A/34/PV.18 General Assembly

Mr. President, my delegation is pleased to extend its warm congratulations to you on your election to preside over the thirty-fourth session of the General Asse~bly. We.are confident that-thanks to your rich ~x~enence d.enved f~om long years ofdiplomatic activ- Ity m the Uruted NatIons and manifested particularly in your chairmanship of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation ofthe Dec- laratio~ on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countnes and Peoples-your election to this high post will help this session achieve the success hoped for by the international community. 2. It is als~ ~ pleasure for my delegation to express its ~ll appreciatIon to your predecessor, Mr. Indalecio Llevano, for the wisdom and dedication he demon- strated in directing the debates of the last session. 3. I should like to take this opportunity to commend the ceaseless, effective and faithful efforts being made ~y the Secretary-Gener~, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, in the mte.rests of world secunty and peace, and in order to achieve the purposes of the United Nations Charter. 4.. We are pleased also to extend our warm congratu- latIons t~ t~e Government and people ofSaint Lucia on the admIssion ofthat State to membership in the United Nations. 5. It is extremely painful to note-without effort and at a glance-as we start this thirty-fourth sessionthat its agenda constitutes, in large part if not in its entirety a heavy ~eritance which is being handed down fr~m one sessIOn to another. But, however marked this phen0J!1eno~may be, it cannot gainsay the fact that an t:ffort IS bemg made-sometimes modest and some- times outstanding-in the arena of international action and under the auspices of the United Nations It proves, if it proves anything, the existence of a d~ep chasm between words and actions. Tangible evidence, Wednesday, 3 October 1979, at 10.40 a.m. this ~istory of deferring issues and questions from one sessIOn to t~e next, and the evidence ofGeneral Assem- bly resolutlon~have shown that the will of the peoples ?~the devel.opmg countries cannot express itselfunIess It IS comp~tlbl~ wi~h the will ofoneofthe super-Powers. And ev~n!fthis will ofpeoples, which is represented by the maJonty of the Members of the United Nations could meet this prerequisite, the traditional rivalry be~ tween the two major Powers usually leads to attempts by them to embarrass one another, even if this is at the e?,pe~se of the third-world peoples and countries. This situatIOn has pushed the battlefields of the cold war to the ar~na of the developing and newly independent countnes or those countries still under colonization. Unfortunately, this has resulted in the stalemate which usually faces international problems even when they are tractable. Because we do not want the United Na- tions t<:> resig.n itself to !he futility which some people are trymg to trnpose on It, and because we are eager to bolster the United Nations Charter and to achieve its noble objectives, we will not allow despair to infiltrate our hearts but will continue to raise and discuss the chronic and old issues and questions with the same enthusiasm, diligence and vigilance with which we ad- dress the heated new questions, so that no deluded person, no arrogant aggressor, might think that issues affe~ting fe~ple and nations can be dropped with the passmg 0 ttrne. 6. We face today what may be the oldest and most complicated international problem in modern history: the Palestine question. This problem, unlike other problems menacing international peace and security, IS, after more than 30 years, more urgent and a greater threat to international security, than ever. Moreover, also unlike other problems of concern to the world conscience, it is characterized by its tragic human di- mension. History has witnessed many examples ofone country committing an act of aggression against another in order to colonize it. It has also witnessed the more tragic example of the European colonialists at- tempting to settle in African countries as self-appointed masters over the indigenous people of those countries. But never until now has it witnessed a single incident in which a foreign colonialist emptied a whole country of its indigenous population in order to build its own de- testable racist societ.y on their land, as has been done by the world Zionist movement in Palestine. But over the past three decades, since the partition resolution of 1947 [resolution 181 (II)], the world has seen how the Zionist enemy's greed has devoured the Palestinian lands piece by piece. And when it realized that that enemy's appetite was insatiable, it turned to Arab countries bordering on Palestine and launched its treacherous aggression of 5 June 1967 to occupy terri- tory of Egypt, Syria and both the West Bank and the Gaza Stri.p. In this way a new dimension was added to the Palestme question, which has become known as the Middle East problem. From then on, the international community has unanimously agreed that the Palestinian 7. The Secretary-General of the United Nations, in his report on the work ofthe Organization, emphasized that the Middle East situation: ". . . is central to the political, economic and mili- tary stability of the world. As long as uncertainty, discord, frustration and violence prevail in the Mid- dle East, the world will continue to live with a pro- foundly destabilizing element in its affairs and with a grave and continuing nsk of future disaster." [See A/34/I, sect. III.] 8. The determination of the people of Palestine under the leadership of its sole authentic representative, the Pal~stine Liberation Organization [PLO], to decide theIr own future and to pursue their struggles, and the support given to the just struggle ofthe Palestinians by all peoples and countries that love peace and justice, have led to diplomatic and political victories. The Arab Summit Conferences and the Islamic Conference and the Organization of African Unity [OAV] and confer- ences of the non-aligned movement reaffirmed that the PLO is the only legitimate representative of the Pales- tinian people. This brought to an end all attempts made within and outside the region to impose partial solutions upon the Middle East region and to all that those at- tempts implied, namely the division of Arab ranks and the dealing ofa blow to the Palestinian revolution. The ~onferences also emphasized the right of the Palestin- Ian people to self-determination and to the establish- ment of their own independent State. 9. The decision taken by the Israeli Cabinet on 16 Sept~mber 1979, allowing Is~aelis to buy land and prop- ~rty 10 the West Bank area, mcluding Arab Jerusalem IS th~ lat~s.t round in the Z~onist challenge to world publIc OpInIOn, to the resolutions of the United Nations and to the principles ofthe Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 12 August 1949. JO. The State ofQatar, in fulfilment ofwhat was unan- lJpously agreed upo~ by the Arabs and in the resolu- tions <?f A~ab Summit Conferences, particularly those ofA!glers 10 1974, R~bat in 1974 and Baghdad in 1978, and 10 accordance ~Ith the international community's stand, as reflected 10 the resolutions of the United Na- tions and the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government ~f Non-Aligned Countries, reaffirms that any peaceful, Just and comprehensive settlement of the Ar~b-Is~ael.i conflict should be based on the following malO pnnclples: first, the total withdrawal of Israel from ~l Arab territories occupied by force in 1967, mcl':ld~g Arab J7rusalem; secondly, the recognition of the m~lenabte.ngh!s.of the.Palestinian people and the ~xerclse oftheir legitImate nghts to self-determination mdepen~ence and ~overeignty in Palestine, their home~ land; thirdly, the nght of t~e .PLO, the sole legitimate repre~entatlve of the PalestInian people, to participate as an mdependen.t ~~d equal partner in all international conferenc.es, actiVitIes and mternational forums con- cerned. With the ~alestinian question and the Middle East dlspu~e, which means that no other party may have the nght to speak on behalf of the Palestiniim people; and fourthly, the invalidity of all agreements an~ Palestinian territories, should be declared null and VOId. F.urthennore, these agreements ignored the legiti- n:tate nghts o~ the P~~stinian people, including their nght to establIsh their mdependent State in Palestine and also completely ignored the question of occupied Arab Jerusalem. 11.. The St~te of Qatar condemns the continuing Is- raeli aggression agamst Lebanese territory. The State of Qatar condemns Israel's continuing violation of the sovereignty ~d integrity of this Arab country. As we have emphasized, the Israeli involvement in Lebanese i~temal affaiI,"s increases.the potentialities of an explo- ~Ion of the Middle East SituatIOn. World public opinion IS not unaware of the fact that the victims of the recur- rent atrocious Israeli hostilities in southern Lebanon are always unarmed civilians, including innocent old people, women and children. 12. While the thirty-third session of the General As- sembly declared the year 1979 as the InternationalYear of Solid~ty wi.th. the People of Namibia [resolution 33/182 C] In theIr Just struggle under the leadership of their sole representative, the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPOJ, Pretoria's racist re- gime stepped up its war ofannihilation against the indig- enous l?e0I!le of tha! country, who are striving for self- detenmnatIon. Whde the United Nations seeks to achieve a just settlement according to Security Council resolutions 385 (1976), 431 (1978) and 432 (l978) the Pretoria regime has attempted to thwart the transfer of power ~ong t~e lines of Ian .Sm!th's experience in Rhod~s)~ by unilaterally declanng Independence. This colomahst pl~t was ~ecently manifested in the attempt by Sou.th Afnca, which was denounced by the Security CounCIl on 21 September last,2 to give sham indepen- dence to the tribal homeland "Venda", following "Transkei" and "Bophuthatswana", which were not recognized by the international community. 13. Thus the Government ofQatar affirms its full sup- port o.f the struggle of the African people who are still suffenng. un~er ~h<? y~ke of colonial occupation and from racial dlscnmmatlOn and apartheid as well as its s.uppo~ ofthe le~timatestruggle ofthese'people for the hberatIon of their countnes the attainment of their national rights and the rest~ration of their freedom indepen~en~e and.sov~rei~ty in their territory. It als~ emphaSizes ItS sohdanty With SWAPO, the sole legiti- mate represent~tive of ~he Namibian people, and re- quests the Umted Nations, especially the Security CO';lncil, .to impose the strictest sanctions against the racist regIme ofSouth Africa, including implementation of the measures stipulated in Chapter VII of the Charter. J J:o. Framework for Peace in the Middle East, Agreed at Camp DaVid, and Framework for the Conclusion ofa Peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel, signed at Washington on 17 September 1978. 15. We also support all the efforts and good offices of the Secretary-General aimed at achieving the unity of the Cypriot people and at safeguarding the territorial integrity of Cyprus and promoting its non-alignment. 16. The consolidation of the pillars of peace on earth is, undoubtedly, the noble goal which we all seek to achieve, both on the individual level within each State Member of the United Nations and on the level of collective action within this Organization. However, there are material realities and international political variables-such as the so-called nuclear balance ofter- ror and the super-Power rivalry for the development, possession and stockpiling of both conventional weapons and weapons of mass destruction which sow death in successive generations-that make this goal one of the most important tasks of the United Nations. Despite all the attempts to achieve international de- tente, and the signing ofthe agreements reachedfollow- ing the first and second rounds of the Strategic Anns Limitation Talks [SAL1] by the two super-Powers, mankind is still threatened by nuclear war because we have failed so far within the United Nations to solve the major international problems which involve a potential military confrontation between the two poles ofnuclear terror. In addition, regional conflicts, which are often either vestiges of colonialism or covert concoctions of foreign elements, force the developing countries to waste their material resources on armaments instead of using them in the fields ofeconomic and social develop- m~nUn order to raise the standard of living of their people. For all these reasons, my delegation supports the call for convening a world conference on disarma- ment and joins those who call for the adoption of all effective measures to protect the non-nuclear States from the threat of the use of nuclear weapons, espe- cially nuclear blackmail, which is practised by both the Zionist entity and Pretoria's racist regime. 17. My delegation also stresses the importance ofdis- cussing the item "Israeli nuclear armament", as was proposed by Iraq [A/34/142] and supported by the Arab group ofStates, because ofits possible implications for the security and peace of the Middle East. 18. The State of Qatar supports the proposal to de- clare the Middle East a nuclear-free zone and appeals to all parties concerned to implement such a declaration and to accede to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. It also emphasizes the Declaration ofthe Indian Ocean as a Zone ofPeace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)], and the ending ofthe escalation and expansion ofsuper-Powermilitary presence in the Indian Ocean in the context of their rivalry, with a view to its eventual elimination. It is regrettable that, as a result of the developments which threaten to extend the arms race to the Indian Ocean, and the rivalry of the super- Powers to establish their military presence, which in- creases tension in the area and endangers international peace and security, this Declaration has not been unplemented. 20. It is regrettable that, because of the lack ofpoliti- cal will on the part of the developed countries to re- spond to the just aspirations of the developing countries---especially the most aff'ected and least de- veloped among them-the negotiations being held be- tween developed and developing countries' concerning the infrastructure of the new international economic order have yet to yield any positive orconcrete results. Therefore, the Government of Qatar expresses its dis- appointment and deep concern over the failure to achieve any substantial progress at the fifth session of UNCTAD, which was held in Manila last May-a fail- ure which was due to the negative attitude of the de- veloped countries, their unwillingness to discharge their responsibilities, and their lack of political will regarding the transfer of technology to the developing countries. 2 I. The State of Qatar appeals to the international community, especially the industrialized countries, to provide other sources of energy to replace oil after its depletion, and urges the major industrialized countries to economize on its use as a source of energy and to conserve it for purposes more beneficial to mankind and its future than burning it as a fuel. In this context, the State of Qatar urges the international community to regard the petrochemical industries objectively as a substitute for certain agricultural and livestock prod- ucts which have begun to be in short supply as a re~jUlt of the massive population increase in some parts of the world, and appeals to it to find the means to transfer te:::hnology in this and otherfields and to strive to distri- bute these industries among various parts of the world in a way that will ensure the equity ofthe distributionof wealth among the people of the world, rather than its concentration in a certain country where it is controlled by abominable monopolies. 22. The State of Qatar again emphasizes the right of all nations to enjoy full and constant sovereignty over their natural resources and all their economic activities, and its rejection of any threats to use force or to in- tervene in the internal affairs ofany country in any way. It also emphasizes repectfor the territorial integrity and the political independence of all nations. 23. The tasks entrusted to the international commu- nity are great and significant ones. The peoples of the world are looking forward with great interest and con- cern to the practical results of our deliberations aimed at fulfilling the broad aspirations ofour peoples. There- fore I hope that the resolutions and recommendations of this session will mark a new turning-point in th(;' achievement of our goals.,.. 25. It is also no mere fonnality when I express our great appreciation for the leadership provided by Mr. Lievano of Colombia as President of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly. The zeal and ability he displayed in discharging his responsibilities has en· hanced his reputation, as well as his country's prestige. 26. In the exemplary dedication to duty and the practical wisdom of our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, we have an assurance that the challenging tasks ahead will be met with faith and fortitude, vision and constructive statesmanship. 27. Our family of nations has grown as Saint Lucia, our youngest and newest Member, has ,joined us. We wish the people of Saint Lucia prospenty and assure them of our goodwill and co-operation in the re- sponsibilities awaiting them. 28. India comes to this Assembly with the strength of a tradition which is more than 4,000 years old, dating from when our Vedic ancestors had the insight to de· clare; "the soilis my mother; I am the son ofthe earth". Th!s was the germ of the concept of "one world", the umty ofwhich was to be ensured by peace. This is why "peac;e, peac~ and peace" has been my country's con- stant mvocatlOn. 29. I stand here today conscious of this rich heritage and of its reflection in the continuing national con- sensus which prevails in the pursuit of international objectives. Independent India's policies and attitudes to international problems show a continuity and con- sistency of which we are proud. 30. Since the time, 31 years ago, when India's first Foreign Minister and Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, declared in this Assembly that •'I~dia adhered completely to the principles and purposes of the Charter",4 there has been in our expressions ofsupport of th~.United Nation~ and its Charter every year a r~petltlve rhythm which should not be mistaken for ntual o~ formality. The United Nations unmistakably symbolizes the best balance between the right to inde- pendence and t~e compulsion to wor~ together. It rep- resents a wammg that we can survive only in good- neighbourliness. If international problems have been aggra~ate~ at tiJ:nc:s during the 34-year career of this Orgamza;tlon, thiS IS due to the fact that in our national perspectives we have overlooked the fact that we form one world and not 152 worlds of various sizes. Despite all the lessons of history, we are still bogged down in short-tenn problems and are still overlooking the fact that our long-te:nn destinies are intertwined and must be safeguarded. 31. If we look back over the decade of the 19705, J Mr. M.i!>hra spoke in Hindi. The English version ofhis statement was 1lupplled by the delegation. • ~e OmciaJ Records ofthe General Assembly, F'iw pari afthird Ses.non, Plenary Menings. l54th meeting, p. 378. 32. This Assembly is meeting again after one more year and it can be seen that the world has been changing fast. The past year has not been more tranquil or less dangerous. The world continues to hang precariously between war and pea.ce, development and stagnation domination and justice. Many of the old myths hav~ died" but not the belief in them. The time when the world order could bemaintain,ed through the strengthof military establishments is. over. While many still see military power as supreme. its political consequences often mean that it cannot be used. No doubt there is a fleeting intelJectuaJI realization that things have changed, but this has not kept pace with the fonnulation of foreign policy by important countries. 33. The days of an imperial role are gone; neither is there any scope fOil" imperial management. Even the management of, crises can no longer be left to a few great Powers, although they have an important re- sponsibility. Countries may differ in power, wealth and beliefs, but the world c.ommunity cannot be managed now without the voluntary particip.ation and equitable involvement of the largest possible number of countries. 34. It is also clear that the leverage of the weaker ~ountri~s is a factor to ~ reckoned with in the emerging lOternatlonal order. Mlhtary power m.ay have remained concentrated in a few han,ds. but popular power, ifone may use that term, has become more widely dispersed. Recent events have again shown that. given will power and determination, even a sm.all Power can hold a big Power at bay. The strength of the non-aligned move- ment is really the collective leverage exerted by the weaker countries on the global scene. This collective leverage, reflected in the demand for a new interna- tionaJ economic order, is in essenee a call for the demo- cratization of world power. 35. We are indeed in an era of increasing plurality. Just as the managerial revolutlon ha.'i replaced family management, the transformation of the world situation ras brought about a diffusion of the power to .shape and mfluence events. This requires a new awareness. anew approach and a new adjustment which would facilitate the evolution ora more just and e,quitable world order. 36. May I underl.ille in this context the growing reY- ?lutionary significance of a factor that has been emerg- 109 over the last two decades in the United Nations. The fact that well over 90 Members of the United Nations have joined the non-aligned movement has effected a quiet revolution in the functioning of the international Organization. This constitutes a guarantee against the misuse of the United Nations or. for that matter, ofanY intergovernmental organization. di1ferin~ideological and socio-economic systems have finalized without further delay. to CoeXISt. As an Indian, I cannot but recall that the principles of coexistence were first enunciated in the middle of the 1950s and enshrined iii the Declaration adopted by the African~Asian Conference, held at Bandung in 1955. . . 38. Detente was enthusiastically acclaimed by some, much wished for by many. But in its realization we find that the effects of the cold-war years have been effaced neither in the functioning ofthis Organization nor in the various regions of the world. There is even a danger of detente's becoming a facade behind which the role of the Organization stands reduced in the priorities ofthe great Powers and, paradoxically, regional wars and conflicts also flourish. 39.' Surely, if detente means the mere normalization of bilateral relations among the great Powers, then the vast majority of members of the international commu- nity will have little interest in it. Though normalization among great Powers is essential, an honest detente has to be global and universal and this indeed is our goal. 40. It would also be wrong to assume that the process of even this limited detente is irreversible. The stale- mate in the ratification of the treaty resulting from the second round of SALT negotiations, the deepening crisis in West Asia, the hardening ofattitudes in relation to southern Africa, the polarized postures in South- . East Asia and the disturbing trend towards the fonna~ tion ofdestabilizing political combinations are ominous portents. 41. Consequently, reinforcing the fabric of peace must remain the primary concern in our discussions. Progress on disarmament in all its various aspects has to be seen as the touchstone of our commitment to peace. Lasting world peace can stand only on the foun- dation of effective disarmament. 42. We must remind ourselves that the United Na- tions was established to save "succeeding generations from the scourge ofwar." For as long as nuclear stock- piles exist in the world, there is a liefinite threat of a nuclear holocaust. Nuclear war is possible through ac- cident, miscalculation, misperception and impulsive or irrational behaviour under tension. The most urgent task facing humanity today is to delegitimize nuclear weapons, to dismantle the hierarchical international order that supports the present military system and to replace it by an alternative security system based on peaceful coexistence and the acceptance in practice of the equal sovereignty of all nations and of the right of each nation to choose its national and international policies. 44. We welcome second SALT treaty. But it is only a beginnin8:-though an important beginning, which must be formalized and implemented so that the world may move further towards real nuclear disannament. At the same time we cannot but note with regret that that treaty does not incorporate any measure for the reduc- tion ofnucleararsenals and that the growing and deadly sophistication of nuclear weaponry presents an ever greater danger to mankind. 45. Much is being said, and rightly, about the problem of the proliferation ofnuclear weapons. 1think it would be pertinent to remember that it was India that brought this issue to the attention of the United Nations when, in 1964, it specifically asked for the inclusion in the agenda of an item entitled "Non-proliferation of nuclear weapons".5 Our approach was based on the premise, born of bitter historical experience, that both horizontal and vertical proliferation were integral parts of the problem which needed to be dealt with as a whole. The General Assembly accepted this concept and resolution 2028 (XX) stated that: "The treaty should embody an acceptable balance of mutual responsibilities and obligations of the nuclear and non-nuclear Powers". 46. Unfortunately the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII). annex] concluded in 1968 deliberately sought to alter this concept. It addressed itselfonly to the aspect of horizontal proliferation, and if the TreatY has be- come an unworkable document, it is only because of this narrow and illogical approach. The protagonists have been trying to buttress their position by cartel- type arrangements and further discriminatory meas- ures, such as the establishment of the so-called "London Club"6 of nuclear suppliers and the attempt- ed imposition of full-scope safeguards, on the peaceful nuclear activities of non-nuclear-weapon States, some- thing that the nuclear-weapon States are themselves not prepared to accept. 47. In a world where we now grapple with the task of evolvj~ the methodology of a new international econonuc and political order based on justice and equity, it would be nothing short of anachronism for some Powers to play the role ofbarons and overlords in a system ofnuclearfeudalism. Such an attitudetends to make nonsense of national independence, equality of nations and the very concept of peaceful coexistence that is at the heart of the United Nations. 5 Ibid.• Nineteenth Session, Annexes. Annex No.2. agendaitem 8, document A/~J7S8. 6 See World Armaments and Disarmament: SIPRI Yearbook 1977 (Stockholm. A1mqvist & Wiksell, 1977), appendix IA. 49. Onefurther initiative I have in mind is the dissemi- nation ofpublic knowledge and through it the creation ofenhanced awareness and popular will against the use of nuclear weapons. Efforts to build world public opin- ion would assist the Governments concerned to tum away from the path of nuclear competition in the direc- tion ofpractical measures for avoiding nuclearwar. The ITnited Nations has achieved significant success in the past in helping to rouse the conscience ofmankind on a number of humanitarian issues, through a variety of special observances. Would it not be appropriate that this vital question, on which depends the future and fate of man himself, should receive similar attention? It is only fitting that the second Disarmament Decade . should begin next year with measures aimed at mobiliz- ing world opinion for international co-operative action to consolidate world peace. The year 1980 could be the commencement year for laying the foundations for eliminating for ever the danger of nuclear war. 50. If I have spoken at length on nuclear disarma- ment, it is because of the overwhelming fact that nuclear weapons, with their mind-boggling destructive capacity and their increasingdegree of"overkill",con- stitute the greatest danger to mankind. 51. The relationship between disarmament and de- velopment has been stressed by many earlier speakers, and I need not dwell upon it at any great length. The point has often been made that the total annual world military expenditure, now exceeding $400 billion, is equivalent to halfthe combined gross domestic product of all the third-world countries. It exceeds the global government expenditure on education and is more than twice the expenditure on public health services. In a world seriously afflicted by an energy crisis, by infla- tion, uneml?loyment, mass poverty and so forth, it is surely crimmal that our dwindling resources should be expended in this extravagant fashion for military purposes. In this, the International Year ofthe Child, is It not revolting that one Trident submarine costs as much as would be needed for the schooling of 16 million children in developing countries? What is the legacy we shall be leaving for our children if we continue in the present insane manner in the name of safeguarding security? 52. Another problem that threatens civilized ex- istence is the cnminal combination ofracist policies and colonial ambition that adds up to apartheid. A minority regime continues to violate openly and flagrantly the resolutions, decisions and sanctions of the United Na- tions and to subject the majority of the South African people to extreme forms ofdegradation, repression and torture. This situation is a reflection of the barrenness 7 See document A/S-IO/AC.I/L.11. 8 See document A/S-IO/AC.I/L.IO. 53. In Namibia, the action of the General Assembly and the Security Council over the last decade and beyond constitutes a history of lost opportunities. This continuing inefficacy casts serious doubts on the prospects for success of the United Nations plan for Namibia.9 SWAPO, for its part, has displayed a consis- tent willingness to accept United Nations-supervised elections for the transition to majority rule and indepen- dence in Namibia. As long as South Africa continues its illegal presence inside Namibia, a just and peaceful change-over would be well nigh impossible. My delega- tion fully supports the adoption by the Security Council of concrete measures to compel South Africa to end its illegal occupation of Namibia. 54. In Zimbabwe, the liberation struggle continues at great cost in human suffering and ominous portents of escalation. The Rhodesia Constitutional Conference currently considering the problem of the transfer of power to the majority oscillates between hope and des- pair. We had welcomed the Lusaka agreement [see A/34/439-S/13515, annex, para. 15] and had cautioned that its implementation should be a matter of time- bound urgency. We hoee that a constitution acceptable to the Patriotic Front will be evolved in the Conference. 55. In West Asia, developments in relations between certain States should not obscure consideration of the deteriorating situation in the occupied Arab territories in southern Lebanon. 56. India believes that nothing but a comprehensive solution of the problem will bring about peace in the area. Central to this settlement is the exercise by the Palestinian people of their inalienable rights, including the right to establish an independent State in their own homeland; the total and unconditional Israeli with- drawal from all the occupied Arab territories, including the Holy City of Jerusalem; and, finally, the right ofall States in the region, including Arab Palestine, to live within secure borders. Full and equal participation of the PLO in any peace negotiations is a sine qua nonfor a final settlement. The growing threat to international peace and security resulting from Israeli policies and partial solutions can no longer be ignored. The con- tinued Israeli acts of aggression in Lebanon also bear testimony to the Israelis' belligerent intentions. 57. It is also painful to note that Cyprus continues to suffer foreign occupation of a sizeable part of its terri- tory. We welcome the lO-point agreement reached in May 197910 and we urge the parties concerned to recog- 10 Ibid., Thirty,(ourth Year, Supplement for April. May and June /979, document 8/13369, para. 51. 58. The South Asian region, earlier plagued by war and dissension, is now freer from tensions. We have been able to respond to each other's interests and con- cerns in a spirit of accommodation. My country feels a sense of satisfaction at the resolution of some intract- able problems. The improved environment provides scope for greater contacts and co-operation which will benefit the countries of the region. We rejoice that at last the entire subcontinent is now committed to the principles and policies ofnon-alignment and ofpeaceful coexistence. All this should augur well for peace and stability in the region. If, however, I advert to Jammu and Kashmir, which is an integral part of India, it is because there was reference to it by the foreign affairs adviser to the President ofPakistan in his statement to this Assembly on 1 October [15th meeting]. We have repeatedly made it clear that United Nations resolu- tions have ceased to be relevant and the Simla Agreementll holds the field. So the issue has to be bilaterally settled in accordance with the Simla Agreement. 59. We are happy that in the region of South-East Asia, economic co-operation and efforts to establish a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality on the initiative of the Association of South-East Asian Nations have been making progress in spite of the many pressures operating in the area. 60. We had thought that the retreat of foreign troops from Viet Nam over four years ago would usher in a new era ofpeace and co-operation in Indo-China and in the whole region of South-East Asia. That expectation was, unfortunately, short-lived. Foreign intervention and foreign involvement in Indo-China continued in new forms distorting the entire situation in that strategic area. Distrust and suspicion are rife in the region, as is the apprehension that great Powers may become involved. In consequence, the countries of Indo-China have not been allowed to settle down in peace to the reconstruction and development of their economies. 61. The Sino-Viet Nam border remains tense, and there is no peace in Kampuchea as yet. We ardently hope that the tension between China and Viet Nam will not be allowed to escalate, and we believe that bound- ary questions and other problems between two great neighbouring Asian countries can and ought to be resol- ved through peaceful and friendly negotiations. 62.- The brave people of Kampuchea, with whom we in India have age-old cultural.ties, have been sU.bjec!ed to untold misery and deprivation. The present situation demands statesmanship from all parties, so that peace, stability, mutual confidence and co-operation may be restored, and so that respect for the personality and independence of every State can be strictly observed. \1 Agreement on Bilateral Relations between the Government of Indiaand the Government ofPakistan, signed at Simlaon 2July 1972. 64. The spectre offamine, however, looms large over Kampuchea. We welcome the recent understanding for extending international emergency relief and assist- ance. India would be ready to make its modest con- tribution in this regard. 65. India is firmly committed to the creation ofa zone of ~ace in the Indian Ocean, as envisaged in the Decla- ration of the General Assembly [resolution 2832 (XXVI)]. The increase, over the years, in great-Power military presence in the Indian Ocean and the further strengthening of military bases, such as Diego Garcia, are a matter ofserious concern. On the most important issues pertaining to the implementation of the Declara- tion, the majority of the littoral and hinterland States were able to adopt a common position at the meeting held in New York in July this year [see A/34/45]. 66. We invite the participation ofall permanent mem- bers of the Security Council and the major maritime users of the Indian Ocean in the work of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean with a view to conven- ing a conference on the Indian Ocean. 67. It was a disappointment for us when the negotia- tions between the Soviet Union and the United States for the reduction oftheir military presence in the Indian Ocean were abruptly suspended in March 1978. We welcome the agreement reached at the Vienna summit to resume the dialogue and urge early and meaningful negotiations. 68. In the field of human rights, it is immensely im- portant to realize that, in the ultimate analysis, indi- vidual human rights must rest on the foundation of collective human rights. National liberation creates the framework for the latter, and only after achieving it can one think ofensuring human rights for individuals. The stability of newly gained freedom is essential for ensur- ing socia-economic change and for the widening and deepening of the ambit of human rights. These need to be properly institutionalized, for only thus will there be a safeguard against their possible abuse, suppression or total eclipse. 69. The present world economic order continues to follow the rule that to him who hath even more shall be given. The two United Nations Development Decades, one of the 1960s and the other of the 1970s, and a series of protracted negotiations, have proved sterile exer- cises, belying the hopes that had been raised that in- equity between nations need not be an inexorable law and that, for reasons as much economic as ethical, the rich should assist the poor. 70. We are now on the threshold of the third United Nations Development Decade, covering the 19808, and 12 Meeting on Refugees and Displaced Persons in South-East Asia, held in Geneva from 20 to 21 July 1979. 71. The disparity in the dissemination of scientific knowledge and technological know-how in the world is one of the basic causes for the widening gap between the developed and developing nations. The United Na- tions Conference on Science and Technology for De- velopment, recently concluded at Vienna, was success- ful in focusing attention on this question and in evolving an agreed plan of action at the international level. 13 We hope that the new Intergovernmental Committee on SCience and Technology for Development will be able to promote agreement on adequate and sustained meas- ures for the transfer of technology to the developing countries. 72. The developing countries expect to, and indeed must participate fully in the world decision-making processes. Having abandoned, with the earlier dec- ades, the framework that was formulated for appraising performance and ensuring joint responsibility of both the North and the South, we have yet to agree on a draft of the preamble of a new international development strategy. We run the risk ofgoing to the special session marking the commencement of the third development decade without an agreed strategy, jeopardizing the outcome of the Decade itself. 73. Similar mechanisms to promote international ac- countability are required in specific areas ofmultilateral economic functioning particularly within UNCTAD and UNlDO. One ofthe principal tasks at theforthcom- ing Third General Conference of UNlOO to be held in New Delhi in 1980 will be to equip the agency with an effective mechanism to examine and monitor the impli- cations of the Lima target of 25 per cent of the world's o 13 See Report of the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, Vienna (20-31 August 1979) (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.79.1.21), chap. VII. 75. India has, at the recent Sixth Conference ofHeads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, which met in Havana, taken a number of initiatives in fostering collective self-reliance. We have, with Bang- ladesh proposed the establishment of a food security syste~ for developing countries. Though a developing country which has had to feed an immense population, we in India today are in a position to make a modest contribution to any agreed international system offood security that may be evolved. It is time that the world, and especially the advanced nations, realized that food security is even more important than military security in maintaining peace and stability in the world. 76. Similarly, the Havana Conference approved the proposal to study the J.>:Ossibility of establishing a pro- Ject development facility. We hope that the facility would become operational by the end of 1980. India, with extensive ex~rience in technology relevant to developing countnes, is willing to collaborate with others In setting up facilities for research and training in priority areas, geared specially to their needs. We would be glad to share our experience and welcome their participation. 77. The policy guidelines on reinforcing mutual sol- o idarity recently adopted in Havana are a welcome ex- pression of the political will of the non-aligned and other developing countries to co-operate among themselves to meet their minimum needs and emergency requirements. The guidelines, which are not confined to oil, have wide implications of a long-term nature, since they cover all primary commodities'a:nd raw materials. It is our sincere hope that these poltcy guidelines will be expeditiously translated into concrete commitments. 78. Another problem which has bedevilled the evolu- tion of a just and equitable world economic order has been the energy problem. Half of India's total import bill, for instance, is now accounted for by oil im~rts and the latest round ofprice increases has further raised the burden by a crushing $1.4 billion per year. E,:en more critical has been the problem of secunng minimum requirements of petroleum from the world market, where we have to compete with the affluent nations. 79. I need hardly emphasize the enormous ~ign.ifi­ cance of energy in the context of de.velopmg economies, characterized as they are by limited sub- stitution pi?ssibilities for priority uses suchas transl?Ort, by the high capital intensity of alternatiye energy re- sources and by the problems inherent m reducmg a level of consumption which is already at the bare !IDd essential minimum. Clearly these countries are Pll;I'ticu- larly vulnerable to the world oil situation. Is It ~ot unconscionable that out ofthe total world consumption 80. All the developing countries should have a right, indeed a special right, to secure a fair share in the world consumption of energy and other raw materials. 81. In the ultimate analysis, the question involves the principle of equity. The core of the present resource crisis IS the attempt by developed countries to pre-empt the bulk of the world's natural resources in order to maintain their current pattern ofconsumption and con- tinue their existing life-styles. The disaster that profli- gate consumption is leading to calls for a change in life-styles in developed countries. Such a change is also necessitated by the imbalance between material and spiritual growth that has prompted many in the West to turn to the philosophy of the Orient in their quest for inner peace and harmony. Echoing the present predica- ment of the mature industrial or post-industrial societies, T. S. Eliot spoke of" ... the torment of desire unsatisfied and the greater torment of desire satisfied". 82. The political, economic and social order in our world has to be refashioned not only with reference to ourselves but for the sake ofthe future of our children. ~ppropriately, the observance of the International Women's Year and the International Year of the Child has coincided with the efforts at promoting a new inter- national economic order. With the mother and the child at the core ofour thoughts we obviously cannot concen- trate on a political order based on power and exploita- tion and a development process which is myopic and inequitable. In fact, if the process is to begin with the child in the mother's womb, as it ought to, we have to work for the creation of a total environment which would ensure equality at birth to every child and pro- vide for his development throughout the formative period. The symbolic significance of observing a particular year as dedicated to a particular cause can only find real meaning if the problem is considered in a larger perspective. Standing on the threshold of the 1980s, we shall have to begin the desired development process now. 83. Is it not a pity that we assemble here year after year to do little more than patch up our petty quarrels and pay lip service to some lofty ideas and principles? It is time we ceased to concern ourselves merely with the past and the present and began to look to the future with the spirit of collective creativity which must be the hallmark of the United Nations system. The United Nations has to be not merely the engineer of truce but rather the architect ofa new era--an era that could see the rise of the new man of the twenty-first century. To do this, We need to help the United Nations to extend the frontiers ofits perception. The time to do so is now.

Mr. President, I should like first of all, on behalfofmy Government, the people ofthe Republic of Senegal and His Excellency Mr. Leopold Sedar Senghor, to express to you our most heartfelt congratu- lations on the occasion of your brilliant election to the presidency of this thirty-fourth session of the General 85. We should also like to convey our congratulations to our colleague Mr. Indalecio Lievano, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Colombia, who so competently guided the work of the last session of the General As- sembly. He deserves our warmest praise, and my dele- gation and I congratulate him on the way in which he directed the work of the thirty-third session ofthe Gen- eral Assembly. 86. We should be remiss in fulfilling our duties if we did not also express our thanks and gratitude to the person who for a number of years has so perfectly embodied the ideals of our international Organization, the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his very lucid and comprehensive report on the work ofthe Organization [A/34/1] in which he has so well described the present state of international relations and through which he has demonstrated his true qualities as an intelligent diplomat in his sincere and constant efforts to promote the establishment of genuine international peace and security, which is indispensable for the well- being of mankind. 87. On behalfof my country, Senegal, I should like to extend our warmest congratulations to the delegation of Saint Lucia, whose country has just been admitted as the one hundred and fifty-second Member of our Organization. 88. Every session of our Assembly gives us an op- portunity to look back at the year gone by, to review the problems which are at the forefront ofour concerns and at the same time to suggest the most appropriate ways and means of achieving a just and lasting solution to those problems. 89. The latest sessions ofthe General Assembly have been characterized by the emergence of rather deep differences, which have sometimes made ofour yearly debates a kind of confrontation, the genuine signifi- cance of which has not always been clearly perceived by all. 90. This is true as regards the evolution of the situa- tionin Africa, and especially southern Africa, where the time for decisions finally seems to have arrived. Such a spectacular change is certainly not due only to the fact that international public opinion has suddenly awoken to events in this region of our continent, al- though it had been kept well informed ofthem. It is first and foremost the result of the work of the Africans themselves, who, with the help of their friends, have throughout the years learned better to defend their rights in order to reconquer theirfreedom in dignity and equality. 92. Nevertheless, our present hope is seriously threatened by pressing problems affecting both the awareness of this human quest for peace and social justice and its continuity. These problems, as they ap- pear to us in the situation in southern Africa, have today reached crisis dimensions. Indeed, persistent co- lonialism, the effective domination by a racist minority and an odious policy of apartheid seem to be de- tennined to oppose the inevitable emancipation ofall of Africa. This unjust and cruel effort must not, however, prevail over the firm determination and desire of the African peoples to free themselves of the chains of oppression and injustice. 93. My country, Senegal, has always provided unfail- ing and constructive support to all oppressed peoples struggling for their freedom and inalienable rights. We . hereby solemnly reaffinn this support, and we should like at the same time to renew our commitment unre- servedly to support the legitimate efforts ofall peoples throughout the world struggling to achieve self- detennination and independence, to regain peace and to safeguard justice. 94. Thus, my country, Senegal, had with regard to Namibia in the past stressed and rightly valued the constructive efforts made individually or collectively l;>y certain African or Western States to find a solution on the basis of the resolutions and decision of the United Nations. Unfortunately, we must once more acknowledge that these efforts have not yet been suc- cessful because of the obvious stubbornness of South Africa to maintain its colonial domination over the Ter- ritory of Namibia. But our efforts will eventually be crowned with victory. 95. It will be recalled that on 20 May last, the Minister of Foreign Affairs ofSouth Africa announced his Gov- ernment's decision to transfonn the so-called Con- stituent Assembly ofWindhoek into a National Assem- bly and at the same time to confer executive powers upon some of its members. %. By that decision, the Government ofSouth Africa was putting an end to all hopes for the implementation ofthe plan adopted by the Security Council in its resolu- tion 435 (1978). That defiance ofthe entire international community as well as ofthe United Nations itselfshows the extent to which the South African Government has disregarded the international Organization, our Organi- zation. It is time for our Assembly to assume its re- sponsibilities and to put an end to the illegal presence of South Africa in Namibia. 97. Sene~al believes that the United Nations Council for NamibIa and its powers must be strengthened. The 98. Senegal also believes that our brothers from SWAPO. the sole and authentic liberation movementof the Namibian \,eople, must be given the material moral, diplomatIc and, ifneed be. military assistancet~ enable them to achieve the aspirations of the Namibian people for genuine independence within a united Namibia. 99. In this respect, I should like to pay a resounding tribute from this rostrum, and on behalf of our Presi- dent, Mr. Leopold Sedar Senghor, to the SWAPO free· dom fighters who, despite arrests and arbitrary deten· tion, crimes, and other acts of violence perpetrated by the illegal administration of South Africa against Afri· can populations, continue, under the guidance of our brother and friend Sam Nujoma, to fight courageously and firmly for the triumph of the aspirations of all the Namibian people, ofwhom they alone are the authentic representatives. 100. One source of comfort is the fact that today it is undeniable that an equitable and lasting solution to the question of Namibia is inconceivable without the full and direct participation of SWAPO, which undeniably has demonstrated its political maturity throughout the action which has led to the settlement plan adopted by the Security Council. In this spirit, Senegal opposes the recognition of any puppet regime which South Africa might one day wish to impose on the Namibians. We continue to believe that only concerted international action, both powerful and organized, can compel South Africa to accept the implementation of the Western settlement plan,14 whose fate has become more and more uncertain. 10 1. In the face of this situation, my country once more appeals to the international community for sup· port and assistance so that effective sanctions may be applied against South Mrica pursuant to Chapter VII of our Charter as a means ofpressure to induce the South African Government to comply with Security Council resolutions 385(1976) and 435( 1978). Senegal wishes to take this opportunity to invite the Security Council to take all necessary measures to implement its settlement plan. 102. As regards the problem of Zimbabwe and in keeping with the position adopted by most ofthe States Members of the United Nations, Senegal feels that there can be no genuine independence without the establishment of a majority Government. We feel that any settlement concerning the future of that Territory must be prepared with the fuU participation of the Patriotic Front, the only genuine liberation movem~nt of the people of Zimbabwe, under the enlightened gUid- ance of our brothers Joshua Nkomo and Robert Mugabe. 103. It is now time to recall solemnly that an inaccu- rate press release had indicated that my country had 104. During the thirty-third session of the General Assembly of the United Nations, the delegation of Senegal, it will be recalled, actively participated in the preparation and adoption of resolutions 33/38 A and B. It is true that new developments have occurred since then, but it is just as true that at the point where im- provements were expected, further flaws, lacks of un- derstanding and inaccuracies occurred which have further complicated the Namibian situation. 105. But it is difficult to consider that, on the basis of these elections, it is impossible to see a favourable evolution towards a conference of all the parties con- cerned, thanks to the relevant work of certain Mrican States-such as Nigeria-which stressed at Lusaka the importance of working towards an effective solution to that .l?roblem. And it was precisely in Lusaka, at the MeetlO~ of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countnes, that the idea of a conference that would include the participation of all parties concerned was put forward. That Conference is now taking place in London. 106. The news which we have heard from London in this respect seems highly encouraging to us. It seems that, as regards the representation of the white minor- ity, after two weeks of difficult negotiations an agreement has been reached among the parties, so that the black majority will finally hold the reins ofpower in Namibia. 107. We fervently hope that on the other points re- maining to be discussed, everything will be done by the Government ofthe United Kingdom to reach a compre- hensive and honest agreement in order to spare the people of Zimbabwe the atrocities of war, which they have been experiencing for some time and whose ef- fects and hardships are being sorely felt in all the neigh- bouring countries. 108. My delegation feels that the United Kingdom, which has an important role to play in this situation, should not in any way consider the lifting of sanctions taken against Rhodesia until the negotiations underway lead to a solution which is satisfactory both to all the parties concerned and to the international community as a whole. We feel that an authentic peace, a lasting peace, in southern Africa requires constant progress on all the fronts involving the oppression and exploitation of peoples which now characterize that part of our continent. It is clear that the use of armed force to achieve liberation has not been the chosen method of Africa. In fact, that method has been imposed upon us because there has never been and there will never be any possible compromise on the sacred objective of total liberation and the complete elimination ofthe ves- tiges of colonialism, neo-colonialism, imperialism, the domination of the racist minority, and apartheid. 109. As regards Western Sahara, during the thirty- third session of the General Assembly, my country voted in favour of resolution 33/31 B, which invited "the Organization of African Unity to take prompt action to find a just and equitable settlement of the question of Western Sahara". 111. Since then, many events which were foreseeable inJuly have taken place in that area. The problem ofthe Sahara has become a conflict between two neighbour- ing Arab States, regardless of Whether such a conflict was desired. This is the substantive issue, and it cannot be resolved until direct dialogue is promoted between the Heads of State of those two countries. That is why the President of the Republic of Senegal, His Excel- lency, Leopold Sedar Senghor, had relevantly pro- posed, during the last session of the OAU Assembly, a meeting of the heads of State of the parties concerned under the auspices of the special committee of the five Mrican heads ofState in order to find a just and lasting solution to this conflict which has lasted too long. But we are convinced that the wisdom and devotion ofour neighbours to the sovereignty and independence ofAf- rica will certainly prevail in this issue and will lead to a just and lasting solution of the conflict in the Western Sahara. 112. With regard to the question of the Comorian Island of Mayotte, the delegation ofSenegal is pleased at the efforts made by the French and Comorian Gov- ernments to resolve this important problem through dialogue. Contacts have taken place, and they are very encouraging for the result of the current negotiations, especially as the two parties concerned have decided, by common agreement and as a sign of goodwill, to exchange diplomatic representatives at the ambassadorial level. 113. As is known, Mrican problems are not the only problems of concern to my coun!ry. ~nde~d, Sene~al is particularly concerned by the SituatIon 10 the MIddle Easl and the question ofPalestine. The tension prevail- ing in that part ofthe world is, need we recall, a serious threat to intemational peace and security. The climate of violence as well as the attitude of Israel towards the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people are serious obstacles to peace in the region. As is known, the Government of the Republic of Senegal is and has always been in f;;lvour, both as a matter ofprinciple and in its actions, of any dialogue between the parties to a conflict. And if, as has been mentioned here, the a~eements reached between certain parties to the con- fhct did not cover a wide enough range ofthe aspects of the Middle East conflict, thus making it possible to hope for a settlement ensuring comprehensive, lasting and just peace involving all aspects of the problem, it is none the less true that these agreements do have some positive features which we cannot neglect, even though they may be in~~quate to lead to a global s<;>lution. Permit me at thiS tIme to commend the Conumttee on the Exercise ofthe Inalienable Rights ofthe Palestinian People as well as its chairman, our compatriot Mr. Medoune Fall, for the work accomplished to the benefit of the fraternal people of Palestine despite all the diffi- culties which must be overcome daily by that Commit- tee in the fulfilment of its mandate. liS. In mentioning the problem and the conflict in the Middle Ea.st, my country cannot gloss over the dispute existing between Israel and my country, which, inci- dentally, maintain no diplomatic relations, as a result of the arrest of Regimental Sergeant-Major Papa Coly Sarr of Senegal. a member of UNIFIL. 116. As everyone knows, my country Senegal feels no hatred towards'Jews in general or towards Israelis in particular, for history has demonstrated that each ofthe "three suffering peoples", the blacks, the Arabs and the Jews, has brought to the world an irreplaceable message. Need we recall that during the British Man- date two peoples were struggling for independence: the Jewish people on the one hand and the Palestinian Arab people, composed of both Moslems and Christians, on the other? Our view, held by Senegalese statesmen since as early as 1948, was that each struggling people had a right to establish a free State in Palestine. The Jewish pe0t'le have achieved self-determination with the foundation of the State of Israel. The United Na- tions must also enable the Palestinian Arab people to achieve self-determination by founding an independent State on Palestinian lands now occupied by Israel. And that is, moreover, the idea that was met by the partition decided upon by the United Nations in 1948, which led to the creation ofthe State ofIsrael. But we will go even further: there can be no definitive peace between Jews and Arabs until all occupied territories are freed and until the just cause of the struggling Palestinian people is finally satisfied. Israel must consider itself as one Semitic State among other Semitic States. 117. In February 1979, during a supply mission, Regi- mental Sergeant-Major Papa Coly Sarr was arrested by the Israeli authorities. who then accused him of having supplied explosives to the Palestinians. They tried him and condemned him to 10 years imprisonment. It is an elementary principle of law that one cannot be both judge and party to a case, as the Israeli Government hal) been. The Secretary-General ofthe United Nations had the great vision to understand, quite rightly, that it was an international tribunal designated by the United Na- tions that should have tried Regimental Sergeant-Major Sarro It is this that we have unceasingly requested, and we feel that it is our right. We do not intend-and let me make this '.'cry clear-to enter into any contact with the Israeli Govemment, or even less to negotiate with it. in order to obtain the application of intemational law in the case ofRegimental Sergeant-Major Sarr, This is for reasons of principle and dignity. We place our confi- dence in the international community and particularly in the United Nations. We are in no way prejudging the decision of the future international COUli, but simply say that judging from the dossier ofthe accused. it does 119. I would like to reaffinn the constant support of my country, Senegal. and its President, Mr. Leopold S6dar Senghor, for the just struggle of the fraternal people of Palestine and the PLO, their sole authentic representative, and forour brother and our friend Presi- dent Yasser Arafat, whose untiring struggle for justice, freedom and dignity for our Palestinian brothers re- quires a particular tribute. 120. I cannot neglect to reiterate our active solidarity with our Arab brothers, so that, together, we will spare no effort for the total liberation of the Arab territories occupied by Israel in June 1967, for the restoration to Jerusalem ofits Islamic and Arab character without any hindrance, as stated in resolutions adopted by the A1- Quds committee of the Tenth Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers at its last meeting at Fez, Morocco in May [see A/34/389 and Corr.l} and to ensure that the three great religions may co-operate in the region as they have done since ancient times. 121. With regard to Lebanon, the object of repeated, senseless attacks by Israel, I should like to state that my country, which has always maintained excellent rela- tions with Lebanon, forcefully condemns these acts of aggression, which violate the integrity. independence and sovereignty of that nation. 122. Senegal, which is a member of UNIFIL, cannot accept these acts which undennine the credibility ofthe United Nations and which place in uanger the existence of a Member State. 123. On the question of Cyprus, my delegation is in favour of the resumption. in a positive and constructive way, of intercommunal negotiations cODducted freely and on the basis of equality and of the detailed and specific proposals put forward by the parties con- cerned, In order to achieve. as soon as possible, a mutually acceptable agreement based on the legitimate rights of the two Cypriot communities, Greek and the Turkish. 124. These hotbeds of tension. which are serious threats to international peace and sC{;urity, are unfortu- nately not the only problems which endanger the very survival of all of mankind. A phenomenon threatens us which could have as its consequences the irremediable destruction of mankind itself: the arms race. This un- bridled race. as certain of my colleagues have already said here, takes the form of the accumulation of fright- ful means capable of wiping out in an instant the sum total of man's efforts and progress since the dawn of time, together with the permanent risk of nuclear holocaust. the senselesss wa<;te of non-renewable natural resources. the absence of genuine progress in disarmament negotiations and the more and more freo tI.uent use of force in international relations should give nse to a heightened awareness throughout the world of 125. Hence, the Government and people of Senegal attach great importance to this problem, and for this reason the President of my country, His Excellency Leopold Sedar Senghor, spoke personally in the gen- eral debate during the tenth special session of the Gen- eral Assembly, IS which was devoted to disarmament, and stressed the dangers ofthisruinous arms race to the social and economic progress of all nations and in particular to that of the developing countries. That is why His Excellency President Leopold Sedar Senghor proposed from this rostrum the imposition of a 5 per cent tax on the military budgets ofStates and the trans- fer of resources thus released to aid for the developing countries. 126. Contrary to expectations, that special session did not fulfil all the hopes of international pUblic opin- ion, although we must acknowledge that in certain sec- tors considerable progress was recorded. We hope that the next special session to be devoted to disarmament will yield practical, more tangible results. 127. My country's keen interest in this question of disarmament was once more demonstrated by the con- vening in Dakar on 9-10 February 1979, at the request of the international community, of an international semi- nar on "The Interrelationship Between Disannament Problems and Development", organized under the aegis of the World Council for Peace. In his opening statement on that occasion, the Prime Minister of the Republic of Senegal, Mr. Abdou Diouf, said: "In the developed countries which have the most sizable military budgets, it is undeniable that the arms race has taken place to the detriment of pro- gress in sensitive social sectors and has contributed to the ~vation of certain harmful phenomen&- such as mflation; trade imbalances and international payments deficits." Mr. Diouf continued: "But in our view as third-world countries, with the threat to international peace and security and, more seriously still, to the fate of humanity, the major consequence of the arms race is that it creates a serious obstacle to the establishment of a new inter- national economic order. Once again it is the squandering of vast resources as a result ofcompeti- tion in weaponry that considerably reduces the ef- forts that should be made to help the developing countries overcome their serious economic and so- cial,difficulties." 128. ,We should also like to express our deep concern over the apparent possession of nuclear weapons by South Africa and Israel. Those two countries, which have been flagrantly violating the Charterofthe United Nations, as well as principles and resolutions of our Organi:z;ation, would be seriously endangering interna- tionalsecurity ifby their possession ofnuclearweapons they were to resort to inadmissible blackmaiL mission. They are: first, the establishment of a univer- sal surveillance and verification system in connexion with the disarmament agreements; secondly, the establishment ofa nuclear-weapon-free zone in Africa; thirdly, the close co-ordination of activities aimed at promoting disarmament and development, especially through the reduction of military budgets and the trans- fer of funds thus released to the development of the least developed countries; and, fourthly, thelarge-scale dissemination of information and the promotion ofdis- armament studies so that world public opinion can be better and more accurately informed about the catastrophic dangers which the accumulation of weapons of mass destruction pose to mankind. 130. We are pleased at the progress already achieved by our Organization in this field and hope tbat further progress will be recorded during this session. 131. In a world of a few rich and many poor, peace cannot easily prosper. Similarly, in a world where the gap between rich and poor countries continues ceaselessly to widen, a policy of solidarity must be developed as the best guarantee of genuine indepen- dence and freedom. 132. My country has always upheld the principle that just international economic relations can be achieved only ifthe rightofeach country to the sovereign exploi- tation of its natural resources is protected. It is no coincidence that maJor international conferences held since the sixth SpeCial session of the United Nations General Assembly on raw materials and development have had as their major concern the recovery and use, by all countries, of their natural resources, whether land-based or maritime. 133. The particularly positive role played in this field by the developing countries should be stressed here. Indeed, inspired by an ardent desire to promote the success of the needed revolution in economic relations among nations and peoples, and motivated by the sincere desire to accord full priority to development problems and to the stability of the world economy, they have undertaken to strengthen and co-ordinate theIr actions in order to create genuine horizontal co- operation in all fields, particularly that of raw materials, thus creating a united negotiating position, in order to achieve the establishment of a new intemational economic and cultural order through agreement rather than confrontation. 134. That is why the Government of the Republic of Senegal attaches particular importance to the establish- ment of viable regional and subregional communities, such as the Organization for the Development of the Gambia River Basin, the Organization for the Develop- ment of the Senegal River, the West African Economic Community and the Economic Community of West African States. But for the effective functioning ofsuch regional co-operation, developing countries must be supported and encouraged in their efforts by the de- veloped countries, as well as by the international or- ganizations, whose precise mission this is. 135.. In this respect, we can only rejoice over the decisions adopted by the General Assembly at its 136. The more or less alarming outlook for the world economic situation is creating a mood ofanxiety. In this climate ofuncertainty the developing countries emerge once more the big losers, subjected as they are to the disastrous effects of this crisis, on the one hand, and, on the other, to the measures taken by the wealthy countries to protect their own economies, which are suffering the effects of recession, inflation and unem- ployment. Overburdened with debts, the developing countries find their development efforts greatly ob- structed by a crisis which is imposed upon them. There- fore, it becomes more and more essential for economic co-operation between developing and developed countries to be considered a basic, priority element, a privileged instrument, for the establishment of a new mternational economic and cultural order. 137. Yet, on the eve of the proclamation of the third United Nations development decade, we join you, Mr. President, in venturing to hope that the work of the Preparatory Committee for the New International.De- velopment Strategy will yield results to everyone's satisfaction. To that end, the international community will have to plan its strategy in order to promote the comprehensive development of the developing countries, as they are the ones which suffer the most from imbalances and short-comings in the current inter- national economic system. 138. Unfortunately, the legitimate hopes of the de- veloping countries are dwindling, particularly because the failure of the fifth session of UNCTAD and the problems that cropped up during the Second United Nations Development Decade have revealed that there is still a long way to go before the establishment of a new international economic order. The inertia of the developed countries during earlier economic negotia- tions gIVe us no cause for optimism. 139. None the less, it does remain undeniable that increased assistance to the developing countries would lead to an upsurge in the world economy and have positive effects on the economies of the developed countries, especially in the area of employment. 140. In this respect the proposal made by the Group of 77 during the last session ofthe Committee ofthe Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/ 174, for a series of global negotiations on international e~on?mic co-operationfor development, with the parti- clpa~lOn of a!1 Sta~es, sh?uld be ac~~Pted as quickly as pOSSible dunng thiS sessIOn. A positIVe reaction to this proposal would make it possible for the international community as a whole to demonstrate its solid commit- ment, ~ts sin~ere will :m~ abov~ all it~ new mentality regardmg majOr negotiations, With a view to achieving dynamic and realistic compromises in building the new international economic order. It is in this spirit that my delegation would like to express its agreement with the proposal by the Mexican Head of State [lIth meeting] to discuss energy problems within a global framework excluding no one, under the auspices of the United Nations and with a positive approach. 142. Therefore the United Nations should deal with the problem of human rights with full awareness of its responsibilities to men, women and children through- out the world. My country's position on this point has been constant. Senegal is a law-abiding country which oppresses no minority and its Government makes re- spect for human rights one of its major concerns. 143. Thus my delegation, during this session, will ex- press support for any measure which may reinforce respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms everywhere in the world; both in South Africa, where apartheid prevails, and in the Arab and Palestinian territories occupied by Israel. However, my delegation will avoid making a distinction between types ofhuman rights violations according to situation and place in orderto look with greaterfavour on someofthem. Ifthe protection of human rights cannot be used as an excuse to disregard the sovereignty ofStates and to intetfere in their internal affairs, the sovereignty of States should not serve to conceal human rights violations either. ... 144. In this same spirit Senegal has always opposed the idea that economic, social and cultural rights should take priority over civil and political ones. Indeed, hu- man rights are indivisible and interdependent and prior- ity should not be given to one particular category of rights. The main problem is not one ofpriority, but one of establishing a flexible connexion between these two types of rights, taking into account the levels of economic and social development of the societies concerned. 145. The international community has the important responsibility ofestablishing the conditions needed for the full achievement of economic, social and cultural rights as essential means of guaranteeing the effective enjoyment ofcivil and political rights and offundamen- tal freedoms by all individuals. 146. In order to help our Organization fulfil its duty, my delegation will back the idea of creating a post of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights as soon as possible. Without being a panacea, this post should be the framework for dynamic action for ensur- ing increased United Nations effectiveness in this field. Indeed it is time for our Organization urgently to adopt more effective concrete measures in order to fulfil its obligations in the human rights field. 147. Perhaps ifthis post had already been inexistence those countries WhICh, on various pretexts, have pushed waves of refugees-the number and misery of which continue to move world public opinion-back across their borders or out to sea, would have shown more moderation and responsibility. Whether in M- rica, Asia, the Middle East, Europe or elsewhere, these refugees suffer the most inhuman treatment. In this matter our Organization should think up lasting solu- tions to relieve their misery. 148. Therefore the mission of the United Nations should increasingly consist ofmodeling and guiding this 149. We are convinced that it is essentially through the United Nations, which continues to spare no effort to achieve its mission, that the real international com- munity ofStates can be created; this is indispensable to the fulfilment of the real aspirations of those peoples who love peace and justice, so that universal civiliza- tion may triumph throughout the world.

Mr. President, first of all allow me, on behalf of the delegation of the Lao People's Democratic Republic, to express to you my heartfelt congratulations on your unanimous elec- tion to the presidency ofthe thirty-fourth session ofthe General Assembly. I am convinced that thanks to your eminent qualities as a diplomat and your great experi- ence of the United Nations, you will honourably dis- char~e the responsibility entrusted to you. Rest assured that III this task you can count on the full collaboration of my delegation. I would also like, through you, to extend my sincere congratulations to all the Vice- Presidents. 151. I should also like to congratulate and thank Mr. Indalecio Lievano, the outgoing President, for the wis- dom and effectiveness with which he guided the pro- ceedings of the thirty-third session. 152. I should like to express my great appreciation to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, for his persevering and tireless efforts for peace and international co-operation. I wish him the very best of health and every success in discharging his noble mission. 153. Finally I should like to heartily congratulate the people of Saint Lucia, whose country has just been admitted as the one hundred and fifty-second Member ofthe United Nations, thus occupying its rightful place in the family of nations. 154. Since the last session of our Assembly, several events have taken place in various parts of the world. Some ofthem have fortunately created conditions con- ducive to the consolidation ofdetente and international co-operation, while others, on the contrary, are ex- tremely disquieting, not only for the reasons I have just mentioned, but also to peace and security in the world. 160. Futhermore, in addition to the ghastly crimes they perpetrated against their own people the bloody regime ofPol Pot. on the one hand, created a permanent situation oftension in the border regions between Kam- puchea and my country and, on the other hand, entered lOto conflict with Viet Nam, beginning with murderous border incidents which became an open war against V~et Nam and which ended in the resounding victory of Viet Nam over the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary forces. That vic- tory prompted the spontaneous uprising of the Kampuchean people which resulted. on7 January 1979 in the overthrow of the regime of the tyrants and th~ establishment of the People's Republic ofKampuchea. 155. For all the non-aligned countries, which make up two thirds of this Assembly, as for the entire interna- tional community, the most significant event of 1979 was indisputably the sixth Conference of non-aligned countries, which was recently held in Havana, the magnificent capital ofthe Republic of Cuba. That Con- ference was a great victory, not only for the Govern- ment and the welcoming and hospitable people ofCuba, who so carefully and impeccably prepared it, but also for all \leoples who cherish peace, independence and justice 10 the world. At the same time it was a crushing defeat for imperialism and the reactionary forces which expended immense effort to sap the unity of the non- aligned movement in order to wreck it. To judge by the result ofthe Sixth Conference, on which we do not wish 161. Thus, the Kampuchean people. under the guid- ance of the People's Revolutionary Council and the United Front for the Nation~ Salvation ofKampuchea, became the true mast~r of Its country and its destiny. Independence, sovereignty and freedom are once more firmly in .t~e hands ?f the people of Kampuchea, who ar.e prac~lsmg a forel~ polIcy ofpeace, independence, fnendshlp and non-alIgnment, thus consolidating peace 156. As a fully fledged member of that community c;>f non-aligned countries, the Lao People' s Democ~tlc Republic heartily welcomes the success of the Sixth Conference and intends to play its full part within that movement, as we do in other international bodies, so as to make an active contribution to the common struggle against imperialism, colonialism. neo-colonialism. apartheid and racism, and for peace. national indepen- dence, detente and the development of international co-operation. 157. Other events have contributed to the strengthen- ing of international peace and security, and these are the resounding victories achieved by the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America in their heroic struggle against the anti-democratic and anti-national regimes which are the instruments of imperialism and interna.- tional reactionaries. 158. However encouraging that situation may be, we must neverlower our guard. On the contrary. we must persevere and step up our struggle, because experience has proved that the more the imperialists and interna- tional reactionaries suffer defeats, the more cruel and perfidious they become, both in their policies and their actions. 159. We wannly welcome, first, the brilliant victory achieved by the people offraternal Kampuchea, which finally, on 7 January 1979, overthrew the barbarous. genocidal and repressive regime of its tyrants. On tbis subject we should recall that, after having finally van- quished the United States imperialists and their Lon Nol henchmen, on 17 April 1975 the heroic people of Kampuchea, instead of being able to enjoy their hard- won peace and independence, because ofthe treachery of the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique and who obey only the reactionaries ofPeking [Beijing], met with a most tragic fate. Indeed, practising an abject policy of genocide, the Pol Pot regime massacred more than 3 million Kampucheans and transformed Kampuchea into a vast unspeakable "neo-Nazi slaughter-house". 162. It is a regrettable fact, however, that, after that great victory. the international reactionaries, in collu- sion with the imperialists, have persisted in trying to resuscitate the genocidal regime of Pol Pot which has been consigned to the past, by helping it still to claim a seat within OurOrganization. These actions constitute a cynical interference in the internal affairs of the Kampuchean people. 163. As far as we are concerned, the Lao People's Democratic Republic, in accordance with its position which has been repeatedly voiced, recognizes the People's Republic of Kampuchea as an independent and sovereign State which cannot and should never be subjected to threat or aggression by anyone. The People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea, which is the sole legitimate and authentic representative ofthe Kampuchean people, must take possession ofits seat in the Uoited Nations and in all otherinternational bodies. No question relating to Kampuchea can be resolved without the participation ofthe People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea. 164. To respect the memory ofthe 3 million innocent Kampucheans who were massacred and to render justice to the further 4 inillion who survived and who have suffered so much at the hands of a genocidal regime unprecedented in the history of humanity, we request the expulsion from the United Nations of the representative of the murderous gang which in fact controls not one inch ofthe territory ofthe country and which no longerrepresents anyone, so that thePeople's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea may take its rightful seat. 165. The Lao people salute the victory of the Iranian people, who overthrew and abolished a feudal, bloody absolutist regime, thus becoming the true master of their country. 16;6. We hail the brilliant victory of the people of NIcaragua, wrested by force of arms from the Fascist Somoza dictatorship. That victory will give great momentum !o the struggle ofpeoples in Latin America and the Canbbean against impenalism and in order to consolidate their national independence. 167. In the Middle East, the situation continues to be explosiv~. The Palestinian Arab people have suffered ~d contmue to suffer from the exploitation and aggres- sIon of the Israeli Zionists and of the im~rialists. The quest for peace through the Camp DaVId agreements and the so-called E~t-Israelpeace treaty16 only make t~e problem mo.re s.eno~s and serve imperialism's de- Signs for dommatI<?n 10 the Middle East. Those agreements are not ID the interests of the Palestinian Arab people, !lor in the interests of the other Arab peoples, nor mdeed those of the Egyptian people themselves. 168. .A lasting and equ~tablesettlement ofthe problem ,must mvolve the total WIthdrawal ofthe Israeli forces of I6Treaty of Peace between the Arab Republic of Egy t and th State of Israel, signed at Washington on 26 March 1979. P e 169.. The Lao People's Democratic Republic supports the Just struggle of the Arab people of Palestine under the guidance of the PLO, their only legitimate and au- thentic representative. It supports the just position of the people of Syria and other Arab countries that are victtms ofZionist aggression, to the effect that they will not associate themselves with the separate deal. We favour the independence, sovereignty and unity of Lebanon which is opposed to the attempts to dis- member its territory by Israel, and condemn the Zionist aggression against Lebanon. 170. Futhennore, the Lao People's Democratic Re- public is in favour of the independence, unity and non- alignment of Cyprus. We are in favour of a peaceful settlement between the two Cypriot communities. 171. We support the people of Afghanistan in their struggle to consolidate their independence against the subversive and perfidious manoeuvres of the ex- pansionists and the imperialists. 172. Our unreserved support likewise goes to the peoples of Democratic Yemen and of Ethiopia in their efforts to develop their societies, free from any domina- tion or imperialist interference. 173. We staunchly support the struggle of the Korean people to bring about the independent and peaceful reunification ofKorea and we condemn the presence of foreign troops in South Korea. 174. In the African continent, colonialism, racism and apartheid, which are already too anachronistic for the end of the twentieth century, still continue in their misdeeds, their domination and savage exploitation of peoples and of the abundant natural riches of Namibia an~ Zimbabwe. Thu;s the minority and illegal racist regtmes ofSouth Africa and Rhodesia have resorted to all sorts of lies and tricks, such as the rigged election farce and the establishment of puppet regimes. 175.. The Lao ~ople will staunchly side with the NamIbian and Zunbabwean peoples and with the peoples ofthe front-line countries who are the victims ofthe barbaric ~essionofthe minority racist regimes of southern Africa. The Lao People's Democratic Re- public ~as rec<;lgnized the Saharan Arab Democratic RepublIc as an mdependent and sovereign country. We support the struggle of the Saharan people under the leadership of !he Frente POLISARI017 for indepen- dence, sovereIgnty and the territorial integrity of the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic. 176.. In Latin ~erica, the fraternal Cuban people conttnue to be subjected to an arbitrary blockade. The Lao People's Democratic Republic, like all countries that cherish justice throughout the world, condemns that blockade and demands the immediate handing over of the naval base of Guantanamo to Cuba. 17 Frente Popular para la Liberaci6n de Saguia el·Haml1l y de Rio de Oro. 178. We give ourgreatest sympathy and our uncondi- tional support to the struggle of the Chilean people to restore their democratic rights. We support the struggle of all the peoples of Latin America against the im- perialist monopolies to ensure full sovereignty over their natural resources. 179. Over the last 12 months, the world has noted with indignation the multifarious alliances formed by the imperialists and international reactionaries for purposes of infiltration in all regions of the world in order to provoke dissension and to sow discord among peoples. To carry out their policy of domination and expansionism, the imperialists and reactionaries do not hesitate to provoke conflicts and engage in armed aggression. 180. Thus, in South-East Asia the international reactionaries, flouting the elementary nonns ofinterna- tional law and the traditional conduct of nations, have become embroiled in a wide-scale armed aggression against the Socialist Republic ofViet Nam, which they have accused of having assisted the heroic people of Kampuchea, threatened with extermination, in over- throwing their tyrants. Since then protests such as I 'Hands offViet Nam" have been made on the interna- tional scene and recently, during the Sixth Conference ofnon-aligned countries, thanks were expressed to Viet Nam and support was offered for its firm resolve to safeguard and to build up its beloved homeland and for its active participation in the work of national indepen- dence and peace among the peoples of the world. But, notwithstanding the universal condemnation of the aforementioned aggression, the international reaction- aries have continued to display an arrogant attitude stating that they would teach Viet Nam a "second lesson" if they deemed it necessary. Such acts of ag- gression could be committed against anyone as long as the Peking leaders arrogate to themselves the right to teach sovereign States lessons. 181. Today Viet Nam is the victim; tomorrow it may be the Lao People's Democratic Republic, the People's Republic of Kampuchea or, indeed, .other countries. In view of this grave situation now prevailing in South- East Asia, we appeal to the international community to demonstrate vigilance in order to prevent another war, which might have incalculable consequences. 182. As things stand as regards my country, the cham- pions of reactionary power in Peking, through their manoeuvres and hostile acts, oppose the revolutionary work of the Lao people. They have massed several divisions of troops along our borders; they have sent spies and pirates to Laos, provoked constant disturb- ances, sown subversion, brought about division among the ethnic minorities ofLaos and gathered together alI the exiled Lao reactionary exiles into a tromped-up "Lao Socialist Party" . 183. Worse yet, in orderto conceal their dark and evil designs, they have, under the fallacious pretext of"tak- ing in refugees" , on the one hand, goaded young people from Laos to flee their homeland and to become refu· gees, and, on the other hand, attracted to south China several thousands of former soldiers and people who 185. The Lao People's Democratic Republic is an in- dependent, sovereign country, a member of the non- aligned movement and a Member of the United Na- tions. We have a domestic and foreign policy that is independent and we are masters ofourown fate and will allow no country to interfere in our internal affairs. 186. After the total liberation of the country, the multinational Lao people more than any other strives to live in peace, friendship and co-operation with other nations, especially with our neighbours, in order that we may concentrate aU our efforts and national poten- tial on rebuilding the country, which saw heavy de- struction during the war, on impoving our living condi- tions and on contributing to peace and stability in South-East Asia and throughout the world. The Lao People's Democratic Republic is a small country with a population of 3 million and a .backward economy. Therefore it is not in a position to threaten a country of about a billion people such as China. The Lao people and the Chinese people have long enjoyed good rela- tions of friendship. The Chinese authorities alone are responsible for the deterioration in the relations be- tween our two countries. Theirderogatory remarks and fallacious propaganda will never succeed in turning the people of the Lao People's Democratic Republic away from our independent policy or to break the great mili- tant solidarity and friendship between the Lao people, the Vietnamese people and the Kampuchean people. We demand that the Peking leaders put an end to their threat to Laos and respect our independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. 187. The abiding foreign policy of the Lao People's Democratic Republic is one of peace, independence, friendship and non-alignment. That policy is in linewith the geopolitical situation in Laos and our future and lon4l-term interests and is a response to the profound aspirations of the peoples of Laos and of South-East Asia. 188. We heartily welcome our relations of militant solidarity, friendship and fraternal co-operation with the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the People's Republic of Kampuchea, which are becoming ever stronger and more developed each day. 189. We are continually developing ourgood relations with the Soviet Union and the other fraternal. socialist countries. We are delighted at the fruitful good- neighbourly relations that we enjoy with the Kingdom of Thailand, and we strive to make the common border between our two countries one ofpeace and friendship. We want to do our utmost to develop friendly relations and many-sided co-operation with the countries of South-East Asia in order to work to make that region a zone of peace, independence, neutrality, stability and prosperity. 191. In the field ofdisarmament, we consider that the results of the work of the tenth special session of the General Assembly of the United Nations is an ap- propriate basis for concrete action. It is up to us more than ever before to envisage necessary provisions so that those results can be translated as quickly as possi- ble into action. 192. Peace, and the security ofpeoples, can never be ensured by stockpiling weapons. Every effort to curb the arms race, in conventional as well as in nuclear terms, and to reduce the existing stockpiles, deserves strong encouragement. Itis in this spirit that my delega- tion is delighted by the recent signature of the treaty resultin~ from the second round of the Strategic Arms LimitatIOn Talks 1B in Vienna by President Brezhnev and President Carter. We support the policies and ef- forts of the Soviet Union, as well as the other socialist countries, for peace, international detente, and disarma- ment. We consider that the treaty will open the way to several others on a more far-reaching scale, thus in- creasing the momentum of the process of general and complete disarmament under effective international control. 193. In this context, we await with interestthe conclu- sion in the near future of other international treaties, particularly that concerning the non-use of force in mtemational relations, since we are convinced that that type of treaty will help to promote a climate of trust which is useful for disarmament. 194. For these same reasons, we appreciate, and, in- deed, support the initiative taken by the Czechoslova- kian SOCialist Republic in requesting the inclusion ofan additional item called: "Adoption of a declaration on international co-operation for disarmament" in the agenda ofthe present session ofthe General Assembly [A/34/141], and we welcome the decisions taken at the last session ofthe General Assembly regarding the item on the preparation and education of societies for life in peace [resolution 33/73] as well as on international "Disarmament Week" [resolution 33/71 D], proposed respectively by the Polish People's Republic and the Mongolian People's Republic. 195. We likewise consider that the convening of a world disannament conference, the need for which has been recognized by everyone, will enable us to achieve measures which will speed up our march towards the final goal of general and complete disarmament. 196. We reaffirm oursupport for the proposal to make the Indian Ocean a nuclear-free zone of peace, free of any foreign military base; we support the demands of the coastal peoples and Governments for the disman- tling of the military and nuclear base on Diego Garcia. 197. We share and support the idea that the dissolu- tion of blocs, pacts and military alliances will help 18 Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Anns, signed at Vienna on 18 June 1979. 199. We favour the creation ofnuclear-free zones and zones of peace wherever this is possible, with the con- sent of all States concerned. 200. As regards detente and reducing tension between nations, we welcome the fact that negotiations between the Soviet Union and China for nonnalizing their rela- tions have been resumed. We appreciate and support the just position and serious attitude of the Soviet Union in trying to achieve concrete results, and thus extend the sphere ofdetente to all regions ofthe world. 201. The gap between the developed countries and the developing countries becomes ever wider. This situation, which cannot last much longer without en- dangering international peace and security, is a result, as we all know too well, ofthe persistence ofthe unjust basis on which international economic relations rest. These relations, characterized by dependence, exploi- tation and inequality, have shown themselves for a long time now of being incapable ofstimulating the develop- ment of under-developed countries and contributing to the elimination of their economic and social ills, which were engendered by centuries ofcolonial, neo-colonial and imperialist exploitation. 202. In order to remedy that serious situation, the sixth special session of the General Assembly, which met in 1974, examined the problem of international economic development in all its aspects, and adopted by consensus a Declaration and a Programme ofAction on the Establishment ofa New International Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (S-V!) and 3202 (S-VI)] that would be more justand more equitable. Five years have elapsed since the adoption of those texts, and the economic situation of the developing countries, far from improving, has continually grown worse. How- ever, despite this highly disturbing fact, negotiations have proceeded within the United Nations and in vari- ous specialized bodies to implement measures which have been advocated to establish the new international economic order; but the results have been meagre be- cause ofthe lack of political will on the part of most of the developed market-economy countries, which are hanging on to their vested privileges. The recent failure of the fifth session of UNCTAD, held in Manila last May, is a perfect demonstration of that point. 203. It is imperative, in the interests of balanced and harmonious development of all countries, both de- veloped and developing, as well as in the interests of safeguarding international peace and security, that the develo:eed market-economy countries put an end to their dilatory practices and adopt a policy of real ef- fective co-operation with the developing countries. This could make it possible for the new international economic order to emerge. 204. Before concluding, I should like to reaffinn the commitment of my country to the purposes and princi-