United Nations Charter and its commitment to save succeed- ing generations from the scourge of war which has inflicted upon our area untold sorrow and suffering. Egypt's position was also consistent with the provi- sions of the United Nations Charter concerning the peaceful settlement ofdisputes. Egypt did not resort to arms as an end in itself; rather, it took that course as a means of shattering the stalemate that had been im- posed upon our region, of resisting all attempts at con- secrating the' 'fait accompli" and at perpetuating occu- pation, and of challenging the calls that were being made for military relaxation. In reality, Egypt pursued ~lOnal peace conference with the participation of all mtere~tl?d parties, including the representatives of the Palestlman people, to seek ajust and durable peace. It was the O~t?ber Ram.adan war that made it possiblefor the Palestmlan questlOn to occupy its rightful place at the heart of the conflict and at the core of the struggle. 123. Egypt was committed to peace-both through its peace~ul endeavours and its military battles. It has based Its approach to the settlement ofthe Middle East pro~lem on a single, consistent and well-thought-out poltcy. We have never adopted a two-faced policy: ~hat .we proclaim in public we do not repudiate or alter m pnvate. The general lines of this policy are to be found in Egypt's reply of 15 February 1971 18 to Ambas- sador Jarring's aide memoire. In that reply Egypt de- cl~red its willingness to enter into a peace agreement With Israel should Israel honour all its obligations as provided in Security Council resolution 242 (1967). That is exactly what we did when we signed the Camp David agreements in September 1978 and the peace Treaty in March 1979. 124. It should always be recalled that the commitment within the framework of the Camp David agreements was that Security Council resolution 242 (1967) in all its parts, the United Nations Charter and the principles of mternationallaw and international legitimacy were to be the keys to negotiations for a comprehensive settle- ment restoring to each party its rights. Egypt would thus recover its occupied territories; Syria also would recover its territories; Lebanon would recover its ter- ritorial unity; the Palestinian people would regain their rights to own their land in Palestine and to exercise their inherent right to self-determination; and Israel, like- wise, would ensure its own security, within the framework of reciprocal security. 125. In this context, the Egyptian-Israeli peace Trea- ty is simply an important first step towards the achieve- ment of a comprehensive peace in the area, in order to solve all aspects of the Arab-Israeli conflict in accord- ance with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). 126. Xhe Framework for Peace in the Middle East A~reed at Camp David l9 has come under attack and CrIticism from some quarters; consequently we feel historically committed to place it in the right perspec- tive. The Camp pavi~ Fr~eworkis the fir~t doc~ment signed by Israel III which It pledges to negotiate WIth the representatives ofthe Palestinianpeople the settlement of the Palestinian problem in all its aspects. The Camp David agreement is also the first document in which Israel pledges to respect .th~ legiti!Date rights of the Palestinian people and theirJust claims. Israel pledges to withdraw its military anned forces from the West " 19 For the text, see Weekly Compi~al~on ojPresidentiaIDocumenl.! (Washington, D.C., Government Pnntmg Office, 1978), vol. 14, No. 38. pp. 1523-1527. 127. In other words, part A of the Camp David agreement concerning the West Bank and Gaza conse- crates an Israeli commitment to resolve the Palestinian problem by negotiating with the representatives of the Palestinian people, and to establish transitional arrangements which constitute by their nature the bridge--or the separation mark-between the current situation, namely the occupation, and the ultimate situ- ation in which the legitimate national rights ofthe Pales- tinian people should be recognized. 128. Egypt would not have embarked on this arduous task had it not taken the following basic facts into account. 129. First, the Palestinian issue is the crux of the problem and the core of the conflict. Consequently its solution is the sine qua non condition for a just and durable settlement of the Middle East problem. 130. Secondly, the Palestinian issue is a complex multifaceted one that requires us to leave no stone untumed and no possibility unexplored so as not to participate once again in a policy of missed opportunities. 131. Thirdly, the agreement reached concerns transi- tional arrangements which pave the way for a solution and for the alleviation of some of the sufferings of our brethren in the occupied land. It also provides the op- portunity for mutual recognition and opens the door to negotiatIOns between the parties concerned. 132. Fourthly, in all this Egypt does not speak on behalf of the Palestinian people; it is not entitled to do so and never claimed to do so, for it is the Palestinian people alone who have the right to discuss their future and destiny or choose their own representative. 133. Fifthly, the Palestinian people have in all cases the final word with regard to the form and substance of the Palestinian question. 134. Basing itself on the aforementioned considera- tions, Egypt accepted the Camp David Framework concerning the West Bank and Gaza. It was also owing to those considerations that Egyptentered into negotia- tions for the creation of a self-governing Palestinian authority in the occupied territories. Our consistent goal, let it be known to all, is to enable the Palestinian people to exercise their inalienable right to self- determination and to restore their full national rights and to see to it that, where such a Palestinian authority is set up, it should be a genuine and not a fictitious power and should be a government issuing from the Palestinian \,eople, governing in its name and safe- guarding its !Dterests. It should not be just an image or form, or a council concerned merely with subsidiary or partial matters. Consequently, Egypt has insisted on the importance of guaranteeing the freedom of the Pal- estinians in the West Bank and Gaza and the right of 135. Egypt is aware that the Camp David Framework does not constitute the final settlement of the Palestin- ian problem. However, there is no doubt that the agreement has shattered the stalemate that had paralysed the Palestinian problem and has wrenched from Israel concrete commitments for the benefit ofthe Palestinian people. It constitutes the first constructive step towards the sound resolution of the Palestinian problem. 136. The Palestinian cause is dear to each and every Egyptian. It is central to Egypt's policy and forms the crux and goal of that policy. We are committed to its support. Egypt will accept no alternative to the Pales- tinian people's right to self-determination. The Pales- tinian people should not be denied the right to which all peoples are entitled. The people of Palestine have an mherent and absolute right to recover their territory; to have a State of their own; to have security and to raise their own flag. Egypt cannot accept, after all the sac- rifices of the Egyptian people, any infringement upon the genuine rights of the Palestinian people. 137. When the League of Arab States was created in 1945 with its permanent headquarters in Cairo, it was at the behest ofEgypt that an annex on Palestine,2° which affirmed its independence, was attached to the pact of the League, although the external aspects of that inde- pendence were not yet in existence. 138. Egypt has engaged in four wars for the sake of Palestine and has never refrained from tendering assist- ance to the Palestinian people in all fields, whereas it has refrained from any interference in Palestinian af- fairs. E~ypt has no organization that can be called its mouthpIece, or any group which could be considered as devoted to it or financed by it. Egypt sets no faction against another, nor does it sponsor a group that serves its interests to the detriment of Palestinian interests. Egypt has consistently condemned the massacres to which the Palestinian people have been subjected in certain Arab countries. Egypt has always refrained from all this, in the hope of maintaining the unity ofthe Palestinian people, and the Government of Egypt was alone in supporting PLO until the vast majority of the international community recognized it as the sole legiti- mate representative of the Palestinian people, upon an Egyptian initiative. In this context President El-Sadat has, since 1972, called for the creation of a Palestinian Government in exile. The PLO became a full-fledged member of the League of Arab States at Egypt's reo quest. It was decided, upon an Egyptian proposal,21 to invite it to address the Security Council on an equal footing with all members and, in accordance with a resolution of the General Assembly, issued following an Egyptian initiative, the PLO was to be invited to participate in all Middle East peace conferences [res- olution 3237 (XXIX)]. Furthermore, Egypt extended an invitation to the PLO, as the sole legitimate representa- ~o See United Nations. Trealy Serh's. vol. 70. No. 241, p. 260, 139. With respect to the issue ofJerusalem, the Holy City revered by the three revealed religions, I wish to put on record, in very clear terms, the position of Egypt, which may be summarized as follows: Arab Jerusalem is an integral part of the West Bank and should be under Arab sovereignty. Egypt calls for the implementation of relevant United Nations resolutions with respect to Jerusalem. This has been Egypt's con- sistent position over the years and it will not be altered. Neither the slanders and abuse ofrejectionistStates nor the intransigence of Israel and its obstruction of peace will make Egypt abandon this course. 140. Egypt will pursue the peace process, issuing the challenge of peace to all parties, the rejectionists and the silent, Israelis and Arabs alike. The Middle East cannot continue in the same way as in the past 30 years, serving the interests of a minority to the detriment of the real interests of the majority and in this way letting the Palestinian people suffer at the hands of gamblers for high stakes who play with destiny, and letting the people of Egypt, Lebanon and Syria make sacrifices, while others indulge in endless overreaching, using the Palestine issue to serve their objectives. The time has come for a radical comprehensive solution to all the problems. Otherwise let those who have a personal Interest in the persistence of these problems bear the consequences. 141. We have told the rejectionists, whether among our Arab brethren or not, that we are prepared to join their efforts ifthey present a viable alternative orifthey have a better defined proposal or concrete idea on how to achieve a comprehensIve peace. Yet all we hear are loud voices and we are subjected to endless humilia- tion, abuse, insults and rude rebuffs. May I seize this opportunity to give them a piece of advice. Egypt has suffered much slander. This is not the first time that we have been exposed to their insults. The slanders and insults launched against Egypt at the Shtoura Con- ference,22 held in the wake of Syria's break-away from the United Arab Republic in 1961, are still to be re- membered. It was also there that we heard insults, recriminations and foul words far beyond what we are exposed to now. And then, I must add, there was no Camp David at that time and there was no treaty with Israel. 142. Therefore, I must state in all sincerity, that the issue at stake does not relate either to the Camp David agreements or to the Palestinian problem. It is simply that some countries in the Arab region are under the illusion that an opportunity has presented itself to II Special session of the League of Arab States, held in Shtoura. Lebanon, from 22 to 31 August 1962. 143. On Israel we have much to say. We extended to Israel the hand ofpeace, saying thatfor peace to bejust, lasting and comprehensive the Palestinian problem must be resolved in all its aspects. Despite Israel's signing of a document that clearly stipulates that the resolution ofthe Palestinian problem is the crux of the settlement, we find Israel once again indulging in the creation ofnew settlements on the occupied Palestinian territories. Israel has also pennitted its nationals to purchase land in the occupied West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Such an action reveals intentions that cannot and should not be tolerated, for it is the application of the policy of illegal colonial settlement. It is also aimed at aItering the Arab character of Palestinian territory and at the creation ofartificial conditions to obstruct the full restoration of the Palestinian people's right to and full recovery of their territory. 144. In this connexion I should like to reiterate a statement issued by the Prime Minister of Egypt strongly condemning this unabashed policy that is con- sidered a serious violation ofinternational law, a clear contravention of United Nations resolutions, and an obstruction of the peace process, which calls for re- spect for the rights ofall parties, especially those ofthe Palestinian people. 145. Egypt categorically rejects Israel's policy of building settlements, and will never consent to it. It categorically rejects Israel's policy on Arab Jerusalem, just as it rejects Israel's policy of altering the geographic features and the demographic composition of the occupied territories. Egypt does not, nor will it ever, accept any attempt on the part of Israel to evade its obligations under the Camp David agreements con- cerning the legitimate rights of the Palestinians. Egypt categorically opposes all attempts to negate the inher- ent right of the Palestinian people to their land in the West Bank and Gaza. It categorically rejects Israeli aggression against the sovereignty of Lebanon and against the Palestinian people living in Lebanon. The pretext of ensuring Israel's security cannot justify the repeated violation of the sovereignty of States and the killing of the Palestinian people. 146. Israel must refrain from these policies and practices ifit wishes the peace process to progress and be consolidated. Also, the Palestinians should recon- sider their refusal to join in the peace process. 147. We hereby call upon both Israel and the PLO to recognize one another. We also demand that Israel halt the establishment of settlements and all related meas- ures. Israel should also refrain from all actions that violate the sovereignty and territorial integrity ofLeba- non. Furthermore, we call upon Israel "and the PLO to initiate a peaceful dialogue. To advance this long- awaited objective, Egypt is fully prepared to extend all the necesssary assistance. In this context I wish to 148. To this end, Egypt would be happy to participate in the international conference mentioned by the Secretary-General, whom it wishes to thank and praise for his untiring personal efforts with a view to contribut- ing to the establishment of a just and durable peace in the Middle East. 149. As you, Mr. President, rightly pointed out in your opening statement [1st meeting], all States have emphasized their commitment to respect human rights. The United Nations has, in its declarations, resolutions and binding international agreements, similarly em- phasized and developed the necessity of upholding hu- man rights. Notwithstanding all these international documents, the cause of human rights still requires continuous efforts. It is universally acknowledged that the denial of human rights is the denial ofthe essence of peace and poses a serious threat to the chances of peace, and it is on that premise that our Mrican policy is based. We therefore completely reject the colonial ra- cism that prevails in South Africa, and we shall con- tinue to spare no effort to support the persistent strug- gle against its racist policy. It is our conviction that this stru~e must continue-and continue it will-until equality, dignity and freedom are established in south- ern Africa. 150. Apartheid in South Africa, foreign occupation in Namibia, attempts at procrastination in Zimbabwe and the continual aggressions committed by the forces of racism and colonialism against Zambia, Mozambique, Botswana and Angola should be met on our part by a joint and resolute stand in order to bring to an end those repugnant manifestations that have come together in thiS region with a view to exploiting Africa and the Africans. We Africans who have brought about the downfall ofcolonialism and freed our countries from its vestiges are capable, with our determination and sol- idarity, ofterminating the perilous and dangerous situa- tion in southern Africa. 151. A part of the African consensus on the question ofZimbabwe, Egypt wishes to reiterate the importance of supporting the Patriotic Front, the sole legitimate representative of the people of Zimbabwe. Egypt ap- peals to all countries to withhold recognition from the Muzorewa Government. 152. Egypt firmly believes that all arrangements relat- ing to the bringing about of peace in Zimbabwe should be under the auspices of the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity. 153. We also reiterate our rejection of the December 1978 elections in Namibia, the intent of which was to impose a fake regime against the will of the valiant people of Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO, their sole legitimate representative. 154. Egypt, with its impressive input in the struggle for the liberation of the African continent from racism, colonialism and foreign domination, once again renews its c::ommitm~nt l¥ld its ~ledge to the people ofsouthern Afnca that It wIll contlOue to extend its unwavering 155. At the same time we condemn equally all forms of foreign presence and intervention in Africa, regard- less of their origin. Mrica is for the Africans and is not an arena for cold war, international competition and opposin¥ blocs. It is not a dumping-ground for the re- fuse of mternational detente. The African continent, havin~ rid itself of the old forms of imperialism and colomalism, will also liberate itself from all forms of neo-colonialism. 156. As I stated earlier, Egypt is an integral part ofthe third world, and it is totally committed to the principles of non-alignment. Egypt is one of the founding mem- bers of the non-aligned movement and was responsible for developing its ideals. It was one of the group that contributed to enhancing the effectiveness ofthe move- ment until it became a towering edifice dedicated to safeguarding the independence ofdeveloping countries and small countries in general against the tyranny of international blocs and the perils of spheres of influ- ence. It also opposes with all its force foreign domina- tion and colonialism, all forms of encroachment on sovereignty, and intervention in domestic affairs. 157. In this context, Egypt steadfastly supports na- tional1iberatioTI movements and consistently strives for the safeguarding of the sovereignty and territorial in- tegrity of all States and the natural rights of peoples. Egypt opposes all forms offoreign intervention and the threat or use of force. 158. Egypt will continue to work for the preservation ofthe non-aligned movement and against all attempts at deviation, reorientation or derailment of its course which adversely affect the interests of its member States, peoples and nations. 159. Non-alignment is a vigorous and dynamic move· ment. Its principles, objectives and initiatives are chan- nelled towards the welfare of mankind. We must not forget that the fact that the non-aligned movement called for the recent tenth session of the General As- sembly on disarmament also ensured its success. The movement's contribution in all fields of international activity is an established fact. That movement will con- tinue to play this noble role in world affairs as long as it meticulously adheres to its original principles and ob- jectives and does not permit power blocs to impair its effectiveness or to steer it away from its natural course. 160. In the light of recent evolution within the move- ment, Egypt calls upon all its member States to be aware of manoeuvres that endanger non-alignment and to reject any foreign meddling so that it may safeguard its original principles, its objectives, its unity and its solidarity. 161. Let us remember the words of Julius Nyerere, the President ofthe United Republic ofTanzania, at the Sixth Conference of the Heads ofState or Government of the Non-Aligned Movement. He said: "We could not form another power bloc, even if we wished to do so. If this movement tried to be another power bloc, or to be aligned to a power bloc, 163. The failure of the fifth session of UNCTAD to solve effectively the fundamental problems confronting the developing countries is a source ofgreat pessimism. Similarly, the limited results achieved at the United Nations Conference on Science and T.echnology for Development and by the Committee of the Whole, es- tablished under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, concerning the establishment of a new international economic order have been disappointing to the de- veloping countries and have failed to create an atmos\,here conducive to the pursuit of a fruitful dia- logue 10 various economic fields. 164. The Second United Nations Development De- cade is drawing to an end. At present we are in the process ofdrafting a new strategy for the third develop- ment decade, a strategy that should be designed to accelerate the development ofthe developing countries and to bridge the present increasing gap between the advanced and the developing countries. It is therefore imperative that the developed countries should man- ifest a sincere political will for the radical changing of economic concepts and a true political desire to see economic realities in their correct perspective, and to achieve this end without just agreeing verbally with what the developing countries ask for. 165. While progress towards the establishment ofthe new international economic order depends to a large extent on political commitment by the developed countries, it is also true that the developing countries shoulder the primordial responsibility for the develop- ment of their peoples. It is therefore of paramount importance that they intensify economic co-operation among themselves and achieve collective and indi- vidual self-reliance as a principal tool in restructuring international economic relations. 166. Allow me in conclUding my statement to reiterate once again that the United Nations is the greatest as- sembly of nations devoted to the achievement of inter- national peace and security for the peoples and countries ofthe world. The United Nations shoulders a special responsibility for bringing the world back from the precipice to which it has been led by the frightening arms race and from the escalation and proliferation of nuclear armaments. 168. Nevertheless, it can be noted that the easing of international tension has made a significant contribu- tion to the progress of disarmament and to a decrease in arms. It is beyond doubt that the efforts of the United Nations in this field represent a positive contribution to paving the way towards a future era in which mankind will be able to enjoy the fruits of peace. These efforts have been manifested in the fonn of deliberations, ne- gotiations and study, especially on matters concerning nuclear aramaments and on the establishment of zones of peace such as that in the Indian Ocean, and of nuclear-weapon-free zones in Africa and the Middle East. 169. Peace, as you rightly stated, Mr. President, is indivisible. For peace to be durable it must be just, total and comprehensive. Therefore disarmament and re- spect for human rights and the principles of economic equality, as well as decolonization, constitute the fundamental elements of peace, which will remain a fragile structure unless we put an end to the arms race and to the shameful violations of human rights, and until such time as we establish the new international economic order based on sovereign equality, common interests, and respect for the rights of all States and peoples, rich and poor, large and small. 170. As long as there are men and women who strive for the good of mankind, who tirelessly pursue the quest for peace, who continue to work towards saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war and who contribute to speeding up economic development and social advancement, the beacon of peace will con- tinue to shine bright over our planet and to guide the steps of mankind towards a better future for all.