A/34/PV.16 General Assembly

On behalf of the General As- sembly I thank the Prime Minister of Portugal for the important statement she has just made.

3 Mr. President, please accept my congratulations on your election to your high office. We are especially pleased that you, being a representative of a country with which we have friendly ties, are in the chair at the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. I wish you and Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim success in your work of great responsibility. 82. We salute the neW Member ofthe United Nations, Saint Lucia. 83. I should like to express to the delegation of the People's Republic of Angola our deep sympathy on the passing away of President Antonio Agostinho Neto, a' great revolutionary and an outstanding African states- man. 84. At the current session, just as at preceding ones, the General Assembly of the United Nations is particu- larly concerned with the struggle for peace and secur- ity. Conditions for this have certainly become more favourable, yet much remains to be done in order to afford all peoples a peaceful development. Aggression, threats to use force, smouldering conflicts, continuing colonial oppression and an obviously stepped-up arms race are in contradiction with the will of mankind and the purposes of the United Nations. 85. Never should anyone forget that 40 years ago German fascism set the world ablaze, creating a holocaust that claimed the lives of 50 million people. The victory of the anti-Hitler coalition over this barbarism, a victory in which the Soviet people had a decisive share, opened the road to a new beginning. The struggle for peace, in which the German Democratic Republic participates fully, is to protect man's basic right to life and, at the same time, to foster his right to live in a secure 'social environment. The Charter of the United Nations postulates peace as the supreme duty of States. 86. The International Year of the Child has, as a mat- ter of fact, brought even closer to the minds of people our generation's responsibility for the peaceful future of mankind. 87. The preservation of peace remains the principal task ofthe United Nations. In this respect, it can firmly count on the socialist States. The declaration of the States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty issued in Moscow last November,4 as well as the meeting their Foreign Ministers held in Budapest on 14 and 15 May 1979, testify to their persevering efforts to achieve effective measures for the advancement ofpeaceful coexistence. 88. The United Nations increasingly draws strength J Mr. Fischer spoke in German. The English version of his state- ment was supplied by the delegation. 89. International security requires the unambiguous willingness ofall States mutually to respect their funda- mental rights and legitimate interests and to work col- lectively so that peace be guaranteed for good. This, in essence, is the categorical imperative of our time. 90. The resulting actions. which are interdependent, are clearly definable. 91. First, the arms race must be stopped and disarma- ment must be advanced by concrete steps in order for political detente to be backed up materially. 92. Secondly. the political and legal pillars ofpeaceful coexistence must be reinforced, trust among States must be strengthened and disputes between States must be solved in confonnity with the United Nations Char- ter, that is, peacefully. 93. Thirdly, colonial and racist oppression must be eliminated and the right of peoples to self- detennination must be ensured. 94. Fourthly, mutually beneficial international co- operation must be developed as comprehensively as possible and must include the establishment of economic relations on an equal footing. That decision cannot be the prerogative of a few; rather, the United Nations, this world-embracing Organization, is called upon to redouble its efforts in this regard. 95. Also, the world Organization should carefully see to it that no one can threaten or use military force to secure the supply of its energy and raw material needs. 96. As a socialist State, the German Democratic Re- public, aware of the past and present, keeps an open mind on these tasks. The principles ofinternational law are enshrined in its Constitution and determine its daily practical policy. When it was founded almost exactly 30 years ago, the country's first President, Wilhelm Pieck, pledged: "We shall scrupulously fulfil all obligations of the Potsdam Agreement. [n that way we want to regain the trust of the world and to rejoin the community of peace-loving, democratic peoples." 97. On the eve of the thirtieth anniversary of the founding of our State, I can say that the people of the German Democratic Republic have redeemed that pledge. Siding with all peace-loving States, we persis- tently pursue the course of international security and coexistence in peace. Just like all other peoples, we need peace not only to secure, but also to augment, what we have accomplished. 98. International security requires, first of all, arms limitation and disarmament. The tenth special session ofthe General Assembly elevated this conclusion to the rank of a maxim recognized by all States. We do not want to, and must not, tolerate tremendous creative potential and huge material resources being used to conceive and manufacture more and more cruel means ofwarfare. The arms race is no law of nature. It is in the ~o achieve disarmament. They work hard and sys- tematically for practical measures. 100. We have noted with satisfaction that the non- aligned States reaffirmed at Havana the intention of bringing their growing international weight to bear to this end [see A/34/542. annex, sect. I, paras. 2/7-226]. And. as the World Peace Council's activities, for exam- ple, at the United Nations in New York in 1978 showed, civic forces too have an important word to say in de- fending the vital interests of peoples. In this way it will be possible to realize. step by step, the old humanist idea of eternal peace as an alternative to war and armament. 101. There are some who, still ask the question whether stable peace and security can be achieved through disarmament or though armament. The answer should be obvious from the history of two world wars, for those two wars, as everyone knows, were preceded by armament programmes. And, as a matter ot' fact, nobody can really live a secure life today in the face of growing arsenals of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction. The notion in certain quarters that a politi- cal potential for blackmail can be obtained through escalated armament has always been proved wrong. Ethics and reason therefore call for the cessation ofthe arms race and more security through disarmament. 102. Naturally, the legitimate national security in- terests of the parties involved need to be taken into account at all stages of disarmament negotiations. However, such interests must not be misused as a pre- text for opposing effective disarmament steps, and a declared readiness for arms limitation and disarmament must not be put in doubt by contradictory everyday practice. Thus, as is well known, a long-term arma- ments programme was adopted not far from here, pre- cisely at the time when the United Nations was holding its tenth special session, devoted to disarmament. 103. Disarmament requires constant and persistent forward movement. A political will for resolute action is needed in order to follow up the demands contained in the Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of the General Assembly [resolution S-IO/2]. In the past, promising developments were quite frequently delayed or even interrupted for long periods. All the more si~nificant, in our judgement, is the outcome of the Vienna meeting between Leonid Brezhnev, Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, and Jimmy Carter, President ofthe United States. It has met with the whole-hearted approval of all people of goodwill and also produced a broad positive response in my country. The world-wide echo produced by t~e treaty resultin.g from the second round of ~he Str~teglc Arms LimitatIOn Talks [SAL1]s shows, like a mirror, that genuine steps towards arms limitation do improve the climate and trust among States. May that treaty therefore be ratified. 104. The new treaty to limit the most dangerous strategic offensive alms quantitatively and qualita- 5 Treaty between the .United Stat~s ~f ~merica and t~e Union, of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitation of StrategIC OffenSive Arms, signed at Vienna on 18 June 1979. 105. F or six years now the socialist States, including the German Democratic Republic as a direct party in the negotiations, have been waiting for a constructive approach on the part of all negotiating parties. Our proposals, which do not impinge anyone's security but on the contrary strengthen that of all and which are comprehensible to anyone willing to see, have been on the negotiating table for a long time. 106. The demand to end the nuclear arms race is be- coming more and more urgent. We call upon all nuclear- weapon States to start, without delay, consultations and negotiations on the discontinuance of the man- ufacture ofnuclear weapons and on the reduction ofthe stockpiles of such weapons. 107. Following the aforementioned Vienna meeting between the Soviet Union and the United States of America, it is our expectation that the preparatory work for a world disarmament conference will also yield tangible results. The second SALT Treaty has furnish~d proof that most complex problems can be solved If realism and goodwill prevail. 108.. .~he.German Democratic Republic fully supports the. Imtlatlve of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic WhICh proposes the adoption of a declaration on inter- national co-operation for disarmament [see A/34/ /41]. S.uch a declaratIon ~ppears.to \'e all the more pressing sInce the forces whIch capItalIze on arms production ~nd seek to conduct the ,Power policy of an era now Irrevocably gone by contmue to offer obstinate resist- ance. Plans to deploy new nuclear weapons systems in Western Europe are cases in point. Using the myth ofa thr~at from t~e East, t~ey attemp~ to generate fear and to Justify theIr arms build-ups whIch they misleadingly label a pent-up need. 109. The people of the German Democratic Republic kno~ fror:J? experience that, from the East, from the SOVIet "yOIon, come peace .as well as the concept and the realIty of peaceful coexIstence. It is in the socialist c.ountries th!1t the gre.at initiatives to strengthen interna- tIonal secunty !1nd ~I~a~ament have originated in the past. a~d ~re s.t/ll ongmatmg today. This is only logical, for SOCialIsm IS the strongest buttress of peace. 110. I?isarma.ment is th~ direct and safest way to stable 1J~tematlOnalsecunty. It must be accompanied by treatIes and agreements. This is what the States m~mbers of the Warsaw Treaty Organization were gUIded by when they presented their peace programme. I ~ I: . As a result, the intematio~allegal principle pro- hlbItmg the use of force, as laid down in Article 2 paragraph 4 of the United Nations Charter, would b~ strengthened and related to the principal dangers ofour time. 'When it comes to an issue so vital to mankind nothing shOuld be left undone and every possibility should be used to exclude force from international af· fairs. Furthermore, it is necessary to strengthen trust among nations thrOUgh precisely-worded agreements. F:or that purpose, the socialist States propo~ed a spe- Cific conference to be attended by the States signatories to the Helsinki Final Act. 6 The socialist States seek to ensure that the second review session of the Confer- ence on Security and Co-operation in Europe, to be held in Madrid in 1980, will be held in a constructive manner. The meeting must help to advance detente. 112. The European region, where the Second World War was unleashed, where after 1945 cold war poisoned the international climate and where the big- gest military capabilities are concentrated today, has a special need for arms limitation and disarmament and for stable, good-neighbourly relations among all States. For 30 years, there have been two sovereign German States with social systems which are diametrically op- posed. The existence of these two States and the rec- ognition ofthe inviolability ofthe border between them have become both an important and an indispensable element ofthe political balance in Europe. This element !s one of the.foundations ofdurable security and peace 10 our contInent. Anybody who, under any pretext whats?ever, engages in altering these results of post- war hIstory or substitutes illusions for realities is, wit- tingly or unwittingly, of no good service to European security and world peace as this is encouragement to the forces of revanchism. It is certainly appropriate to recall this once more in view of the fact that Fascist Germany's attack on the borders of its eastern neigh- bour, Poland, on I September 1939, precipitated the most devastating war in human history. II}. The Gennan De~oc~ati.c Republic, for its part, wIll not be found wantIng In Its readiness to develop with Western neighbouring States, including the Fed- eral R~public ofGermany, mutually advantageous rela- tions In accordance with the Helsinki Final Act. This constitutes a policy which is not only realistic, but also downright responsible, and which takes into account th~ interest of European peoples in lasting detente and relIes on the well-known set of European treaties, . whose beneficial effects on reducing tension are recog- nized by people the world over. And for that matter I should like to add the following. Security and c~­ operation in Europe also presuppose a stable and peaceful situation in and around West Berlin. The 6 Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, signed at Helsinki on I August 1975. • 114. The German Democratic Republic is aware that stability and confidence-building are not only a regional but also a global concern. For that reason, high priority ought to be accorded to the conclusion ofa world treaty on the non-use of force. If such a treaty could be put into effect, the threat ofaggression and military conflict would be diminished. Ageneral prohibition ofthe use of nuclear weapons would also be conceivable within its framework. The right to self-defence in the event of aggression, as guaranteed under the United Nations Charter, would remain unaffected, since the treaty would Obviously have to promote and create a situation in which it would no longer be necessary to resort to this right. The conclusion ofan agreement on the non-use of nuclear wear-0ns against nuclear-weapon-free States and the prohIbition of the stationing of such weapons in territories where there are no such weapons at present would no doubt be steps in that direction. 115. The public advocacy, by certain mass media, of war, hatred among peoples and the arms race run counter to the strengthening of international security. Last year's UNESCO declaration on that subjectS seeks to prevent this. It would be useful if the United Nations Secretariat were to furnish information as to what publicity is given allover the world to arms limita- tion efforts. 116. The same measure of attention must be paid to increasing Fascist and neo-Fascist activity, a fact which Mr. Erich Honecker, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany and Chairman of the Council of State of the German Democratic Republic, pointed out during his talks in April of this year with Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General of the United Nations. 117. Those who seek to terrorize public opinion, en- gage in slander campaigns and preach hatred among peoples and races can easily be identified as the most extreme enemies of peace, international understanding and human rights. They must be opposed with resolve before peoples have to suffer the consequences. Toler- ance or even leniency would be dangerous. The birth of the United Nations and its mandate are inseparably connected with the victory over Fascist barbarity. Abhorrence of evils done must include vigilance and determination to nip all new attempts in the bud. The activities of neo-Fascist forces require an adequately vigorous response by the United Nations. 118. We who are committed to preventing the out.- break of a third world war welcome the proposal put forward by the USSR to condemn from this rostrum hegemonic policies in all their manifestations [see A/34/ 2431. We view this as a suitable means ofstrengthening 7 Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin, signed at Berlin on 3 September 1971. • Declaration on Fundamental Principles concerning the Contribu- tion of the Mass Media to Strengthening Peace and International Understanding, to the Promotion ofHuman Rights and to Countering Racialism, Apartheidand Incitement to War. Forthe text, see United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. Records oj'the General Conference, Twemieth Session, vol. I, Resolutions, pp, [00·105. hegemonIsm at its worst, was crushed. II? Unresolved international conflicts and gross vio- !atl0ns ?f the Charter of the United Nations impair lOternat.l0nal security. Moreover, there are certain cir- cles which are arrogant enough to claim for themselves a "right to undertake punitive action". Aggression was 1au!lch~d against the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, whIch IS a close friend of the German Democratic Re- pu~Iic. Only determined defence and world-wide inter- natIonal solidarity with those attacked stopped that wanton act. 120. The unending attempts to take advantage of the refugee problem in South-East Asia also cause us con- cern. This problem was created as a result of the im- perialist policy of aggression in order to destabilize the situation in the region. It is obvious that someone has pulled the wires, namely the same forces who want to halt peaceful construction in Viet Narn, Laos, Kam- puchea and other States. We express solidarity with the peoples of Indo-China, who are defending resolutely their right to self-determination and peace in their re- gion. The seat of Kampuchea here in this Organization belongs to the People's Republic of Kampuchea. 121, It has been proved over and over again that the principles of the Charterofthe United Nations fonn the appropriate basis upon which to solve problems be- tween States. If that basis is rejected, no lasting solu- tion is possible. Thus, as everyone can see, the separate agreement in the Middle East has only aggravated the situation. The conflict area is being turned into a huge arsenal ofmost modern weaponry. Newaggressive acts against Arab States are threatening. Lebanon's sovereignty is being trampled upon. Israel's withdrawal from all territories occupied since 1967 and the guarantee of the Palestinian people's right to self- determination, including the right to form a State of their own remain fundamental prerequisites for peace and security ofall States in the M!ddl~ East. The dec!.- sions adopted by t~e world qrganlzatlOn do not .penmt of its involvement m separatIve manoeuvres WhICh, as even their advocates have come to realize, have led into a blind alley, because by sU,ch manoeuvres th~ rights of the Palestinian people are Ignored. Our par:tlcul~ sol- idarity is with the just struggle of the Pale~t~ne LIbera- tion Organization [PU?l! the sole legitImate rep- resentative of the PalestinIan people. 122. Also in regard to CYPfl;1s.. it is !1ecess~ry to imp!e- ment the United Nations deCISions, ~n conslstenc~ wl~h its Charter, so as to enable the Cypnot people to hve In peace. 123. The German De~ocr~tic Republic ~upports the people of Afghanistan In theIr effo~s to bUll~ u~ a neW life for themselves, free from colomal explOitatIOn and foreign interference. I')4 With the same measure ofsympathy and solidar- ity ,'we have been following the revolutionary events in threa~to.peace and security, and not only in that region. ;0 ehmmat~ that source of conflict, the unimpeded Implementation of the right to self-determination of the peoples in southern Africa, and the complete liberation of that continent from racism, colonialism and neo- colonialism will be needed. 126. No lasting solution of this problem can be achieved until the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia attain genuine independence and power is transferred to their legitimate representatives, the Patriotic Front and the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPOj, respectively. 127. The German Democratic Republic persistently denounces all attempts to set up illegal regimes in those countries, and it calls urgently for the enforcement of the sanctions imposed by the United Nations against ~hodesia and for effective sanctions against South Af- nca to be adopted by the Security Council of the United Nations. The German Democratic Republic emphati- cally condemns the continuing acts of aggression com- mitted by the racist regimes against Angola, Mozam- bique, Zambia and other nations. 128. As Mr. Honecker stressed during his tour of some African States earlier this year, the peoples of Africa in their difficult struggle can rely firmly upon the German Democratic Republic and the other States of the socialist community. 129. The resolution ofglobal issues affecting mankind requires a greater degree of co-operation under the United Nations system so that hunger and epidemics may be eradicated, problems ofenergy supply and envi- ronmental protection solved and new areas of activity opened up to mankind. This is closely related to the effol1s to strengthen international security. Is it not essentially the same problem that we are addressing ourselves to in restructuring international economic relations on a democratic basis? The perpetuation of the neD-colonialist division of labour in the interests of international corporations is a source of conflict. It is not least because of these fundamental considerations that-as was reaffirmed at the fifth session of UNCTAD-the German Democratic Republic backs the developing countries' insistence on the removal of old imperialist dependencies. In this context, it is the inalienable right of all States and peoples to exercise control over their natural resources. [30. The Charter of the United Nations, Mr. Presi- dent, commits the Organization to enhancing its role for the maintenance and deepening of international secur- ity. The Security Council bears special responsibility. The composition and operation of this principal organ are up to date and make co-operation possible, indeed necessary, among the pennanent members of the Se- curity Council, which are also nuclear-weapon States. 13 I. At a time of sharpening confrontation about the future course of international events, many people have pinned their hopes on the United Nations. This Organi- zation should and can bring its weight to bear for the benefit of good relations among States. The German 133. By right, from today on, the flag of Panama flies proudly on Ancon Hill, the sanctuary of the nationalist struggle of several generations, and there is justified rejoicing among all Latin American peoples. 134. This is a most happy coincidence and is in harmony with the noblest feelings of the people of Panama, which we wish to share with all States Mem- bers of this world assembly and with the Secretary- General of the United Nations, to whom the cause of the restoration of the territorial integrity of my country and respect for its sovereign owes so much.

May I congratulate you, Sir, on the happy circumstance you have just referred to of your presid- ing over the meeting this afternoon. My country joins in congratulating the people of Panama and warmly greets you personally. 136. May I also, through you, extend to the President of this Assembly the most cordial congratulations ofthe delegation of Chile on his election to preside over this Assembly. In his election we see a just recognition of his personal merits and qualities, which we have had the opportunity to appreciate throughout his effective guidance of the work of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Dec- laration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, of which my country is a member. We see this, too, as a well-deserved honourto his country and as a tribute to the striking individuality with which the nations of Africa join the international community and, with vigour and vitality, renew the strength and the validity of the principles which govern us. 137. May I associate in this tribute that distinguished Latin American, the former Minister for Foreign Af- fairs of Colombia, Mr. Indalecio Lievano, for his skilful guidance of the debates of the past General Assembly session. 138. I should also like to extend our greetings and gratitude to the Secretary-General for his endeavours. 139. I am very pleased to welcome a nation in the 141. On the threshold of the new century which we are about to enter, it seems fitting to bring to mind the intellectual and moral sources which were at the origin ofour Organization because the principles contained in such sources are those which should indicate its des- tiny. Throughout its history, the United Nations has been able to gain concrete experience of the real valid- ity of the ideals enshrined as purposes and principles in its fundamental Charter. 142. Those principles, which are the basis of our Or- ganization whose validity has been confirmed by expe- rience itself and which doubtless are unanimously felt by ourselves and firmly supported by my Govemment, are the following: the sovereign equality of all States; the self-determination of peoples and non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States; respect for the territorial integrity and political independence of every State; the prohibition and condemnation of the threat or the use of force; the peaceful settlement ofall disputes and compliance in good faith with obligations entered into; and to crown all this, so that we may approach the everlasting peace of Kant, the political will to make a reality of international co-operation. 143. A realistic analysis of our Organization leads us to observe, alongside the values I have mentioned, which are the true heritage of our Organization, the presence of corrosive factors, of dissolvent principles, which lessen our Organization's effectiveness, break its moral thrust, impair its legitimate force and some- times radically distort the meaning of its mission. 144. It is not our intention to criticize, nor do we believe that this is the appropliate time to do so. How- ever, just as we emphasize the principles of profound moral and legal content which are the heritage of the Organization and are incorporated in its practice, we also wish to point to some of the negative factors. 145. We believe that the first threat to the role of the United Nations which lessens the natural authority it should have over nations is the use of this forum for purely ideological purposes, for the play of power blocs and at times to give vent to the political pressures prevailing within countries. When these things occur the authority of our Organization is morally lessened because it appears to public opinion to depart from its true purpose in order to serve groups or blocs which the '0 Immanuel Kant. Perpetuol Peace: A PhilvsophiCliI Es.I'II)', trans. by M. Campbell Smith (New York. The Macmillan Company, 19031, 147. Another definite and grave threat to our institu- tion is the arms race. It is difficult for nations to discuss matters in this forum with trust and truth so long as there is the possibility that in a frenzied arms race their essential possessions will be jeopardized. Thus, instead of lessening international tensions by the use of peace- ful means for the settlement ofdisputes, by respect for treaties and by compliance with the rules of interna- tionaIlaw, it appears that the world would rather follow the irrational and tragic course of war, the deadly des- tiny of the arms race. This is even more serious for the economically weak nations since the sinister accumula- tion of arms also undermines peace because it absorbs financial resources which otherwise would be used for the development and welfare of the people. Let me illustrate this by saying that the cost of a medium- tonnage warship would be enough to allow the WHO to eradicate the scourge of smallpox from the world. 148. A third factor which threatens the effectiveness of the United Nations is the intemational economic crisis. which has reached such a point that it may even jeopardize the principles of the legal equality of States, international co-operation, and in some cases the self- determination of people. 149. International indexes and the serious concem registered by the majority ofthe Heads ofState, Heads of Government or Ministers who have spoken at this rostrum before me, prove beyond any doubt that the world economy is in a precarious position. 150. The impact of this crisis is, however, felt more keenly in the economies of the developing countries, which are weaker and therefore more vulnerable to . external conditions. In this context special attention should be given to the energy problem as a result of which the developing countries are experiencing great difficulties in shouldering the heavy burden of the con- stant increase in fuel prices which exacerbates their balance-of-payments problems and increases their ex- ternal indebtedness, with the social cost that all this implies. 151. All the foregoing is not the result of cyclical changes but rather of what we believe to be a structural maladjustment in the present international economic order. This order is unsatisfactory from every point of view, both for the industrialized countries of the North and for the mass of the developing countries con- centrated in the South. In fact, although the indus- trialized countries presumably benefit from the present structure, they are now stricken with high inflation rates, economic stagnation, recession and unemploy- ment, that bring a host of evil social consequences-all problems that had been considered characteristic of, and even endemic in, the developing countries alone. Therefore, it is obvious that a change in the present economic structure would benefit both sides. At the same time it is evident that such an undertaking can be 153. In these circumstances Chile is inclined to face the problems of the world economy, not by way of confrontation but rather through co-operation and by a continuing dialogue, because the restructuring of the world economy is a formidable task in which the efforts of all should be combined. For this same reason we unreservedly subscribe to the proposal by the Group of 77 which seeks to establish global negotiations on the outstanding problems relating to raw materials, energy, trade, development, money and finance. 154. Furthermore, my country attaches special im- portance to the concept of co-operation among de- veloping countries within the framework of national and collective self-reliance. Within the limits of our capacity we have already contributed assistance and credits to other countries. For Chile this form of co- operation has its own dynamics, which is independent and does not replace traditional North-South co- operation. 155. The application of the principles of the United Nations Charter and the provisions that give them ef- fect should extend beyond the strategies ofantagonistic groups and power blocs. It should not be subject to the ups and downs of political opportunism and should be free from the constant threat of the arms race and the economic crisis, for which the industrialized mltions bear so much responsibility. 156. The principles of the Charter should be applied consistently, without fear or favour, both by the Or- ganization and by all Member States. Tolerance of the violation of those principles and impunity for those guilty of such violation in the end undermine the very foundations of international order and thus deprive the community of States of its ethical and legal basis. Therefore, we must not ask "for whom the bell tolls" when a country is the victim of the violation of its essential rights. The ben will toll for each of the Mem- bers of the Organization and indeed for the Organiza- tion itself. 157. My country is aware of the need to join ranks with all nations of the world, on the basis of co- operation and mutual respect. We have been making constructive efforts with a clear awareness of the sol- idarity of our interests and our common purposes. 158. With the countries of Latin America we maintain and are working to strengthen ties which go back toour 159. Our links with the countries of Europe are deeply rooted in our history and culture, and we therefore wish to cultivate them. Having just returned from a visit to several European countries, may I greet my dear col- leagues attending this Assembly who, a few days ago, so kindly welcomed our desire to carry out that task. 160. My country has also continued to develop ex- isting links with the countries of Africa, adding to the relations we have had with many nations of that conti- nent those which we recently established with the Ivory Coast, Gabon and Swaziland. We have a real under- standing of the problems besetting the States of Africa-some of which we have lived through ourselves-and we believe they must be solved by the Africans themselves, without any external interfer- ence. We therefore reject any armed intervention in their continent and proclaim the inalienable right of its peoples to be the architects of their own destinies. Hence we cannot remain silent over the situation of conflict in southern Africa. We note with interest some of the initiatives that are under way-basically con- cerning Rhodesia and Namibia-and we reiterate our support for decolonization and the self-determination of peoples, as well as our rejection of all forms of discrimination. 161. We have many ties with the peoples of the Mid- dle East, some of whose sons and daughters have be- come Chilean citizens, contributing their centuries-old values and culture to our own. We view with alarm the situation in that part of the world, but are pleased with some of the results achieved, thanks to great effort and tenacity, in an attempt to bring peace to that region. We believe that those initiatives must be extended to all aspects of this delicate question. To fail to do that would be to turn our backs on reality and perpetuate a hotbed of tension which endangers world peace. Nor is the tragedy of Lebanon alien to us, and we view with growing alarm the tearing asunder of a country with so much potential. We support the peace-keeping ac- tivities of the United Nations in that country. 162. Because of its great maritime tradition and its extensive coastline, Chile has opened channels oftrade across the Pacific with countries of Asia and Oceania. This past year, we have had the pleasure ofestablishing dipI~matic relations with Singapore and Malaysia, thus add109 to those we already enjoyed with several countries on those continents. In this connexion, I would stress my visit to the People's Republic ofChina last year and the recent visit to Chile of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Japan. 163. Chile is convinced of the need to enrich its cultural heritage with the legacy of the wisdom of old .. cultures and civilizations that have flourished in this 165. On 27 September last, His Holiness Pope John Paul II addressed the representatives ofthe two States in the process of mediation and, through them, their peoples and Governments. The ideas embodied in the statement of His Holiness constitute a most valuable contribution to the mediation process. 166. Precisely because my country has an honourable tradition of settling its disputes by peaceful and legaJ means, we view with satisfaction the inclusion in our agenda of an item on the settlement by peaceful means of disputes between States [item /22], proposed by the Government of Romania [see A/34/143]. We shall therefore make every endeavour to see that positive results are achieved in this field. The establishment of effective, mandatory systems for the settlement ofdis- putes would contribute to the elimination of violence and the establishment of the rule of law in international relations. 167. I am pleased to highlight, as an important result of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, the adoption of the principle of a 200-mile exclusive economic zone, which originated in the Santiago Declaration of 1952 on the maritime zone.'2 My country played a major role in the drafting of that instrument, and has firmly upheld the doctrine it proclaims. 168. Accordingly,Chile has continued to participate 12 Declaration on the Maritime Zone. See Yearbook ofthe ["terna- lional Luw Commission, 1956, vol. I (United Nations publication, Sales No, 1956.V.3, vol I), 362nd meeting. para. 35. 169. On this occasion I cannot fail to express our concern-a concern shared by many countries-over the North American announcement that the United States will ignore the maritime jurisdiction of other States beyond the three-mile limit. This attitude is detri- mental to the rights of coastal States and impedes the negotiations now under way within the Conference it- self. Noteworthy in this connexion is the categorical pronouncement of the member countries of the South Pacific Commission-Colombia, Ecuador, Chile and Peru-issued on 18 August last. 13 170. In recent years my country has undergone hard experiences, which a world in confusion and convul- sion inflicts on a people wishing to live an open and peaceful life. Ours has been an old and well~balanced democracy, giving opportunities to all forms ofpolitical and social structures which the free will of man has for~ed in our times. However, the nihilist virulence, which cruelly strikes at elementary structures of our civilized life in every region of the world, has seriously damaged our society and threatens the stability of our cultural and historical institutions in a legal and social structure carefully designed to befit our dignity as a nation. 171. It was necessary and unavoidable that a new government be established with heroic determination to assume the responsibility for guiding the country through that grave crisis. After some years ofenormous sacrifice and misunderstanding, this Government may say with serene pride that it has succeeded in overcom- ing economic bankruptcy, given a new and orderly life to the social systems, guaranteed the security of the citizens, initiated a labour plan, adapted educational and cultural programmes to the requirements of our times and drafted a new constitution, among other things-aJ1 ofwhich are enabling Chile to face the future with optimism. In these circumstances we wish to welcome a broad exchange of ideas, experience, goods and wealth with all nations on the basis of mutual re- spect, and before this Assembly we reiterate our desire to participate actively in its tasks and to honour and support the lofty mission entrusted to it in accordance with the principles of the fundamental Charter.

This thirty-fourth session of the General As- sembly will have the singular privilege tomorrow of receiving His Holiness John Paul II and hearing his solemn statement in this forum dedicated to achieving peace and to maintaining and strengthening it among all 173. Therefore, on the eve of such a solemn and ex- ceptional event, the delegation of Paraguay associates itself with the expectations and hopes aroused among us all by the presence ofthe Supreme Pontiff. On behalf of the people and Government of my country, we offer to the Pope the respectful tribute of Paraguay, which remains faithful to the traditions of Christianity and its doctrines as an expression of a way of life which is in accordance with the innennost requirements of our national entity. 174. It is true that the panorama offered by today's world is not encouraging, for it is engaged as never before in confrontations ofevery kind and on different scales both within and elutside national boundaries. In spite of that, our inescapable mission is to preserve peace, going beyond its purely intangible moral values to the dialogue that is necessary to ensure at least a minimum of civilized coexistence. We wish for a peace built on the dignity of man, and we therefore categori- cally reject any system which constitutes a barrier to freedom. 175. Thus, Paraguay does not admit the Communist philosophy of life, nor does it allow it to be preached within our territory. We are combating the Marxist doctrine, exercising the right of our own national self- preservation, and we repudiate its atheistic and materi- alistic concept of human life. 176. In this respect, my country maintains a single and unswerving Ime ofconduct. After many decades of political anarchy, of destruction of the public and pri- vate economy and of the downgrading of our civil and democratic values, Paraguay, under the serene and patriotic guidance ofPresident Alfredo Stroessner, and with the support of the powerful political force of the Colorado Party, has succeeded in channelling the march of the nation of Paraguay along the paths of stability and prosperity. 177. We practise a form of government which is in accordance with the temperament, the vocation and the very nature of the people of Paraguay and we believe that every political community has not only the right but the duty to provide itselfwith the institutions suited to its particular characteristics. 178. In accordance with this line ofthinking, we view with concern the attitude of certain Governments which practise interference in internal affairs which are exclusively within the competence and responsibility of other States. The affirmation, management and solu- tion of its own national problems are matters exclu- sively within the sovereignty of the nation itself. How- ever, it so happens that, invoking the principle of the defence of human rights, some would from abroad dictate to other Governments rules of conduct in spe- cific cases, even going so far as to invade the area of order and internal security. Some even make so bold as to pass judgements and express opinions regarding measures or solutions which should be adopted only by those who are vested with the authority ofthe will ofthe people, by those who have acquired the necessary ex- perience to confront local situations and by those who have taken on the unavoidable responsibility of pre- 180. The pluralistic political regime of Paraguay is a Iiving and permanent reality. Both in the national Parlia- ment, consisting of the Chamber of Senators and the Chamber of Deputies, and in the municipal councils of all the main municipalities of the country, the opposi- tion is represented by political parties. 181. We are absolutely true to the principle of non- intervention in the internal affairs of States, and we strictly respect the self-determination of peoples. This attitude is not new, nor is it due to circumstances ofthe moment. It derives from our distant past, and has its unshakeable roots in the very history of Paraguay, which in the last century fought heroically in an ex- hausting five-year war to maintain intact the principle of what was then called the ..policy of balance", and which in modem terminology is exactly what we now call the self-determination of peoples. 182. The Government of Paraguay does not judge, either publicly or through diplomatic channels, the in- ternal policies of other States. Nor does it by either of those means allow itself to give its views on matters or events which are related to the sovereignty of or politi- cal leadership displayed by other Governments. 183. Nor do we acknowledge didactic leadership ac- cording to which other Governments, or those who arrogate their representation to themselves, dictate rules to us for exercising public authority. It must be known that for us the only sovereign in this matter is the people of Paraguay. By the only valid means, namely the ballot box, and by an overwhelming majority, that people has placed its destiny in the hands of those who now legitimately represent them. Iam proud to say that Paraguay can boast of its people, who are dignified and noble, and who from the very first hours of their ex- istence have given exceptional proof of their qualities as well as of their courage in defending the values for which the fearless struggle goes on in what we call "Western civilization". 184. Since it is impossible, because of the time avail- able, to dwell on other items which also offer much food for thought, and which are on the agenda ofthis session. I should like to report on the situation of my country with regard to a subject which is ofgeneral interest and concern. 185. There is no doubt that shadows will loom over the future ofthe world because ofa growing difficulty in obtaining two essentials for the well-being and progress of mankind: energy and food. With almost absolute certainty, this difficulty will bring about a substantial change in the economy of many countries by reversing relations which today seem to be logical and even un- changeable. I am pleased to point out, in view of this prospect, which in one way or another will affect the vast majority of the community of nations, that my country, Paraguay. will certainly be an exception. 187. I believe it would be ofinterest to this Assembly to know ofthe guiding ideas which inspired the building of the hydroelectric stations which my country has undertaken with the Federative Republic of Brazil, and with the Republic of Argentina on the River Parana, on a mixed or binational enterprise basis, with full parity in their co-ownership. With Brazil, we are building the hr.droelectric station at Itaipti, which will produce 70 billion kilowatt-hours, thus placing it at the head of the largest enterprises in the world in this field. And, likewise with Argentina, we are already in the initial phase of complete execution of another hydroelectric station, Yacyreta. That station will produce 18 billion kilowatt-hours per year, which, likewise, places it in the forefront among the major world utilities. Further- more, an understanding between my country, Ar- gentina and Brazil, which has just been concluded, will make it possible on that selfsame Parana river to build another hydroelectric station with a yearly production ofthe same order as the one at Yacyreta to which I have referred. 188. The political and economic philosophy underly- ing these undertakings is based on the assumption that the energy produced will be distributed equally be- tween the two partners-Paraguay and Brazil, or Para- guayand Argentina as the case may be. In exchange for the difference between our energy consumption and half the total energy produced-to which initially each of the partners is entitled-my country will receive an adequate compensation until we ourselves find it neces- sary to review this difference. 189. I wish to emphasize, as a tribute to the spirit of understanding and perfect equality which prevails over the technical and diplomatic negotiations between my country and Argentina and Brazil, that the Paraguayan firms participating in the realization ofthese monumen- tal construction tasks have demonstrated a high degree of efficiency which made it possible for countries at different economic levels to associate for enterprises of mutual benefit in conditions of reasonable equity. There has also been a sense of balance which fully reflects the atmosphere of peace and friendship which prevails in the region in which we live: the vast area of the basin of the River Plate, one of the prime areas of the world because of its social and political configura- tion as an inexhaustible source ofeconomic possibilities. 190. I would like to stress that, in addition to the vast volume of energy from renewable resources, such as hydroelectric energy, which does not have the prob- lems connected with mineral or atomic production and its technology, and which very shortly will be available to Paraguay, we have the privileged condition of a 192. Aware of its historic responsibility and its com- mitment to the present generation, the Government of President Stroessner is devoting all its efforts to place my country in the privileged situation it occupied in its early history and which it earned through the dignity of its people and because of its brilliant history. 193. We have suffered much misfortune, due mainly to. international wars and attacks against our sovereignty and independence. The hard lesson of tl\.e past has strengthened us in our resolve to be steadfast in the face of any attempt at foreign interference, under whatever emblem by whatever method, from whatever origin or whatever arguments may be made use ofto try to justify it. 194. My country is open to all men of goodwill who wish to see with their own eyes and with an open mind the atmosphere of peace, democracy and freedom in which we are developing our republican institutions, which are the basis ofourconfidence in a brilliant future which we wish to share with the sister nations of America and with the other nations which, with us, profess their faith in better days for mankind. 195. I wish to end this statement by reiterating the pleasure with which Paraguay, its people and Govern- ment, note today, 1 October, the celebration of an auspicious event: the coming into force of the Panama Canal Treaty. I congratulate you, Mr. President, your noble country of Panama and its Government, for de- fending the rights of your country so tenaciously and with such dignity. 196. This is an obvious and happy sign of a better understanding among the Americas, the one in the north and the one in the south, called upon to agree on the level of absolute unqualified respect and without blameworthy ignorance. J97. Paraguay would not wish America to succumb to a suicidal confusion of concepts, but would rather that, with God's help, "government of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth" .

It gives me particu- lar pleasure to address the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly, meeting as it is under the presi- dency of Ambassador Salim. The Australian Govern- ment and successive Australian representatives to the United Nations have known his capacity, his energy and the vitality of his ideas, assets which we are confi- dent he will be able to employ in the coming yearfor the benefit of the Organization as a whole. Australia's membership in the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation ofthe Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, in particular, has provided us with the privilege of co-operating closely with him in the im- 199. It is always a pleasure to welcome new Members to this' Organization and, on behalf of the Australian Government, I was happy to become a sponsor of the admission of Saint Lucia, a fellow Commonwealth country. 200. The end of a decade is an occasion for reflection and for the drawing up of balance-sheets. In many respects the 1970s marked a turning-~int in interna- tional affairs. It was a decade in which many of the assumptions of the past were found to be inadequate. The international agenda has been drastically altered and new issues have come to the fore. 201. Energy problems emerged as one of our most serious concerns. Demands for the establishment of a more efficient and more equitable international economic order have been among the more compelling pressures for change. International concern to limit the catastrophic potential of the arms race has continued unabated. Particular emphasis has been given to human rights and the issues of social justice. 202. These issues will also dominate the agenda ofthe 1980s. However, whereas in the 1970s we began to grasp and to adjust to the changing realities involved, in the 1980s we will face the daunting task of finding solutions. 203. As we move into the 1980s it would be reckless to ignore the difficulties which now cloud prospects for Jdobal economic growth. It would be reckless and in- humane to overlook the fact that some 800 million people in the developing world still live in absolute poverty. 204. The challenge we now face is that after some 25 years of unprecedented growth-a process in which many developing countries shared-the economies of most countnes are now faltering. Steady rates of growth have been broken and governments are hard- pressed to restore them to the previous levels. Growth In trade, which had been running at 8 per cent in the 1950s and the 1960s has fallen by half. IMation, unem- ployment and protectionist measures have emerged as majOr problems for the developed market-economy countries. This has had serious consequences for the developing countries. Australia has shared these prob- lems, understands their impact on developing countries and is committed to their resolution. 205. The international community must face these problems squarely. We must not shrink from the re- sponsibilities we all share. Next year's special session ofthe General Assembly will provide a major opportun- ity to come to grips with the constraints on growth to which I have referred, and that opportunity must be grasped. 207. .The international development strategy for the third development decade will be a particularlyim- portant matter for the special session. We owe it to our own people to ensure that the special session produces a practical and action-oriented strategy. Ways ofgiving impetus to the real factors ofgrowth must befound. The strategy must identify national efforts and commit- ments and clearly establish objectives in relation to economic and social development. Above all, it must present realistic ways in which all countries can work for the achievement of these objectives. 208. Australia, for its part, has been taking stock of how these relationships, and in particular the North- South dialogue, can be made more productive. This has been the basic concern behind our practical approaches at the fifth session ofUNCTAD and our initiative atthe Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries meeting in Lusaka to have a study made of constraints on growth [see A/34/439-S/13515, annex, para. 42]. The stalemate in the present dialogue must be broken. 209. Australia has considered carefully the proposals put forward to launch global negotiations in the United Nations, open to all Members, in certain important areas which are central to the North-South dialogue. We are prepared to accept in principle the proposalsfor global negotiations. This is on the understanding that the Committee ofthe Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174 will be able to draw up a programme for negotiations setting out, in an accept- able form, the priorities and the modalities for the nego- tiations and their relationship with ongoing negotiations on these issues in other foroms. We would want to be sure that the projected global interrelated negotiations should be carefully approached so as to ensure, as far as possible, practical progress on the complex issues in- volved. Such progress will inevitably come by stages and not necessarily in an interlocked, interwoven fash- ion. We must seek to move forward wherever we can, and some areas will of course be more susceptible to forward movement than others. We are naturally con- cerned, in particular, that the opening of any global negotiations on a wide range of interrelated issues should not hold up ongoing negotiation on them inother more specialized foroms-for example, in UNCTAD on the Common Fund and on international conunodity agreements. 210. In addressing the constraints on growth, my Government has put special emphasis on the current high levels of inflation, with its damaging effects on development, on employment, on exchange rates and on trade flows. Unless controlled, inflation brings in its wake economic disruption and social disintegration. Its worst effects weigh most heavily on the poorest mem- bers of our communities. ' 211. The failure of many developed countries to con- trol domestic inflation has unquestionably had a se- verely adverse impact on developing countries, which look to the developed world as the market for 70 per cent of their exports and as the major source ofcapital and development assistance. Sound anti-inflationary 219. Recent events have re-emphasized the 1.!rge~t need to implement policies aimed both at c?nservmg.OII and at adapting economies to th.e neces.s~ty ~or uSlOg alternative energy resources. ThIS t~SItIO~ IS ~und to be protracted and, in many '?0!ln~nes, q~lte pall1ful. But the need to embark upon It IS ImperatIve. 220. I am convinced that we will fail in the task that confronts us if energy producers and consu~ersadoI?t confrontational attitudes. Interdependence IS a basiC and intractable feature of the global energy scene. In- deed ifthe so-called energy crisis taught us anything at all it' is that we must establish a realistic basis upon which a consensus can be built. 213. The task ofdismantling protectionist measures is quite formidable; adjustment cannot be instantaneous. But we should not be deflected by narrow sectional interests. We must recognize that adjustment measures also open up new opportunities. 221. No country can ignore the world-wide conse- quences of what is happening. There is n?w, as ministers of the Organization of EconomIC Co- operation and Development have recently warned, a real danger that, without responsible policies by oil consumers and producers alike, the energy situation will seriously damage the world economy. 214. In Australia's view the developing countries must be given greater access to world markets for their exports. Only last week my Government announced a new series of initiatives aimed at improving the de- veloping countries' share of Australian trade. These measures include the further expansion of the Austra- lian system of tariff preferences. 222. Australia is prepared to bring a constructive and realistic attitude to the issues involved. We see ourselves as having particular responsibilities. Aus- tralia is well placed as regards indigenous energy re- sources, and we are a net energy exporter. We have abundant coal and natural gas reserves, and our vast uranium deposits are now being mined. While develop- ing these resources, we have also increased support for energy research and development and have promoted energy conservation and inter-fuel substitution. We have been active in furthering international co- operation in a variety of bilateral, regional and interna- tional arrangements. 215. A significant number of developing countries- several of them in Australia's region-have now emerged as important exporters of manufactures and services. The increasing diversification of those countries' economies and their movements away from import-substitution strategies have laid a basis for large-scale expansion of output and increasing trade specialization. While this development presents a ma- jor competitive challenge to the industries of many developed countries, there are also substantial oppor- tunities mixed in with it. We should all be seeking to associate ourselves with their growth and together aim to share the benefits of the expanding trade flows that they are generating. 223. Australia has given particular attention to the needs ofthe developing countries ofour region. We are working actively in ESCAP and in the Commonwealth Regional Consultative Group on Energy. We are also co-operating closely with other countries of the region on a bilateral basis. Emphasis has been placed on the possibility of establishing energy systems suited to the particular needs of these countries. This entails de- veloping available conventional resources and ap- propriate alternative technologies. 216. An open world trading system needs the dynamic of increased trade flows based on comparative advantage-flows which have been most noticeably stimulated in recent years by the newly industrializing countries. If the international trading system is to realize its full potential and bring benefits to the interna- tional community as a whole, we must prevent the erection offurther obstacles to trade. At the same time, we must make progress in dismantling existing pro- tectionist barriers. 224. My earlier reference to uranium was in the con- text'of its use as a valued energy resource. But Aus- tralia is deeply conscious that there are alternative and awesome uses to which it can be put. With substantial rC?sources o~u.r~nium, Australia undoubtedly has a spe- Cial responsIbilIty to ensure that it is used for the better- ment of mankind and not for its annihilation. 217. Australia will continue to press these items in the relevant international forums. We see these issues as essential elements in the establishment of a better and more just international economic order. For this reason Australia will be asking the UNCTAD Trade and De- velopment Board to consider a draft resolution- similar to the one that we introduced at the fifth session of UNCTAD-on the related issues of inflation, pro- tectionism and structural adjustment. 225. The continuing imperatives of maintaining peace and security. must remain uppermost among the challenges facI~g the worl~ ,?ommunity in the next dec- ade. The creatIOn of condltlons which will strengthen inteJ"!lational security and give the world the confidence that It can live in peace is vitally important. 218. Energy issues are now also recognized as crucial to economic growth. Significantly increased prices of certain energy resources and doubts about their supply have hindered economic development and have set 2.26. The continuin~process of stf'dtegic arms limita- tIOn between the Untted States and the Soviet Union is 227. Australia also attaches great importance to the earliest possible conclusion of negotiations among the United States, the Soviet Union and the United King- dom on the tenus ofa comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty. The submission of the text of a treaty to the Committee on Disannament before the second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in 1980 would ad- vance consideration ofthe issues and make a significant contribution to the success of that Conference, and we urge the three negotiating Powers to work towards this end. 228. A test-ban treaty will inhibit the further develop- ment of existing nuclear arsenals. It will be an addi- tional pillar of the international non-proliferation re- gime by providing a new avenue through which countries can renounce nuclear weapons. It will also give further reassurance that nuclear programmes in non-nuclear-weapon States were directed exclusively to peaceful purposes. 229. The second Review Conference will provide a timely opportunity to lend weight to the objectives of the Treaty, to review its operation and to take account of the concerns of new parties. Australia, as a finn adherent to the principles ofnon-proliferation, will con- tinue to play an active role in the preparations for the Conference. 230. Australia is encouraged by the fact that the Treaty continues to display its relevance and its value by attracting new States parties. The accession of In- donesia and Bangladesh was a welcome development. Increasing membership contributes to the benefits which the Treaty provides for regional and interna- tional security and, of course, for stable international trade and co-operation in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. 231. The global non-proliferation scene and interna- tional nuclear co-operation could, however, be seri- ously damaged by the emergence of a situation in the Indian subcontinent, which shattered the fragile con- straints ~ainst proliferation in that region. Australia regards thiS with very great concern. The risks ofprolif- eration in southern Africa and the Middle East are also most disturbing. We hope that countries which have not acceded to the non-proliferation Treaty will reassure the international community by affirming their accept- ance either of full-scope safeguards on their nuclear industries or of some other binding and verifiable commitment. 232. Non-pr6liferation objectives have also been en- hanced by the lntemational Nuclear Fuel Cycle Evalu- ation, which cbncludes early next year. There has been significant agreement on a range ofproblems previously the subject of controversy. Useful ideas have emerged which could lead to important new institutional barriers 233. The Committee on Disarmament in Geneva, dur- ing its first year of operation, has devoted considerable effort to elaborating possible new arms control instru- ments. Australia, as a member of the body since the beginning of this year, has welcomed the opportunities that membership has conferred to bring new perspec- tives to the work ofthe Committee. We look forward to helping the Committee produce concrete results as it pursues its work. In particular, we hope that 1980 will see agreement obtained on measures of nuclear arms control and on radiological and chemical weapons. 234. We further hope that, once work has been com- pleted in the Committee on a comprehensive test-ban treaty, the nuclear-weapon Powers will give serious conSideration to proposals for a cut-off in the produc- tion of fissionable materials for nuclear weapons. This would be a major step to ending the nuclear-arms race and reinforcing non-proliferation, and would represent further real progress in the search for conditions in which mankind can be freed from the threat ofdevasta- tion and destruction. 235. In considering the conditions for maintaining in- ternational peace and security, we must pay particular attention to the areas of conflict and tension. Through its peace-keeping machinery the United Nations has played an important role in containing otherwise dangerously volatile situations. Peace-keeping machin- ery not only protects future generations from the hor- rors of war, it protects people now from the threat of conflict caused by rivalries and fears from the past. 236. Australia has maintained a firm tradition ofsup- port for the peace-keeping operations of the United N&.tions. We see our contributions to peace-keeping, in Cyprus, the Middle East and Kashmir, as direct con- tnbutions to the cause ofpeace. Our offer to contribute to the proposed United Nations Transition Assistance Group in Namibia has been made with quite the same conViction. But peace-keeping forces do not of themselves generate lasting peace. Parties to conflicts must be persuaded to negotiate, as they are now doing in London in relation to Zimbabwe, as certain of them are doing in the Middle East, and as they must continue to do in Cyprus. 237. I now want to consider some of these issues in more detail. We are all familiar with the long history of the Middle East conflict and with the disappointments which have characterized it. Australia has supported the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel. 14 We see it as a first step towards ajust, lasting and comprehensive peace settlement in the Middle East. We understandthe fears and concerns ofothers and appreciate that a solu- tion of that region's problems depends on factors not 14 Treaty of Peace between the Arab Republic of Egypt and the State of Israel. signed in Washington on 26 March 1979. 238. It is essential to devise a peace which satisfies all interested parties-and which puts an end to terrorism. We therefore base our policies on the need for negotia- tions starting from the principles of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). Israel's right to exist within secure and recognized boundaries must be accepted. The legitimate rights of the Palestinian people to a homeland alongside Israel, and their cor- res'ponding responsibility to live peacefully with all theIr neighbours also must be recognized. 239. In this spirit the Australian Government con- tinues to offer its support to any efforts to reach a settlement acceptable to all parties concerned. We hope that all will turn away from statements, actions and policies which are prejudicial to the search for a comprehensive peace. 240. In thinking about the Middle East we should not ignore the sufferings of the people in the ravaged and divided land of Lebanon. The Australian community has been enriched by the arrival of large numbers of immigrants and refugees from Lebanon and other parts of the region and we share their heartfelt concern that no effort should be spared to bring peace to the region. 241. The plight ofthe people ofCyprus is also a matter of the greatest concern to the Australian community. We whole-heartedly support the continuing role of the United Nations and ofthe Secretary-Generalin particu- lar in efforts to bring peace to all the people ofCyprus. Australia welcomed the resumption of intercommunal talks in June 1979, following the agreement between President Kyprianou and Mr. Denkta~, 15 itselfbased on the Makarios-Denkta~guidelines,16 but we greatly re- gret that those talks have not progressed. We hope that debate on the Cyprus issue at this General Assembly will provide the impetus for further progress. 242. Australia is deeply concerned at the continuing tragic loss oflife as a result ofthe conflict in Zimbabwe. There have been too many wasted years and wasted opportunities. The agreement reached at the Meetingof Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries in Lusaka in August [see A/34/439-SI13515, annex, para. J5] provides a new opportunity which must not be lost. Australia fully supports that agreement which we hope will carry the parties to settlement. 243. The presence of the principal parties to the dis- pute at the Rhodesia ConstitutIonal Conference re- cently convened by the United Kingdom Government is encouraging. We urge the parties to carry their nego- tiations to fulfi1ment and to bring an end to the present tragic situation which has brought the whole of south- ern Africa to the brink of ruin and war. 244. As a member of the United Nations Council for Namibia, Australia has actively sought a peaceful and IS See OfficialRecords ofthe Security Council, Thirty-fourth Year, Supplement for April, May and June /979, document S/13369, para. 51. 16 Ibid., Thirty-second Year, Supplement for January, February and March 1977. document 8/12323, paras. 4 and 5. 245. There remains, of course, the problem of the policies of the South African Government. Australia will continue to work for the end of the deplorable policy of aeartheid. The point is approaching when patience will run out within South Africa itself and when increasing resort to violence will be seen by many as their only option. Let us hope that that point will not be reached, Let us hope that reason and responsibility will prevail. 246. Australia is deeply concerned by the problem of refugees' throughout the world-in Africa, the Middle East and South-East Asia. We give full support to the United Nations High Commissionerfor Refugees in his efforts to alleviate the distress and to promote the reset- tlement of the dispossessed peoples. My own country has a proud and continuing tradition in settling refugees from many continents and countries. 247. In South-East Asia, the plight of the "boat people" from Viet Nam and the land refugees from Kampuchea has assumed tragic proportions. Innocent men, women and children have been displaced and rendered homeless on a massive scale. They have been forced to flee from war, famine, disease and the abhor- rent pressure of political coercion. A major humanita- rian crisis exists. This has precipitated serious political and economic problems and tensions in the region. The exodus has been of such proportions as to jeopardize regional stability. 248. The financial, political and social burdens in- volved have fallen particularly heavily on the countries of first asylum, that is the States of the Association of South-East Asian Nations. The international commu- nity must recognize the very real limits on the ability of those countries to cope with a crisis of such massive pr0\>Ortions. Important new steps towards meeting that CriSIS were taken at the meeting convened by the Secretary-General in Geneva in July. 18 We in Australia have from the beginning taken in a substantial number of refugees and we are also providing substantial finan- cial assistance. 249. At the same time, Australia believes it is vitally important to recognize that the underlying causes ofthe refugee exodus have yet to be tackled. We have noted that since the Geneva meeting there has been a diminu- tion in the numbers ofthose leaving Viet Nam. We look to the Government of Viet Nam to abide by the under- takings it gave at Geneva and to make sustained and serious efforts to resolve this problem in all its aspects. 250. The tragedy of widespread starvation and dis- ease in war-ravaged Kampuchea also demands our im- mediate attention. Whatever one's politicalj>ef'SJ,!asion, 17 Ibid., Thirty-third Year, Supplement for July, August and September 1978, document 8/12827. 18 Meetingon Refugees and Displaced Persons in South-East Asia. held in Geneva from 20 to 21 July 1979. co~operate in this emergency. The international relief agencies and voluntary organizations must be allowed to carry forward this task as a matter of the utmost urgency. 251. Australia for its {'art is prepared to do all within its power to assist in mtemationaL relief efforts. We have already agreed to provide, through the World Food Programme, 3,500 metric tons of rice for hUplanitarian relief in Kampuchea. We are also com- pleting arrangements for a special charter flight to carry emergency food and medical supplies to the people of Kampuchea. Australia fully supports the appeal to the international community made by the Secretary- General on 27 September for funds and supplies for Kampuchea. 252. Against this background. my Government is also deeply concerned by the intensified hostilities in Kam- puchea. An increase in the scale ofthe fighting can only add to the already intolerable suffering ofthe people of Kampuchea, swell the flow of refugees and complicate still further the difficulties of organizing relief opera- tions. Wider conflict within Kampuchea also carries risks of escalation and so endangers the security of the South-East Asian region as a whole. We must do im- mediately whatever we can to alleviate the misery and want of millions of human beings. But we must also recognize that there can be no lasting 301ution to the problems of Kampuchea until peace is restored, all external forces Withdrawn and conditions created in which the Kampuchean peopLe can decide their own future for themselves, free from outside interference of any kind. 253. A recurring theme of many of the conflicts to which I have referred is the disregard for basic hUJIian values and rights. It is therefore particularly ap- propriate that at this time His Holiness Pope John Paul II-a great humanitarian, a great defender offreedom, of faith and of the human spirit-should be attending this session of the General Assembly. His presence tomorrow will remind us all of the commitments we have all made in supporting the Charter of the United Nations----commitments to the achievement of real im- provements in the condition ofindividuaL men, women and children. 254. The United Nations has embarked upon a number of action-oriented programmes. The Interna- tional Year ofthe Child, the United Nations Decade for Women, the two United Nations Development Dec- ades, the Disarmament Decade and the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, have all aimed to improve the lot ofindividual men and women. 255. Much has been done to bring comfort and hope to the dispossessed and the deprived peoples ofthe world. Major instruments in the field of human rights have entered into force and new instruments are now being framed. The validity of the claims of the nations and 256. Nothing is more pernicious in this regard than racism and racial prejudice. At the recent Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries in Lusaka, Australia joined with every other Common- wealth country in issuing the Lusaka Declaration ofthe Commonwealth on Racism and Racial Prejudice [see A/34/439-S/13515, annex]-a document which ad- dressed itselfto the problem ofracism in all its forms, in every country. Racism is one among the many human problems that must be tackled in the 1980s. People will not accept nor should they be expected to accept fear, want and the systematic violation of their rights. The United Nations must organize itself to deal effectively with the pressing problems confronting so many in everyday life. 257. We agree with the Secretary-General on the need to generate renewed public support in all countries for the United Nations and its work to fulfil its objectives on behalf of all mankind. 258. Australia is moving into the 1980s with a strong desire to promote solutions to the many challenges which we face. We do so on the basis of a considered assessment of Australia's place in the new circum- stances of.today. I have, as recently as 18 September, submitted in the Australian Parliament a report on Aus- tralia's relations with the third world. So far as I know, no other developed country has undertaken so detailed an analysis ofthe question ofits relations with the third world, yet it is a question which affects the prospects of peace, prosperity and progress for all mankind. 259. Australia accepts the fact that it has serious re- sponsibilities. We are not prepared to stand idly by ata tIme when drift and even stalemate hamper progress in key areas of international relations. This drift must be arrested and the stalemate. broken. 260. We have no illusions that the next decade will be any easier than the last. The international community must approach the 1980s with renewed vigour and with a detennination to develop practical and realistic solu- tions to the issues which we face. Above all we should avoid situations in which preconceived or outdated at- titudes and ideological rigidities preclude progress. With goodwill, no problem is intractable.

It gives me great pleasure to express to you, Sir, on behalfofthe Governmentand people ofKuwait, heartfelt congratulations on your election as President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. Your unanimous election is a tribute to the high status which you enjoy in international circles as a diplomat with wide experience, and a recognition of your country's role in international affairs, especially in Africa. 262. I should like also to pay a tribute to your pre- decessor, Mr. Indalecio Lievano, for the manner in which he conducted the work ofthe thirty-third session of the General Assembly. 264. Kuwait has consistently advocated respect for the principle of the universality of the United Nations, which should make the world Organization a real microcosm of international society. In that respect, 1 should like to congratulate Saint Lucia on its admission to the United Nations. We are confident that it is now ready to discharge the responsibilities ofstatehood and to Participate actively in the work of international organIzatIOns. 265. International developments during the past year have not been encouraging and in many cases have given rise to pessimism. Rivalry increased among the big Powers to expand their spheres of influence and to tighten their grip over other regions subordinate to iliem. Flagrant interference in the affairs ofother States intensified. This period was also characterized by de- pendence on force to solve differences among States, and the threat to use the means of armed invasion to bring pressure on legitimate Governments to compel them to pursue policies inimical to their interests. 266. In today's world, there is a great need to end the vestiges ofcolonial and foreign domination and to con- solidate the freedom and independence of the newly independent countries. The disparity between the de- veloped and developing countries, which is widening, is leadmg to an increase ofsocial, economic and political tensions. Non-aligned and developing countries are faced with the prime tasks of economic growth and raising the standards ofliving of their people and, as a concomitant to those, of making scientific and tech- nological progress. 267. During the past month most of us attended the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in Cuba. Althoughwe are living in a rapidly changing world, the need for non-alignment is more urgent today than it was before. An essential purpose of the policy ofnon-alignment is the reduction of tension and the creation of accord and international hannony among nations. 268. The policy ofnon-alignment is intended to serve the needs of a developing country by keeping it free from military entanglements and enabling it to devote· Its energy and resources primarily to the development of the standard ofliving ofits own people. It is a cause of reJP'et that such a policy should incur the active hostility of some big Powers. Many a non-aligned country has been SUbjected to political pressure by powerful countries wishing to establish their hegemony over other nations. Non-aligned countries have re- ceived less external economic assistance than those countries which are members of military blocs. 269. Though the path of non-alignment has not been an easy one it has stood up to the test of the past two decades. The non-aligned countries have not adopted a passive or neutral attitude in the face ofglaringinjustice and violations ofthe Charter ofthe United Nations. In spite of some short-comings and setbacks, non- alignment still re~ains its validity and character. On the 270. Kuwait's membership in the ~ecurity COUnl:i1 will expire in a few months. I should LIke, therefore, m this context, to make a few remarks ~n the work of the Council during the past two years, which were crowded with international problems. Some o~ those problems constituted a challenge to the Council. It would hav~ been possible to solve many of them had the Council showed determination and finnness. 1 am sorry to say that that was not the case. The failure of the Council to discharge its responsibilities was no.t due to reluctan~e on its part, but rather because the mterests of the bl.g Powers pr~vailedand the veto was used to assure their ascendancy over its work. 271. To cite some examples, the Council failed to deal with the problems in South-East Asia and was unable to adopt a resolution recognizing the right of the Palestin- ian people to decide theirown future and to establish an independent State of their own. The Council also failed to resolve the Lebanese problem and that of the Israeli settlements in occupied Arab territories. The short- comin$s or ineptitude of the Council emboldened many countnes such as South Africa and Israel and en- couraged them to persist in their aggressive policies. We call u~n the big Powers to let their international responsibilities prevail over their immediate interests in southern Africa and the Middle East where vital issues of international peace and security are at stake. 272. The paramount factor in Africa is the sense of nationalism and the detennination of all African peoples that the whole ofthe African continent shall be free from the evils of white racism. Within Rhodesia, Namibia and South Africa, and within the nations im- mediately bordering them, the commitment to the struggle against minority or colonial rule overrides aU other matters. 273. The evils of colonialism are well known. The evils. o.f raCism are even greater. In South Africa, Narmbla and Southern Rhodesia the entire state mac~ne!1' is directed to organizing and upholding the dO.Jl11natlon of a small minority over the indigenous population. No wonder that the minority regimes have defied the authority of the United Nations and used legislation an? sbam elections to deny elementary polit- ICal, econorruc and social rights to the black majority. ?74. ~e situation in southem Africa poses a threat to IOtern!1tlOnal peace and security. South Africa rejected Secunty Council resolution 435 (1978), dated 29 ~eptember 197~, thus fiouting the will of the interna- tional commumty, although SWAPO had accepted it. 275. ~e policy ofSouth Africa is to transform south- ern Mnca IOt~ a.geographical enclave subordinate to it so as to explOIt Its natural resources use it as a buffer zone, s~parating it from independe~t African States, and use Its people as cheap labour to be exploited in its development plans. 276,. In Zimt:'a~we,sham illegal elections were held in which .the maJOnty d!d not take part; they were used as an African mask to disguise the white minority. We pay a tnbute to the struggle of the Patriotic Front and 277. Some Western countries, which sympathize with the minority regimes, have advocated negotiations as a means of resolving the conflict by peaceful means. We do not object to negotiations ifthey do not compromise majority rule or independence and are used as a means of organizing an orderly transfer of power from the white minority to the black majority. South Africa and Rhodesia must be isolatedeconomically, politically and socially until they abide by United Nations resolutions and accept the will of the international community. 278. The littoral and hinterland States of the Indian Ocean held their first meeting last July [see A/34/45]. Our main object should be to formulate a draft treaty to transfonn the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace. Our desire is to see the littoral and hinterland States become parties to the treaty, and to convince the major maritime users ofthe Ocean ofthe necessity ofrespect- ing the provisions of the treaty by ratifying a separate protocol. Hence, the goodwill and co-operation of the maritime users of the Indian Ocean will be crucial. 279. The rivalry among the military Powers in the Indian Ocean has not yet abated. A new ominous man- ifestation ofthis rivalry has been the attempt to prevent the States concerned from freely disposing of their wealth and natural resources. The need for raw materi- als is becoming so great that it leads some bigPowers to impose constraints on the freedom of the developing countries to dispose of their natural resources on re- munerative tenns and use the proceeds to accelerate the economic and social development of their peoples. Kuwait firmly believes in the inalienable rights ofall the littoral and hinterland States to dispose freely of their natural wealth and resources without any threat or pressure designed to shackle their freedom or disrupt their self-sustained growth. 280. We welcome the formulation ofa comprehensive programme ofdisarmament and voice our hope that the negotiations within the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva will promote this end, which the world yearns for and dearly cherishes. However, we must note, in light of the existing political realities, that the major military Powers may have accepted the principle of arms control, but are far from accepting the goal of general and complete disarmament advocated by small countries. Their present efforts are aimed, at best, at stabilizing and preserving the war system with its de- structive capability, at a lesserfinancial costto alleviate their economic burden. We believe that this limited objective cannot achieve eitherpeace or security in the long run. Only comprehensive disarmament can end the threat of nuclear annihilation and permit the devo- tion of the time, money and resources now dissipated by the war system to improving the quality oflife on Our planet. 281. The situation in Cyprus is a cause of world con- cern. We have repeatedly affirmed that the policy of Kuwait is to support the unity ofCyprus and its territo- rial integrity and non-alignment. We also support the 10- point agreement which was reached among the Turkish 282. The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has been rightly described as the most important conference of this century. It has also been the longest in duration and the most complex in terms of the diverse issues involved. For almost a decade na- tions have been afforded ample opportunity to define their national interests. Resolving the conflict in the interests of States requires statesmanship and an ex- traordinary degree of international co-operation. The stalemate in the Conference is largely caused by the conduct ofcoastal States which make exclusive claims to resources in vast marine areas near their coasts con- trary to the traditional freedoms of the seas, together with the eagerness of technologically advanced States to assume exclusive control over ocean minerals in the area beyond the limits of national jurisdiction. 283. It seems that the industrially advanced States are determined to gain access to new sources ofraw materi- als and enable their corporations to enter into competi- tion with land-based suppliers of the same minerals. The Conference has recently succeeded in organizing its future sessions in a manner that promises the solu- tion ofthe intractable issues. It is our fervent hope that the Conference will recognize that there must be elementary equity in a future convention, if it is to survive. 284. Grave developments have taken place in the Middle East which have greatly aggravated tension and jeopardized international peace and security. These in- eluded the bilateral peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel, which ignored the inalienable and legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. The Treaty bas been rejected by all the Arab countries, as well as by the people of Palestine. The decisions of the Ninth Arab Summit Conference, held at Baghdad in 197820 re- flected this rejection. Ithas also received condemnation by the Tenth Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers held in Fez, Morocco [see A/34/389], in addition to the open condemnation expressed by the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Havana, which called on the non- aligned countries not to recognize the Camp David agreements orthe peace Treaty concluded on 26 March 1979 [see A/34/542, annex I, para. J08]. 285. The people of Palestine will not abandon their sacred right to self-determination, political indepen- dence and sovereignty. It is certain that, without the exercise ofthe right ofself-detennination by the people of Palestine and their right to sovereignty and return, there will never be peace in the Middle East. 286. Scores of countries have already obtained inde- pendence, and some Territolies will obtain it soon. Only the people of Palestine among the peoples ofthe world have been suffering from displacement, from foreign occupation and from the undignified life ofthe refugee camps. No one can be silent over this tragedy which has occurred when the United Nations Charter 287. In this context, I should like to emphasize that Jewish settlements being built almost every day on occupied Palestinian and Syrian lands are part and parcel of the concept of colonization and expansion pursued by Israel since its creation, despite Israel's repeated condemnation by the international community-the latest example ofwhich was reflected in Security Council resolution 452 (1979) of 20 July 1979. 288. The conduct of Israel in the occupied Arab terri- tories is a reflection of Zionist colonization through the acquisition of land, the building of settlements, the expulsion of Arab nationals, the restriction ofmeans of livelihood through the seizure of water resources, the building of colonies and, finally, the sanctioning of the purchase of land from Arab nationals. All these in- stances are ample evidence that Israel is determined to annex Arab territories on the basis of flimsy pretexts which contravene the United Nations Charter, interna- tionallaw and human rights. 289. It is the duty ofthe United Nations to support the PLO, the sole legItimate representative ofthe Palestin- ian people, and its struggle to achieve the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, and to reject partial solutions aimed at liquidating the Palestine question. 290. It is also the duty of the Security Council to take action under Chapter VII ofthe Charteragainst Israel in view of its persistence in violating the principles of the Charter and flouting the resolutions of the world Or- ganization, and its continued attacks on the Arab countries and the people of Palestine. 291. Israel is pursuing a policy ofgenocide against the Palestinian people, as is evident from the daily aggres- sion against the sovereignty of Lebanon. This policy, intensified after the Camp David agreements, was de- signed to wreak havoc on southern Lebanon and to destroy the spirit of resistance of the Palestinian people. It also constitutes a war of destruction and genocide against the sister people of Lebanon, and creates a rift between the people of Lebanon and the Palestinian people. We pay a tribute to the steadfast- ness of the people of Lebanon and the endurance of the Palestinian people in face of daily attacks in which Israel uses the most sophisticated weapons it receives from the United States. It is therefore our duty to sup- port the efforts ofthe people ofLebanon to protect their s~vereignty. The people of Palestine, who are the vic- t!ms of this campaign of horror and genocide, are en- tItled to our political and material support. 292. The North-South dialogue has been progressing at a very slow pace at a time when changes to cope with world economic problems are most urgent. The dis- parities in income and standard of liying separating the developed and the developing countries are constantly widening. The present economic disorder and the 293. The balance-of-payments disequilibriums of the developing countries have their roots in the structural problems, recession, and high rate of inflation in the developed countries. The increased protectionist meas- ures taken in the developed countries in recent years against the products of the developing countries are hampering the industrial growth of those countries and affecting adversely their balance ofpayments. Inflation in many of the industrial countries has reached two digits and is being exported to developing countries. The industrial goods imported by the developing countries increase in price automatically, reflecting the inflation rates prevailing in the exporting countries, while the prices of many primary products have moved upward very slowly or remained stagnant. The de- veloping countries are in urgent need ofeconomic assist- ance and of ending the stalemate so as to find solutions to their economic problems. . 294. The Sixth Conference ofnon-aligned countries in Havana, which mapped a strategy to strengthen mutual co-operation among the developing countries and start international negotiations within the framework of the United Nations on all the social problems, is a major step. The developed countries should show sufficient flexibility and co-operation to bring that initiative to a successful conclusion. As that step signifies a way out of the stalemate, we should like it to be the focus of negotiations between the developing and the developed countries in the future. However. if the initiative were to go unheeded, the interests of many developing countries would suffer because of the burden of the scarcity of resources. It is in the interest of all of us to alleviate this burden and come to the assistance of the developing countries before their collapse. If we talk about interdependence, about the new economic order, then we have to be serious in our efforts to translate words into action. 295. Kuwait is doing its utmost, either separately or in collaboration with other developing oil-exporting countries, to help the developing countries and is striv- ing to expand co-operation and invest~ent in these countries. The other developing countries should create a better investment climate within the framework of their national policies. These invest- ments must receive satisfactory guarantees and prefer- ential treatment in order to foster self-reliance among the developing countries. 296. The challenge before us is to remove the impedi- ments to an orderly utilization of world resources for the benefit ofpresent as well as future generations. This can be done only within the context of the new interna- tional economic order. The new order is designed to herald a new era in the international system in which the sovereignty of the developing countries has finally

Mr. President, I have the honour to convey, through you Sir, to all the rep- resentatives the good wishes of His Majesty Jigme Singye Wangchuck, King ofBhutan, for the success of this thirty-fourth session ofthe General Assembly in its efforts to promote international peace and stability and the economic well-being of all peoples. 298. On behalf of the delegation of the Kingdom of Bhutan, I wish to express our heartfelt congratulations to Ambassador Salim on his unanimous election as President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. This is not only a well deserved tribute to him but also a fitting tribute to the United Republic of Tanzania and the continent of Africa. 299. I should like to express my delegation's deep appreciation to the outgoing President, Mr. Lievano of Colombia, for the excellent manner in which he guided us during the thirty-third session. 300. At this thirty-fourth session we are happy to welcome Saint Lucia, the newest Member from the Caribbean and the region of Latin America. The admis- sion of Saint Lucia adds to the growing universality of our Organization. We believe it is the validity of the principles and objectives enshrined in the Charter ofthe United Nations which has seen our membership in- crease year after year and which has put an end to the era of colonialism. Among the many visible successes of the United Nations, the efforts of the Special Com- mittee on the Situation with regard to the Implementa- tion ofthe Declaration on the Granting oflndependence to Colonial Countries and Peoples will form an im- portant chapter. 301. We wish to put on record our appreciation to Mr. Waldheim, the Secretary-General, for his active and faithful stewardship ofour Organization and the useful initiatives that he has taken towards making the United Nations more effective. We support the Secretary- General's suggestions for improving the work of the United Nations [A/34/320j, and we agree with him that a perfectly logical and functional institutional system is probably not within our reach and that we must make the existing one function better. 302. The Kingdom ofBhutan adheres to the principles and objectives ofthe United Nations Charter and those of the non-aligned movement. We are fully committed to eradicating colonialism, neo-colonialism, imperial- ism, racism, apartheid, power politics and all manifes- tations of foreign occupation, domination and hegemony. We believe that the quintessence of the United Nations and the non-aligned movement is to safeguard each country's right to independence and self-determination, so as to enable each country and 303. In this spirit Bhutan contributes to promoting peaceful conditions in every region and subregion of this world. In our own area, the countries of South Asia, especially India, have taken encouraging initia- tives to establish understanding and co-operation based on the principles of peaceful coexistence and sovereign equality. Thts has enabled the countries of our subre- gion to resolve some of the major issues which stood in the way of forging closer relations in a climate of trust and confidence. 304. The international community is engaged once again by the serious threat to peace and stability in South-East Asia. The developments in the area challenge the fundamental principles of the United Na- tions Charter. They have also resulted in tragic human sufferings. We in Bhutan, a Buddhist country, look at the humanitarian problems with sorrow and compas- sion. We commend the efforts made by the Secretary- General and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to alleviate the immediate sufferings ofthe hapless people. 305. Recently in Havana, His Majesty Jigme Singye Wangchuck, the King of Bhutan, while addressing the Heads of State and Government of the non-aligned countries, said: "We are concerned with the increasing tensions and conflicts in South-East Asia which jeopardize peace and stability in the region. It is our firm belief and conviction that intervention in the internal affairs of States cannot be justified under any circumstances whatsoever, as it goes counter to the sovereign in- alienable right of every State to determine its own social, economic and political system, and to manage its own affairs. ,.Furthermore, as the principle ofnon-interference in the internal affairs ofStates lies at the very heart of non-alignment, any such interference would be all the more reprehensible ifcommitted by a member of our movement. We hope that the aspirations of the countries of the region for peace and stability will be realized on the basis of non-alignment principles of respect for sovereignty, independence, territorial in- tegrity, non-interference in internal affairs, non-use of force and non-aggression." 306. The present political and economic situation in the world makes it apparent that no efforts towards relaxation oftension can succeed through the pursuitof a policy of balance of power and spheres of influence. Such a policy only created the competitive arms race between the power blocs and increased the present threat to international peace and security. There is in- deed a pressing need to work towards finding ways and means for establishing lasting security for all States without exception. In view of this, we welcome the signing of the second SALT Treaty between the United States and the USSR. We hope it will lead to a third SALT agreement and will also encourage further meas- ures towards real disarmament. 307. Developments in the area of the Middle East continue to pose a serious threat to international peace 308. While we respect the right ofevery State to enter into agreements in exercise of inalienable sovereign rights, we believe that the rights and aspirations of other peoples or States must not be jeopardized in the process. In our opinion, the problem of Palestine re- mains at the very heart of the situation in the Middle East. If there is to be a comprehensive and lasting solution of the problem, all parties concerned must be involved in the negotiations. We fully support the rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to self- determination and to establish an independent State. At the same time, we respect the right ofevery State in the area to live within secure and recognized boundaries. 309. The United Nations Charter reaffirms "faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person", but the apartheid regime in Pre- toria contemptuously continues to flout all United Na- tions resolutions promoting this concept. The United Nations must make consistent and concerted efforts to eradicate the obnoxious practices of apartheid. The programmes outlined in resolution 33/183 adopted by the General Assembly must be implemented by all, including the multinational corporations. 310. In Namibia, the rights of the people to self- determination are still being denied, despite the efforts of all concerned. Under the circumstances, we must halt further bantustanization in the area and respect the resolutions of the General Assembly by recognizing SWAPO as the sole legitimate representative of the people of Namibia. 311. While the situation in Zimbabwe is no better, we hope that the current peaceful negotiations will bring acceptable majority rule and peace to the people of Zimbabwe in the near future. 312. I share with many delegations the view that the world economy continues to suffer serious crises. These crises are symptomatic of underlying structural imbalances inherent in our global economic relations. 313. Economic developments since the Second World War have been characterized by rapid progress in the economies ofthe developed nations. Deprived of capital and technical know-how and also burdened with the colonial legacies of the past, the developing countries have barely managed to move away from the serious problems ofunder-development. The result has been widening polarization between the rich developed and the poor developing countries. These fundamental imbalances cannot be removed unless there is a pro- found restructuring of the global economic system. It seems even more true today that there can be no real or lasting peace unless an over-all development of all countries creates the conditions for the well-being ofall peoples. ~ults ofthe fifth session ofUNCTAD held in Manila and III the recent meetings of the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/ 174 and that ofthe Preparatory Committee for the New International Development Strategy. 315. At present, the world economy in both de- v.e~ope~ and developing countries is characterized by nsmg mflation, accelerating unemployment and a marked reduction in economic growth. We believe that economic progress everywhere requires more re- sources and more equitable distribution of those re- sources at the national and international levels. We are all aware that the widening disparities between the rich and poor nations cannot be reduced and that justice, equality and the genuine independence ofall countries cannot be secured, unless there is a fundamental re- structuring of international economic relations. If suit- able measures are not taken immediately, the economies of the developing countries will continue to be weakened at an even more rapid rate than in the past. 316. This already complicated situation is further ag- gravated by the present energy-related problems. The dark shadow over the economies of the non-oiI- producing developing countries, is a precursor of an even darker future. 317. The situation is at its worst in the leastdeveloped and land-locked developing countries as they are faced with paying increasing transportation costs as well as inflatIOn transferred to their imports. The problem is even more critical as inflation and unstable exchange rates have already eroded the value oftheir multilateral and bilateral assistance. There is, however, a glimmer of hope presented by the decision taken at the :fifth session of UNCTAD in Manila to launch a comprehen- sive and substantially expanded immediate action pro- gramme in favour of the least developed countries. 21 The international community will have to find ways and means of implementing the action programme so as to help those geographically disadvantaged and most seri- ously affected developing countries. 318. The Kingdom of Bhutan is a land-locked country. In ourefforts to achieve economic development, trade and transit facilities are vital for the well-being of our lpeople and for the success of our development programmes. Fortunately, so far, we have received much understanding and assistance in this regard from our neighbour, India. The importance of transit facilities for us, however, cannot be overemphasized. We hope this unique problem of all land-locked countries will be viewed with sympathy by the entire international community. 319. In Bhutan, as elsewhere during this International Year of the Child, the welfare of young people is up- 21 See Proceedings of the United Nations Cotiference on Trade and Develop'!!en!, Fifth Sessiofl. vol. I, Report and Annexes (Uni!ed Nations publIcation, Sales No. E.79.II.D.14), part one A, resolution 122 (V). 320. Our objective is to strive for self-rel.iance while assuming responsibility for the ~ell-bel!1g of our people. In dealing ~ith n.ation~ and mternat!onallssues we base our relationships with all count~es on seI.!"- respect and respect for others, ho~ever dlve~se their views. We believe in peaceful coexistence a~d ~ furth- ering beneficial co-operation based ~n ~he pnnclples of sovereign equality, respect for temtonal mte~ty and non-interference in internal affairs. We set a~lde de- structive competition in favo~r. of . pr~uctive co- operation. Finally, ",,:e oppose I~Justlce 10 favour of creating a new, more Just and eqUl~able world ~rder, so that the peoples ofthe world can hve together 10 peace and prosperity.

I wish.at the outset to pay a tribute to the late President Agostmho Neto of the People's Republic ofAngola, whose untimely death has robbed Mrica and the world of an eminent states- man and a gallant freedom fighter. The late Dr. Neto and the MPLA22 Workers' Party, which he led, had worked very closely with our party, the United Na- tional Independence Party, during the long struggle for the independence of Angola. The close co-operation between the two parties and Governments of Angola and Zambia continues to this day. The late Angolan leader was a selfless and tireless revolutionary who fought side by side with the rank and file of MPLA fighters. His approach should be an inspiration to us all. Indeed Dr. Neto was a man of principle who practised what he believed in. The party, Government and peop~e of Zambia, who were represented at the funeral by HIS Excellency President Kaunda, join our brothers and sisters in mourning the loss of that truly great man. 322. On behalf of the Zambian delegation, I wish to congratulate you, Sir, on your most deserved election to the high office ofPresident ofthe General Assembly. Africa is proud of you. You are a distinguished son of that contment. You have established your place in in- ternational forums through diplomatic skill, humility, political candour and acumen. I need not refer here to the well-known brotherly relations between your country, the United Republic ofTanzania, and my own country, Zambia, and indeed to our efforts together with the other front-line States in the struggle for the liberation of our oppressed brothers and sisters in southern Mrica. 323. I also wish to take this opportunity to pay a deserved tribute to your predecessor, Indalecio Lieyano, who presided over the thirty-third session of the General Assembly with dedication and compe- tence. 324. The Secretary-General of our Organization, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, has continued to carry out his func- tions with characteristic determination and diplomatic skill. My delegation wishes him well in his efforts aimed at bringing about understanding and peace among the nations of the world. 326. Your presidency, Sir, has come on the threshold of a new era-the dawning of the 1980s. During the decade ending this year, the United Nations has con- tinued to grapple with the manifold issues for which it was founded. Some of these were inherited by the United Nations at its inception, while others have been brought before it in recent years. 327. Undoubtedly there has been significant progress in some areas, but a number of issues are being carried over into the agenda of the next decade. The challenge for the United Nations in that next decade is to bring success to the manifold issues which have been peren- nial issues on our agenda. 328. In addressing th~ a~e-o!d problems.there \s.a need for innovation and mstitutlOnal adaptation, be It m the political economic, social, cultural orhumanitarian spheres. In'the absence of the necessary will to act, only pessimism will prevail. Let us all resolve to make the next decade an era of greater co-operation and understanding in the search for solutions to problems affiicting mankind. 329. This session ofthe General Assembly takes place barely three weeks after the historic Sixth Conference ofthe non-aligned countries, held in Havana. We can all be justly inspired by the proven determination of the non-aligned countries to continue making a positive and decisive contribution to the search for a new world order, based on principles of equit~ and justice. The declarations adopted by the non-aligned Conference [A/34/542, annexes I and l/] accurately reflect the con- temporary global situation. Zambia is proud to belong to the non-aligned movement, which we are convinced will remain a dynamic and indispensable force in inter- national relations. The rapid increase in the member- ship of the movement is a reflection of a universal recognition of the validity of its principles and objec.tives. 330. Mr President, in your opening statement [1st meeting] you gave a clear message about the present economic situation facing the world. The world economic situation is still characterized by the preva- lence ofpoverty, hunger, disease and illiteracy for most of the developing countries on the one hand, and a sense of uncertainty in the developed world on the other. Furthermore, there is a trend towards increasing inequality which continues to characterize existing in- ternational economic relations. My delegation shares fully the sense of disappointment with the continuing deterioration of the international economic situation. A new chapter must be opened in transfonning th.e unfin- ished major issues on the agenda of the new mterna- tional economic order into reality. 331. The international community is a.t the cross- roads in the fields of development and mternatlOnal economic relations. It is evident that in spite of previ- ous efforts, virtually every item on the ~enda ,of economic relations is a problem area. These Items In- clude tenns of trade, prices of primary or basic com- 332. The North-South dialogue, which began some five years ago, is hardly achieving any discernible re- sults. So far. several major world conferences have been held with the sole objective ofworking out a more appropriate mechanism on which new international re- latIOns will be based. Regrettably. progress in this re- gard has been disappointing. 333. We in Zambia realize that in order to achieve the goal of economic development we require collective effort. All nations have to contribute meaningfully if this common effort is to be achieved. The goal of eJiminating poverty and other economic injustices is a moral issue which concernS all nations regardless of the history of the root-cause of the evils in question. 334. Certain States such as the industrialized nations enjoy a dominant position in international trade, fi- nance and industrial production. These countries have the obli~ation to be more forthcoming in negotiations on specific issues related to the new economic order. 335. What I have stated should be the basis for negoti- ations, whether they are in the Committee of the Whole, UNCTAD, the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development or in the Preparatory Committee for the New International De- velopment Strategy. While some progress has been registered on such items as the Common Fund and the conversion of UNIDO into a specialized agency, it is regrettable that there is a stalemate on several issues in the North-South negotiations. 336. For our part we accord high priority to those programmes and projects designed to achieve self- reliant development and to forge mutual co-operation with other developing countries in various fields of common interest, including the critical areas of trade, transport and communications. 337. I wish to point out that our efforts to realize our economic potential are being hampered, inter alia, by adverse external forces. These include the war situa- tion and conflict in southern Africa, our geographical position as a land-locked country and the decline in the relative prices of basic commodities in addition to the precarious world economic situation. The Secretary- General's report on assistance to Zambia [A/34/556], to be considered at this session, is a catalogue of our formidable challenges. 338. The question ofhuman rights is a matter to which we in Zambia have always attached great importance. We have not hesitated to make our voice heard where- ever and whenever there has been evidence of viola- tions ofhuman rights. This is in accord with our nation- al philosophy of humanism, which stands for respect for the worth of man and the sanctity of human life. In this regard, we are gratified at the growing universal concern for human rights. 340. As we have always stated, the core of the Middle East conflict is the continued denial of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. That Palestinians are entitled both to a State of their own and to the full realization of self-determination and independence is an indisputable fact. It is indeed ironic that Jews, who were victims of the holocaust in Europe during the Second World War, should today be unleashing a holocaust against Palestinians. In addition, Israel is in league with the racist minority regimes of southern Africa and has emerged as one ofthe sources ofmilitary equipment for them, which they use in their oppression of the black majority and in committing acts of aggres- sion against front-line States, including my own country, Zambia. 341. In the interest of peace in the Middle East, Israel should withdraw forthwith from alI the Arab lands which it has occupied by force since 1967. The seizure of foreign lands by force is not admissible in intema- tionallaw. Israel must co-operate with the United Na- tions in the implementation of the relevant resolutions of this Assembly and the Security Council which pro- vide a realistic framework for bringing about a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. Israel should also, as a matter ofurgency, dismantle all the Jewish settlements which it has established on Arab lands. 342. Furthennore, the situation in the Middle East cannot be resolved if the people of Palestine, through the PLO, their sole and legitimate representative, are excluded from any peace process. To do so would be to engage in self-deception. 343. In May of this year all peace-loving countries were gratified by a trend towards positive develop- ments in Cyprus. There was hope when we learned that the intercommunal talks, which were presided over by the United Nations Secretary-General, had resulted in a plan to deal with the problem. However, the lack of progress in resolving the outstanding issues has been a retrogressive step. In a situation of incessant conflict, lack of progress leads to deterioration. In the case of Cyprus, the deterioration of the already tense situation could have grave consequences for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the island. 344. Zambia urges the parties to the dispute to re- double their efforts to resolve the problem of Cyprus. The independence of Cyprus and its non-alignment should not be compromised. Moreover, the problem of Cyprus has implications which go far beyond the borders of that island. I wish to appeal for strict adher- ence to the principle ofnon-interference in the internal affairs of Cyprus. 345. My Government is equally concerned at the de- velopments in South-East Asia. The people of that re- gion have been victims of wars ofaggression for far too long. We have stated our wish that afterdecades ofwar the nations and peoples of South-East Asia should live 346: We express the hope that the countries of the regIon will dedicate their efforts to finding a just and durable solution to the problem. We also appeal to all States to refrain from exacerbating the conflict and uph~ld .the principle of respect for the sovereignty and temtonal integrity of other States, in the interest of peace and security in the region. 347. With regard to Korea, I wish to reiterate my Government's strong support for the efforts towards the peaceful reunification of that peninsula. It is Zambia's view that all foreign troops should be with- drawn from South Korea, because their presence is not conducive to a search for ajust and lasting settlement. 348. My Government has continued to follow closely developments in connexion with Western Sahara. We have done our best to encourage the efforts of the Organization ofAfrican Unity to find ajust settlement. We wannly congratulate the Government ofMauritania for the wise decision it has taken to renounce all claims to Western Sahara and to withdraw its military forces from the Territory. We maintain the view that the people of Western Sahara have the right to genuine self-determination and independence. 349. In recent years the international community has directed its efforts at combating racism and other fonns of prejudice which are inimical to the lives of the op- pressed people and to the promotion of harmonious relations among them. It is for this reason that all forms of institutionalized racism and oppression that are epitomized in the South African policy of apartheid have been called a crime against humanity. 350. All the principles of civilized conduct that are enshrined in the United Nations Charter and in the norms of international law are being violated daily in South Mrica, Namibia and Rhodesia. The majority in those countries are being denied their basic rights. The root-cause ofthe problem is the continuing existence of racist white minority regimes. 351. The ancestors of the present-day racist minority rulers settled in southern Africa by force of arms and deceit. They have ruled over the majority of African people through terrorism and violence. They continue to maintain their reign of terror in South Africa, Namibia and Rhodesia by force. While holding the Afri- can people in bondage, the racists and their fellow conspirators and supporters are pillaging and exploiting the abundant natural and human resources of the countries under their occupation. 352. As a result the indigenous people are wallowing in abject poverty and degradation. Africans are used by southern African racist regimes as a source of cheap labour. The racist minority regimes are also concocting so-called internal settlements in the hope of using Afri- cans as a front in the service of the white racists. This shows the stubborn determination ofthe racist regimes to perpetuate themselves in power at the expense ofthe black majority. This is repugnant and untenable. It is 353. The racist rulers, in addition to oppressing Afri- cans inside the countries which they occupy, are also seeking to make southern Africa safe for racist oppres- sion and exploitation by committing wanton and 'murderous acts of aggression against the front-line States ofAngola, Mozambique, Botswanaand Zambia. 354. In these heinous attacks, the Rhodesian and South African forces have murdered innocentnationals of our countries. They have also killed thousands of refugees who have fled from tyranny and whom we allow to live in our countries on humanitarian grounds. Children, women and old men and the sick in refugee centres have been the victims of those sadistic and callous racist soldiers. It is even more tragic that these refugees are still being pursued under the pretext of self-defence or pre-emptive attacks on the part of the racists. 355. By attacking the front-line States, the racist re- gimes are in fact violating our sovereignty and territo- rial integrity. Their attacks have been premeditated acts of unprovoked aggression. We are aware that their aim is to trigger an international war which would en- gulf the entire region. 356. We have stated all along-and let me repeat this here-that apartheid-ruled South Africa is at the core ofthe ~roblemsofdecoIonizing Namibiaand Rhodesia. There IS no doubt that the maintenance ofthe apartheid system is a challenge both to the United Nations and to CIvilized mankind. Until the South African ruling clique agrees to live in the present rather than in the past, the oppressed people there will continue to fight for their inalienable rights. But South Africacontinues to remain both intransigent and aggressive. The Pretoriaregime is arming itself at an unprecedented pace in history. 357. Regrettably, some States Members of our Or- ganization continue to provide the Pretoria regime with arms and ammunition and to collaborate with it in the nuclear field. My delegation strongly condemns such collaboration, which is not only immoral but also con- trary to numerous United Nations resolutions. We call upon all States to desist forthwith from any form of collaboration with the Pretoria regime since such col- laboration is inimical to the welfare of the oppressed people and indeed encourages South Africa in its ag- gressive policies against sovereign, independent Afri- can States. 358. Within South Africa itself, the Pretoria regime is widening and hatching even more obnoxious schemes for consolidating apartheid. In defiance of the interna- tional community, South Africa only last month granted bogus independence to the Venda bantustan. This follows the pattern of so-called Bophuthatswana and Transkei. The independence of bantustans exists only as a figment of the imagination of the Afrikaner rulers in Pretoria. To all sane people, these bantustans remain an integral part of South African territory be- cause South Africa is one and indivisible. As if the repression of the Mrican were not repugnant enough, the Pretoria racists have also intensified their scheme of uprooting Africans from the lands which are designated as "white areas". There is a new war of eviction in 360. As we know, the Pretoria regime not only main- tains a policy ofapartheid in South Africa itself, but is also res~onsiblefor the crisis which emanates from its occupation and militarization of Namibia in utter de- fiance of the United Nations. 361. The question of resolving the independence of Namibia is urgent. In the last two and a halfyears, there have been intensive and extensive negotiations and consultations which were aimed at bringing about a settlement in Namibia through free and fair elections under United Nations supervision and control. The efforts in this regard emanated from Security Council resolution 385 (1976), which resulted in a concrete pro- posal for the settlement of the Namibian question. 23 Both the proposal and the report by the Secretary- General of the United Nations on its implementation24 were endorsed by the Security Council in its resolution 435 (1978). Namibia would today be on the threshold of independence ifthe proposal based on the report of the Secretary-General had been implemented. Had it not been for the intransigence of South Africa, the United Nations Transition Assistance Group would today be at work in Namibia. 362. The state ofparalysis that now exists on the issue is due to the refusal by the South African regime to accept the report of the Secretary-General and to co- operate in its Implementation. Once again, South Africa is intransigent and is seeking to defy the United Nations on Namibia as it has done for decades. Indeed, South Africa has acted deceitfully. 363. What is equally disturbing is that South Africa is intent on confronting the international community with a situation of fait accompli by imposing its puppets of the so-called Democratic Turnhalle Alliance on Namibia. In this regard, South Africa has set up an illegal National Assembly. 364. In its frantic attempts to impose a so-called inter- nal settlement in Namibia, South Africa has intensified its brutal repression against members ofSWAPO, who are harassed, detained, imprisoned and tortured on a continuing basis. Scores of SWAPO leaders have been jailed in an attempt to destroy it because of its steadfast 24 Ibid.• Supplement for July, August and September 1978, docu- ment S/12827. pe~t~dly called upon the West to desist from their poh.cles of collaboration with and support for South . Afnca welcomed this initiative as apoSItIveand hopeful development. We fully co-operated with the five West- ern countries and the Secretary-General to ensure the succes~ of the initiative. SWAPO, which is universally recogmzed as the sole and authentic representative of the.Namibian people, was exemplary in its conduct dunng the lengthy period of the negotiations. SWAPO pursued the negotIations and made significant com- promises in spite of repeated provocations by South Africa, such as the Kassinga massacre in Angola and several unilateral actions by the Pretoria regime, no- tably the appointment of the so-called Administrator- General, the registration of voters and the holding of sham elections in December of last year. 366. In our view, the phase of negotiations is over. What remains is the implementation ofthe report ofthe Secretary-General. Those who have initiated the plan for the independence of Namibia have, above all. the responsibility to ensure its implementation. They have the duty to ensure South Africa's compliance. They have the responsibility to deliver South Africa. They have always advocated negotiations to resolve the problems of southern Africa. Now let them prove the efficacy of negotiations. They must make their ap- proach work. 367. We have never been against ne~otiations. The racist minority regimes ofsouthern Africa have always frustrated negotiations. The challenge to the West now is either to get South Africa to co-operate in the imple- mentation of their proposal or to join with the other members ofthe international community in ostracizing the Pretoria regime and compellingit tocomply with the relevant United Nations resolutions. 368. Let me also take this opportunity to stress the need for the international community to increase its material support for SWAPO, which is the only libera- tion movement in Namibia. The intransigence of the Pretoria regime surely leaves the people of Namibia, under the leadership ofSWAPO, with no option but to intensify their armed struggle for national liberation. South Africa must not be allowed to destroy the people of Namibia and SWAPO. The vicious system of illegal South Mrican occupation of Namibia must be eradicated. I wish, on this occasion, to reaffirm Zambia's full support for General Assembly resolution 33/206, which was adopted at the resumed thirty-third session in May of this year. If freedom cannot come to Namibia by peaceful means, it must come through the armed struggle of its people, supported by the interna- tional. community in concrete and generous material terms. 369 The fundamental I?roblem of how to decolonize and' transfonn Rhodesia mto Zimbabwe is still with us. As each hour passes the deteriorating situati,;m in Rhodesia brings more c.oncem: The casualty rate.10.t~e war ofindependence is mcreasmg by the hour. ThIS IS 10 addition to the scores ofhundreds ofZimbabweans who 370. Rhodesia is Zimbabwe to be. Detractors of the cause of Zimbabwe have had the audacity to give a nickname or surname to Zimbabwe. But this is not the issue. What is at stake is how to bring legal indepen- dence under genuine majority rule to Zimbabwe. Present-day Rhodesia remains a British colony ruled by settlers who happen to be die-hard racists. 371. Developments in Rhodesia since the last session of this Assembly have only worsened the situation. This was so because no meaningful attempts were made to resolve the root-cause ofthe problem ofdecolonizing Rhodesia. Debates shifted in the international forums, which focused mainly on irrelevant experiments, such as the so-called elections of April, which culminated in thrusting forward a black man as a front for the Salisbury racists. The fundamental structure of racist oppression was left intact. 372. In spite of the political gimmicks of the Muzorewa-Smith regime, no Government in the world has accorded them any recognition. To be sure, Muzorewa and Smith did pander to the conservative lobbies of this world. But reason and wisdom still prevailed. 373. Concerted efforts were also made to have sanc- tions against Rhodesia lifted unilaterally by some West- ern countries. This trick has also not paid off. Here again, we hope that reason will prevail to ensure that sanctions imposed by the Security Council against Rhodesia will be maintained until genuine indepen- dence is achieved. 374. Mr. President, as the Assembly may be aware, the Rhodesian re~e has persisted in committing acts of aggression agamst the front-line States. The Rhode- sians have launched repeated, premeditated attacks and raids against us which have resulted in heavy casualties. Their crude tactics have been acts of out- right provocation against us. They are in themselves acts of desperation by the white racists who know that they cannot and will not win the war, in spite of the overt and covert support they enjoy from imperialist forces as evidenced by the involvement in the Rhode- sian army ofthousands of mercenaries and, indeed, the continued acquisition by the rebel forces of large quantities of sophisticated military equipment. 375. The people of Zimbabwe have remained un- daunted on their determination to overthrow the op- pressive regime in their country. Thousands upon thousands ofthem have swelled the ranks ofthe libera- tion movement, the Patriotic Front. They are dealing heavy blows ~n the. demo~alized Rhodesian military forces on a daily basIs. The Impact of the war of libera- tion has sent thousands of whites fleeing from Rhodesia. 376. Mr. President, the Commonwealth Heads of Government recognized the gravity of the Rhodesian situation at their recent meeting in Lusaka. Confronted with the realities of the situation, they felt motivated to 377. The United Kingdom, the colonial Power in Southern Rhodesia, accepted at the Lusaka Confer- ence the need to exercise its constitutional responsibil- ity. In accordance with the Commonwealth agreement on Zimbabwe, a Constitutional Conference involving all sides in the Rhodesian conflict, including the Patriotic Front, is now in progress in London under the chairmanship of the British Foreign Secretary. It is the hope of all the Commonwealth Governments that the Conference will succeed. If it succeeds, Southern Rhodesia will be ushered into a new era which could see it emerge into a genuinely independent State of Zimbabwe, acceptable to the international community. 378. The London Constitutional Conference could not have been possible without the effective armed struggle waged by the people of Zimbabwe under the leadership of the Patriotic Front. That Conference is unquestionably the direct product of the sacrifices of the Patriotic Front forces on the battlefield. It is the armed struggle that has generated and created the necessary conditions for the Conference to take place. What is now happening proves that armed struggle and negotiations are not mutually exclusive. If the Confer- ence should fail, the war ofliberation in Zimbabwe will be intensified by the Patriotic Front. I urge the interna- tional community not to relax its support for the Patriotic Front. 379. In conclusion, I wish to reiterate Zambia's com- mitment to the noble goals for which this Organization was established. We believe that the United Nations offers a unique framework for addressing the multiple challenges ofour time, as well as creating opportunities for the future. 380. Let us move forward into the next decade with confidence. Let us proceed into a world that is safe and prosperous for all. Our generation should not fail future generations.

The delegation of the Republic of Haiti is happy and proud, Sir, to welcome your election to the presidency of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. Your brilliant intelligence, your political sense and your long experience within the United Na- tions have brought you well-deserved election to this high office in which no doubt you will continue to do honpur not only t? the Republic of Tanzania but to Afnca and the Afncan Diaspora. 3~2. I should like to pay a tribute to Mr. Indalecio Lu!vano Aguirre, who, in conducting the work of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly showed himself to be a diplomat full of tact and devot~d to the cause of humanity. 384. The delegation of the Republic of Haiti would like to transmit to the valiant people ofPanama and to their leaders the congratulations of my Government and people on the establishment of the sovereignty of the State of Panama over the Canal Zone. The date 1 October 1979 marks a turning-point towards realism in relations between the United States and the other countries of the Latin American continent. 385. The Government of the Republic of Haiti would like, first, to reaffinn its attachment to the ideals and principles of the United Nations Charter and to renew Its determination to collaborate to find a solution to problems which require intelligence, understanding and the devotion of men who are responsible for the future of humanity. 386. My delegation is delighted to participate in the work of this thirty-fourth session since, whatever the outcome ofour debates, it is comforting to see that the qualified and legitimate representatives of the peoples of the whole world, notwithstanding the differences in their situations and their opinions, have recourse to this forum to air their opinions and, in a spirit of concilia- tion, to submit blueprints for solutions to problems which threaten international peace and security. 387. I should like to take this opportunity heartily to congratulate our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Wald- heim, and his eminent colleagues, as well as all those who, in various capacities, have contributed to main- taining the vitality of the Organization and of the specialized agencies and to preparing the work of this thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. 388. Before the International Year ofthe Child draws to a close, the delegation ofthe Republic ofHaiti wishes to draw the attention of the Assembly to the lot of children in the third world, 60 per cent of whom suffer from hunger, two out ofthree ofwhomdie from it, while a fair number of the survivors remain stunted through- out their lives. 389. Moreover, statistics show that more than 25,000 children in developing countries become blind because of deficiencies in vitamin A; that 5 million die of diphtheria, tetanus, poliomyelitis, tuberculosis and other diseases, because of the dearth of vaccines; that 350 million do not receive any schooling. 390. If we add to this already gloomy picture, the number ofchildren who faU victims ofapartheid and of the adoption business it can be seen that the situation of needy children in the third-world countries is quite simply tragic. 391. Ofcourse UNICEF has made laudable efforts for d!sseminating information on family. pl~ning te<:h- mques, nutrition, pre-natal care, vaCCInatIon and dIS- ease prevention hygiene and the improvement of the environment. B~t the task ofgovernmentalleaders with regard to children remains to be accomplished. Prepar-_ ing for the future means caring for and educating the 393. The Republic of Haiti is concerned about the grave crisis which seriously affects the world economy. Inflation and unemployment rates throughout the world threaten the stability ofinstitutions which, from 1955 to 1970, ensured an unhoped-for expansion ofthe Western, economy. 394. But have we really taken the trouble to research the deee-seated causes of this crisis, for which total responSIbility is attributed to the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries? Have we thought about the way of life and production in the Western countries, based on an unimpeded exploitation of the riches of the third world, without taking into account that the third world would one day claim sovereignty and effective c6ntrol over its natural resources? Have we forgotten the obstinate retention ofthe international financial system, established by the Bretton Woods agreements,2S when timely changes should have been introduced to adapt them to the development of the world economy? 395. One of the most important tasks of our time is to overcome this economic crisis by making people more aware of human solidarity and the interdependence of nations in a framework of international social justice which would be established by the new international economic order. 396. The Republic of Haiti was founded on human dignity and freedom and, since the black slave revolu- tion, has always been in the vanguard of those that defend the basic rights of the human person. Its very existence is the expression of those rights the various component aspects ofwhich have been stressed in tum, according to the stages of our national development. 397. Today the Republic of Haiti gives priority to economic and social rights, as defined by His Excel- lency Jean-Claude Duvalier, the President-for-Life of the Republic: "What constitute rights, basic and legitimate privileges for the Haitian are the rights to food and clothing, to housing, education-in a word, the right to live decently". 398. Because of the present constraints in interna- tional economic relations, President Jean-Claude Duvalier has undertaken a vast programme of refonus dealing with taxation, administration, the organization ofrural communities, education and health, with a view to improving the standard of living of the rural and urban masses. 25 Adopted at the United Nations Monetary and Financial Confer· ence, held atBretton Woods, New Hampshire, from 1to 22July 1944. For the texts, see United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 2, p. 39. 400. Torn apart and weak, dependent technologically and economically, the States ofthe third world allowed themselves to become the pawns ofhistory in a conflict which reflected the hegemonistic will of Powers which believed that they represented the universal con- science. Gradually, the spirit of Bandung was reborn and was finally reaffirmed with the establishment ofthe Group of 77, the forerunner of the North-South dia- logue, which replaced ideological confrontation. 401. The new axis on which international relations were based, enshrined by the political constellation of the industrialized countries and the economically back- ward countries, represents an historic victory of the peoples ofthe third world who discovered an identity of interests and of problems. However, in certain recent international meetings the old scenario reappeared. It is important that peoples who lived through colonial domination should recall the "divide-and-rule" tactics and the localized wars in which people acted as intermediaries. 402. Certainly the diversity of situations can cause breaches in third-world solidarity, as was observed in the discussions on energy problems. The reference to this common good, which is an abiding theme in history, should enable us to distinguish the essential from the inessential and to transcend such past inci- dents. Even if the deficit of the poor countries caused by rises in oil prices reaches $40 billion at the end of 1979 and even if petrodollars are not invested in the developing countries, the nations of the third world should see to it that their financial interests should not take precedence over theirsolidarity. Furthermore, the oil-exporting countries, by adopting a selective pricing policy according to the consignees of the oil, would close the breach which the champions of neo- colonialism want to use to sow confusion and cause disunity in the ranks of the third world. 403. Accordingly, the Government of the Republic of Haiti makes an urgent appeal to all Governments ofthe third world to strengthen their solidarity in favour of a common ideology, which should be the original ex- pression of the aspirations of our peoples, striving for effective control over their natural resources and for the right to choose in freedom and sovereignty their political, economic and social institutions. If it were otherwise, the third world would never stop being an arena for confrontation-without a value of its own, without its creative forc~estined to suffer passively the contradictory influences which have Balkanized it culturally, politically and economically. 404. If the diversity of people is an undeniable fact flowing from historical development and from the civili- zation peculiar to eachnational community, the unity of 405. For liberated minds there are values on which all civilizations can agree. If we wish to cut off history from its tragic elements, we must find points on which to pin new hope; we must draw the distinction between what we are entitled to hope for and what we have reason to believe is attainable. 406. Accordingly, the Republic ofHaiti is prepared to make its contribution to the establishment of a better world, as was stated by His Excellency Mr. Jean- Claude Duvalier, President-for-Life ofour Republic, in a message to the nation on 2January 1979. The message was as follows: .'The basic goal ofmy Government is to seek origi- nal ways to reconcile the fundamental demands ofthe third world and the legitimate interests of the indus- trialized nations to confer a cultural and human touch on international co-operation." 407. These are the comments of the delegation of the Republic of Haiti which we wish to submit for the consideration of the Assembly at this thirty-fourth ses- sion. We hope that the work of this session will be crowned with success.

We have just heard the last speaker scheduled for this afternoon. The representative ofAfghanistan has asked to speak. in exerCIse ofhis right ofreply. I must remind him that the General Assembly decided at its 4th ple- nary meeting that rights ofreply should be limited to 10 minutes. It was also decided that a right ofreply should be exercised by a representative from his seat. I hope that that decision will be strictly adhered to so that we can proceed with our work in an orderly manner.

I have asked to speak. mainly to say a few words about the reference made by the head ofthe Pakistan delegation this morn- ing [15th meeting]. May I say that the reference was somewhat unexpected in the light of the warm and friendly statement made about Pakistan by the leaderof our delegation in his policy statement before this Assembly. 410. Here, once again, I quote what the leader of our delegation stated: "The foreign policy ofthe Democratic Republic of MJdJanistan, which is the reflection of its internal poRcy, is one of peace, peaceful coexistence and co-operation with all peace-loving countries and na- tions, and particularly with our neighbours". [14th meeting, para. 67.] He further stated: "As far as our relations with Pakistan are con- cerned, ourGovernment and people have the sincere desire to maintain friendly relations with thatcountry on the basis of peaceful coexistence and non- interference in each other's internal affairs. We hope the feelings of friendship of our working people to- wards the noble working people of Pakistan will be taken into account and reciprocated by the Govern- ? the promotion of mutual co-operation between our countries in the interest of peace in this region and in the world." [Ibid., para. 70.] The leader of our delegation added: "We further hope that our only remaining political problem with Pakistan will be solved by peaceful means and through sincere and amicable negotia- tions." [Ibid., para. 71.] 411. This is our basic attitude-an attitude which is considered the comer-stone of our foreign policy to- wards Pakistan and its noble working people, with whom our own working people are linked by finnest b?nds of a common faith, culture, geography, and history. We both drink water from the same river, sing the same songs and live along the same majestic valleys and mountains. 412. I regret the necessity to keep the Assembly in session at this late hour but I am obliged to offer a few clarifications on the question of the so-called Afghan refugees in Pakistan, which was touched upon by the leader of the Pakistan delegation in his statement. 413. It should be remembered that, because of the geographical and climatic nature of our country, the nomadIC and tribal people of Afghanistan have for centuries pursued, as a matter ofhistoric right, the habit of seasonal movement between the Oxus and the Indus in caravans of hundreds of thousands towards the countries of the subcontinent of India. They not only use the pastures of the subcontinent for their livestock but also engage in trade and business not only in Pakistan but in India and Bangladesh as well. 414. May I state that this seasonal movement on the basis ofhistoric right takes place not only in Asia but in other continents as well and should not be confused with the United Nations concept of refugees. More- over, there might also be some escapee elements who left Afghanistan because they committed crimes against our working people or because they lost their privileged position as feudal landlords as a result of Decree No. 8 after the great Saur Revolution. I must add that the Saur (April) Revolution in Afghanistan was a victorious worker revolution in favour of the toiling people and against the minority exploiters and the feudal class. 415. Under the historic Decree No.8 by the Rev- ~lutionary Council, which is indeed a unique enactment 10 our part ofthe world, with the full co-operation ofthe Afghan people, more than 3 miJIionjeribs ofland previ- ously owned by feudal lords, big landowners and gov- ernment officials ofthe past rE5gime, who were in many cases absentee landlords, were distributed free of charge to thousands of landless fanners and petty land- owners in a record period of six months. 416. It is because of that Decree that those who lost their lands and those who exploited the toiling workers ofMghanistan left the country-not as refugees, but as escaped criminals in fear ofprosecution for playing into 417. I have made this brief statement for the sake of the record and in clarification of the question of the so-called refugees. Once more I declare that, ifPakistan wishes our well-known political problem with Pakistan to be discussed-anywhere, at any time and at any level-we will be glad to meet its representatives in order to find a peaceful solution through sincere and amicable negotiations.

I calion the representative of Pakistan to speak in exercise of his right of reply.

Let me take this op- portunity to reiterate what the leader of the Pakistan delegation stated this morning with regard to our sincere desire to establish, promote and strengthen friendly and good-neighbourly relations with Af- ghanistan. The same policy has been declared on sev- eral previous occasions at the highest level by the lead- ers 10 Pakistan, the latest occasion being when the President ofPakistan, General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, articulated this policy offriendship towards, and peace- ful coexistence with, our neighbouring brother country of Afghanistan at the recently-held Sixth Conference of non-aligned countries at Havana. 420. I fully reciprocate the sentiments which have been expressed by the representative of Afghanistan, and declare that we on our part desire nothing but friendly and good-neighbourly relations with M· ghanistan on the basis of the principles of peaceful coexistence, which enjoin respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-aggression, equality, mutual benefit, non-interference in one another's internal af- fairs, and respect for the recognized international frontiers of every Member State. 421. The representative of Afghanistan has referred to the question of refugees, brought up by the leader of my delegation in his address this morning. As the Gen- eral Assembly is well aware, there are over 19() 000 Afghan refugees in Pakistan. We have given these'ref- ugees asylum on humanitarian grounds. We regard it as our humanitarian duty to give them shelter food and protection. The migration of the nomadic' people in winter-time from the high altitudes--from the mountains--to .the pastures in Pakistan,. referred to by the repr~sentatlveof.Mghanistan. is a totally different ma!ter. fhe current mflux of refugees into Pakistan- which, I rep~at, amounted to nearly 190,000 people- does not fall mto that category ofnomads who tradition- ally come down from the mountains into the warm plain.s of Pakist.an and into, perhaps, some other neigh- bounng countnes. That is a totally different matter. 422. But, as I say, we have given the refugees shelter for purely humanitarian reasons and as the leader of 26 Conference on the Situation of Refugees in Africa, held in Arusha, United Republic of Tanzania from 7 to 17 May 1979. 423. As for the political difference to which the rep- resentative of Mghanistan referred, we have stated many times that as far as Pakistan is concerned we feel that we have no political difference with Mghanistan· but ifMghanistan feels that it has a difference with us' we are, as the leader of my delegation stated this mom: ing, ready to open a dialogue on this subject, and we hope that our readiness to do so will be reciprocated and responded to favourably by our brothers in Mghanistan.