A/34/PV.25 General Assembly

I wish first to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to yourdistinguished position as President of the thirty-fourth session ofthe General Assembly. You genuinely represent the aspirations of the African youth that led and still lead the liberation struggle. Your personal contribution to the struggle against colonialism and neo-colonialism and the persis- tent efforts you made in collaboration with your col- leagues until the liberation and political independence ofso many nations was achieved make us confident that under your leadership this session of the General As- semblyof the United Nations will take more strides along the road of the peaceful resolution of conflicts, along the road of liberation of dependent people every- where, and along the road leading to the achievement of a new international economic order. 35. May we also avail ourselves of this opportunity to express our gratitude and appreciation to your pre- decessor, Mr. Lievano of Colombia, for the skill and wis~om with which he guided the work of the previous sessIOn of the General Assembly. 36. We should not fail at this juncture also to com- mend the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim for his pe,rsistent and consistent readiness to augment the ~ffect!venessof the l!nited Nations machinery in deal- Ing WIth momentous Issues so that causes of instability may be resolved, so that enduring and just peace may be ~sta~lished in areas ofconflict, so that peace may be marntamed everywhere in the world, and so that fair intC?rna~ional economic co-operation is developed and maIntamed among the young nations and the old. 37.. AlIo~ m~ to o~er Sudan's congratulations to Samt ;LUCIa o~ Its ad!TII.ssion to the forum ofthe family of natIons. Samt LUCia IS another evidence ofthe winds of change now blowing in the direction of southern Mrica. 38. This session has beenconvenedata time ofa very c:omplex i~tema~ional, political and economic situa- tIOn. Dunng thiS Assembly's session hotbeds of tensi~n and i~stability t.hat threaten wo;ld peace and secunty have mcreased In number and complexity de- veloping side-effects that themselves could be pote~tial causes of further conflict and instability in the world. 39. My country fi~y belie~es that the non-aligned ~ovement,Plays a major role In the course of intema- tIon~ relatIons, and we are keen to have that movement remaIn a framework that unites its members, a forum wh~r~ they can develop and crystallize their views and POSltlO':!S, and an umbrella under which they can find protec:tlOn from I!nstable international conditions. We were I~deed gratdi~d that the Sixth Conference of the non-aligned countnes, which was recently convened in Havana;, re.fle~ted our expectations of that movement, our behef In Its future and the fact that, despite the 40. A 'l.uick glance at the present international situa- tion will Indicate beyond any doubt that we still have a long way to go in our effort to lay down the fundamental basis for international peace and security. Nevertheless some encouraging signs of rapprochement recently ap- peared on the international scene, especially between the two super-Powers. It was with great satisfaction and appreciation that the world received the news ofthe successful conclusion of the second round of negotia- tions in the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALn We urge the two signatories of the Treaty? to persuade their respective legislative and other internal organs to ratify it for the sake of humanity. It will undoubtedly pave the way for the achievement of more understand- Ing and co-operation in other areas of vital international interest. The interests of humanity everywhere are bet- ter served when the members of the international com- munity abandon the path of detrimental cut-throat con· frontation in pursuance of conflicting strategies and adopt instead the path of direct dialogue and negotiations. 41. We live in a very unhappy world: a world wh.ich has witnessed more than 150 wars, both civil and inter- national, since 1945; a world which has suffered and is still suffering from hunger, even starvation, and shortage of resources, and a lack of health equipment and educationalfacilities. Yet this same world allocates over $400 billion to stockpiling, producing and develop- ing weapons ofmass destruction-the mass destruction of civilizations, of mankind and of the very planet on which we live and have our being. 42. The arms race and armaments production can in no way be separated from the problems of develop- ment. We urge that appropriate measures be taken im- mediately to divert some of the resources allocated for armaments production and procurement to socio- economic development, for that is the only guarantee that we may live in a world which is rational, fair and secure. 43. In this respect we welcomed with high expecla- tions the tenth special session ofthe General Assembly devoted to disarmament. In spite of the fact that that session's achievements were limited in scope. we nev~rtheles~regard it as a positive step on the long road !eadmg to disarmament. It was a positive step, because It was the first time in the history ofthe United Nations that a special session had been convened to deal with disarmament on a global scale. The most significant outcome of that special session in my Government's view, was the convening of the Committee on Disarma- ment. We hope and pray that that Committee, under the mandate assigned to it by the General Assembly and with the active participation of all armaments- producing countries, including the nuclear Powers. will 1 Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms, signed at Vienna on 18 June 1979. 44. The Sudan, a non-aligned country, associates it- self with all those who call for a safe and secure world, free from the evils of war and the looming threat of a nuclear holocaust. This can be achieved only through general and complete disarmament and by adopting effective measures that would outlaw nuclear war, re- verse the pace of the nuclear arms race and pro- gressively reduce the nuclear stockpiles until they are totally eliminated. A safe and secure world would also call for the creation of nuclear-free zones, particularly in Africa, the Middle East and the Indian Ocean. In this respect, we should like to take this opportunity to com- mend the Meeting of the Littoral and Hinterland States of the Indian Ocean in July 1979; we consider it a positive step in the direction of a global conference on the Indian Ocean. 45. We have always attached great importance to the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace [resolution 2832 XXV!], because the implementation of that Declaration would affect all maritime routes in- volving the Gulf and the Red Sea. The security of the Red Sea ranks high among our priorities in the Sudan. 46. It is our deepest hope that all countries of the region that share our concern will join hands and co- operate to ensure that the Red Sea becomes a haven of peace, so that all fonns offoreign hegemony and super- Power rivalry are eliminated and all regional problems are settled through constructive dialogue and in a spirit of co-operation, fraternity and good neighbourliness. We want the Red Sea to be an international commercial route and a fishing area-and no more. 47. My country, which had the honour to be Chair- man of the OAU in 1978-1979, was offered a unique opportunity to study in depth the complexity of prob- lems facing the Mrican continent. Africa, which for ages has fallen prey to exploitation, enslavement, pov- erty, suppression and all forms of segregation and foreign mtervention, is still suffering from all these evils. Some of its rich economic resources are still eXp'loited for the benefit of the dominant outsiders. Its chIldren are still victims of hunger, malnutrition, envi- ronmental diseases and lack of essential health care. Millions of its sons and daughters are still considered slaves in their own motherland, and millions are treated as second- or third- or fourth-class citizens without the rights to which their natural citizenship entitles them. 48. It is to be noted with dismay and regret that, despite the acuteness ofall these problems, attempts at appropriate and fair solutions are still lagging far be- hmd. The problems of the African continent have proved to be more serious and chronic, to the extent that the current attempts to deal with them can hardly produce any significant progress. It should, however, be realized that any solution that gives priority to foreign and alien interests over the interests and the aspirations ofthe Mrican people is certainly doomed to failure. 49. Because I am aware of the heavy programme of this General Assembly, it is not my intention to delve 50. It is observed with much regret that the Govern- ment of South Africa, by its intransigence, has brought back the situation in Namibia to the initial position of stalemate. As a result of this, all the international ef- forts which were exerted in the last few years to bring about a fair and just settlement in Namibia have failed. By its conduct, the Government of South Africa has made it clear that any settlement that does not put Namibia under its direct control will not be acceptable. The African countries and SWAPO demonstrated flexi- bility and goodwill when the African Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, at its fifteenth ordinary session, held at Khartoum in 1978, endorsed the Luanda agreement of 19788 as an accept- able framework for a peaceful solution of the problems of that area. 51. The African countries welcomed the initiative of the five Western Powers and assured them of their unlimited co-operation. Regardless of all that, the South African Government had decided to go along with the scenario which it has drawn up for Namibia and which aims at the perpetuation ofits illegal occupa- tion and annexation of that country. The internal elec- tions unilaterally conducted by the Government of South Africa in Namibia, which were categorically re- jected by the whole international community as a fraud and a fabrication, were but an indication ofwhat South Africa was trying to achieve. The relentless and brutal harassment of the leaders and supporters of SWAPO and the campaigns to liquidate them physically and politically is yet another indication of South Africa's attempts to consolidate its control over Namibia and to silence the voice of resistance forever. But can the voice of truth and reason be silenced? It cannot be silenced for long. Time and the history of similar episodes elsewhere are not on the side of the Govern- ment ofSouth Africa. Apartheidand racism will have to disappear sooner than South Mrica expects. 52. Zimbabwe is another problem area where people are struggling against racism and white minority rule. But we all know that the United Kingdom has histori- cal, legal and international responsibilities towards Zimbabwe. And now we have received with satisfac- tion and optimism the recent United Kingdom initiative to convene an all-party conference in Londonfollowing the decisions adopted by the Meeting ofHeads ofGov- ernment of the Commonwealth Countries, held in Lusaka last August [see A/34/439-S/13515, annex, para. 15]. We have been following with interest and concern the course of the negotiations. We were pleased that some measure ofbreak-through could now be achieved. We believe that the United Kingdom will continue to use its full statesmanship, diplomacy and common sense to bring about a successful conclusion to these talks, for their failure is bound to render a fatal blow to the prospects of peace in that region. 53. The international community represented in this General Assembly is well aware of the dangerous na- ture of the policies and practices of the apartheid re- in~ul progress towards the eventual eradication of this evIl and inhuman practice in South Africa. 54. Many Mrican States have followed with patience and restraint the deteriorating situation in South Mrica and carried on negotiations within the OAD and in consultations with friendly countries in the United Na- tions. We should like to sound the alarm that Mrica might find itselfwith no alternative but to be drawn into unavoidable confrontation with the racist regime in South Africa, if the latter should persist in its violation of the United Nations resolutions. We call upon the international community, and all Member States, to observe the immediate and strict application of Secu- rity Council resolution 418 (1977), concerning the anns embargo, and to ensure the termination of all forms of political and economic co-operation with the Govern- ment of South Mrica. 55. Africa salutes the heroic role of the Mrican front- line States in support ofthe Mrican liberation struggle. Sudan calls upon all peace-loving nations and forces to extend all possible assistance to the front-line States to enable them to participate effectively in the struggle to liberate southern Africa. We further urge all Member States to offer all necessary facilities to strengthen and consolidate the liberation movements recognized by the OAU in their struggle against racist regimes in southern Mrica. 56. The deteriorating situation in the Middle East, described in the report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization [A/34/1, sect. IIIj, continues to pose a serious threat to world peace and security, besides causing tragedy, suffering and the denial of basic human rights to the people of that region. In that respect, we observe with great concern and dismay the intransigence ofIsrael in perpetuating its occupation of the Arab territories; its expansionist policy, as demon- strated by the consolidation of Israeli settlements in Arab lands and the pursuit ofunwarranted measures for changing the historical nature and the demography of Al Quds; its refusal to recognize the inalienable national rights ofthe Palestinian people; and its pursuit ofhostile policies in defiance of world public opinion. 57. The daily Israeli raids against Lebanon from the sea and air and across the frontier, which have resulted in thousands of civilian casualties, not only constitute aggression against the sovereignty, territorial integrity and safety of the people of Lebanon, but stand as a flagrant ViOlation of the principles and objectives ofour Organization and a clear demonstration of the deep crisis that afflicts the world conscience today. 58. My country advocates peace in the Middle East. We genuinely believe that the resolution of the persis- tent strife in the area should be attained by peaceful means, that is, by dialogue and negotiations. However, for that to be achieved, a high degree of determination and political will must prevail among all those con- cerned. It is with this understanding that we have kept calling in different forums for a peaceful, comprehen- sive and equitable approach to the exploding situation 59. Let us recall once again that a great number of resolutions of this Assembly have already affinned that the Palestinian problem is the core of the Middle East- ern question. Consequently, this problem should be resolved in a manner such as to restore the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people in the context of the quest 'for a. peaceful approach and a comprehensive solution to the whole issue of the crisis in the Middle East. 60. It is also important to point out here that Arab solidarity is a crucial necessity for the achievement of these objectives and that this solidarity should be se- cured. This, too, is in keeping with our call for a com· prehensive settlement of the Middle East question. My country has been moving in that direction for quite a long time, despite all difficulties and complications. 61. It is also pertinent in that respect to note that the present situation in the international arena reveals that considerable success has been realized by the PLO, the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, in terms of a wide range of political and moral support. This world support should be noted carefully by all concerned. No one anywhere does service to his people, his Government, or his cause by ignoring this strong international public opinion. 62. My Government's position with regard to the Ko- rean question has always been based on our commit- ment to the principle of the resolution of disputes through dialogue and negotiation and the rejection of the use of force and foreign intervention. We believe that all efforts for the reunification of Korea should be encouraged and consolidated. 63. In Cyprus, favourable conditions should be created to enable the two communities to resolve their differences in a spirit of peace and fraternity, under the auspices of the United Nations. 64. Human rights questions cannot be considered in isolation from their economic, social and political as- pects. We firmly believe that it is essential to guarantee and observe human rights for individuals. Equally we believe that this should be matched by effective guarantees of human rights for entire nations and com- munities. It would be illogical and unfair to demand human rights for individuals alone, while whole nations and communities are denied such basic rights. 65. While on this subject, allow me to express on behalfofmy Government our profound appreciation of the United Nations organs which work in the field of human rights, for the valuable efforts they are exerting for the effective realization of human rights and funda- mental freedoms. We believe that those organs cannot continue to function effectively unless Member States 66. One of the issues to which we accord the utmost importance and considerable attention is the question of refugees. The whole world is fully aware ofthe acute suffering of the refugee coerced into leaving his home~ land for an alien environment to face insurmountable hardships-lack of shelter from rain, cold and heat; lack of food; lack of medical care; the disruption of family and community social cohesion; loss of educa- tional opportunities and prolonged-indeed, indefi- nite-loss of the political, social and economic rights that go with citizenship. 67. True to our convictions and faithful to our com- mitments to regional and international conventions on the rights of refugees and observance of brotherly and ~ood-neighbourly relations, the Sudan is currently act- Ing as host to over 400,000 registered refugees who fled into the country from many neighbouring States. This number is too large for a country with severely limited resources like the Sudan. The Sudan will not, however, compel refugees to return to their country of origin against their will, despite our difficulties. We stand for and encourage voluntary repatriation conducted under the auspices ofone of the great bodies ofthis Organiza- tion, the Office of the United Nations High Commis- sioner for Refugees. 68. As the host country to 400,000 refugees, we feel that it is our responsibility to call upon the international community to respond to previous appeals by the Secretary-General of the United Nations and by the United Nations High Commissioner for Re'fugees to create financial and material assistance to host countries through the High Commissioner as well as through bilateral channels. The recent suggestion ad- vanced by the Government of the United States of America at Geneva and here in this Assembly to create a refugee fund to which States Members of the United Nations and others might contribute should be adopted by the Assembly at its thirty-fourth session. The Secretary-General and his deputy and assistant, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, should be commended for all the efforts they have exerted up to this point to obtain relief, comfort and sympathy for refugees allover the world. 69. To talk at length about relief and the organized settlement of refugees in the country of asylum is not, certainly to recommend their permanent settlement there andtheir renunciation ofthe privilege ofretuming home. They want to go home, but they cannot safely do so unless the root-causes which forced them to seek refuge have been resolved. In this connexion, the Gen- eral Assembly should urge all Member States con- cerned to find political solutions to the internal prob- lems that gave birth to the exodus of nationals from 70. It is a reality in the world of today that social, cultural, humanitarian, political and economic issues ,are interrelated. Hence, in our endeavour to establish a new international economic order, greater attention should be paid to social, cultural and humanitarian is- sues. Beanng this in mind, my country, in its develop- ment efforts, gives a balanced consideration to all these issues. 7I. In this context, the Sudan welcomes the United Nations efforts to improve the status of women and looks forward to the conclusion ofthe draft convention on the elimination ofdiscrimination against women. We also welcome the forthcoming World Conference ofthe United Nations Decade for Women: Equality, De- velopment and Peace, to be held in Copenhagen next year. n. The Sudanese people, together with the peoples of other nations of the world, are celebrating this year the International Year ofthe Child. The special message of President Gaafar Mohamed Nimeiri, addressed to the nation on this occasion on 15 January 1979, was an indication of the special attention the Sudan accords to the child when he said: "In joining the international community in com- memorating this year, we hope that the International Year of the Child will be a year for the protection and care of the child not only now, but in the future also. We hope that the International Year of the Child will be not merely an occasion for the declaration of rights, but a year in which the international commu- nity will exert its efforts to create an appropriate climate for the upbringing of children everywhere free from fear and hunger, free from coercion and domination and free from disease, ignorance and deprivation. This sought-after dream will not be realized for every child throughout the world until peace based on justice prevails; until the disparities between the rich States and the poor States are removed . . . ". 73. In reviewing the international economic and so- cial scene of the decade of the 1970s now drawing to a close, one cannot but express concern at the modest progress achieved. For the last seven years the crises besetting the world economy have multiplied. We have faced the population explosion, low rates of economic growth, a spiralling inflation and deteriorating prices of raw materials from developing countries in contrast to rising prices offinished industrial goods and the price of oil. 74. It should be of concern to us gathered here to control these crises through organized and co- ordinated effective international effort to alleviate the 75. Last May, the developing countries went to Ma- nila with great expectations that the fifth session of UNCTAD would resolve many outstanding economic issues.· They came back disappointed, as that lengthy conference did not achieve much. None the less, it is worthy of note that a break-through in the special field of c~mmodities has been achieved through the estabhshment ofthe Common Fund for commodities as one ofthe com~nentsofthe Integrated Programme for Commodities. 0 This progress, modest as it is, should give hope for better co-operation in future among Member States and nations at large. 76. In its report recently on world development, II the World Bank indicated that despite the promises by donor Governments.and some recent decisions on debt cancellation, which we appreciate, the flows of official development assistance fell in real terms. The official development assistance from developed markets and centrally planned economies is stillfar below the 0.7 per cent gross national product target set for the Second United Nations Development Decade. We are now ap- proaching the third United Nations development de- cade but an agreement on the strategy for it is yet to be reached. Let us work to reach this agreement at the very beginning of the 1980s. 77. The developed countries should demonstrate ~reater willingness in the coming decade to make an mcreased transfer of resources in real terms to the developing countries. This should result in an improved economic growth in these countries and the consequent e.mergence of a more prosperous and stable interna- tional economy. We urge that this session of the Gen- eral Assembly should have these important problems tackled and resolved. 78. It is our earnest hope that this session of the Gen- eral ~ssemblywill.be able to examine meaningfully and candidly the manifold problems which confront the world today. It is our hope, too, and our expectation that this session will exert enough political will to out- line some of the solutions which are urgently needed to ease the tensions, the plights and the fears which threaten to engulf mankind.

On. behalf of the General As- sembly, I wish to thank the Vice-President of the ID See Proceedings of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Fourth Session, vol. I Report and Annexes (~nited Nations publication. Sales No. k 76.II.D.10 and cor- ngendum), part one A, resolution 93 (IV). II World Development Report, /979 (Wasltington, D.C., The World Bank. August 1979).

Sir, may I be permitted, first of all, to offer you the warmest fraternal congratu- lations of the delegation ofCameroon upon your unani- mous election to the high office of President of the thirty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly. We are particularly pleased, because we know you well and appreciate your outstanding personal and dipl0'!1ati~qualities, as well as your com- mitment and contnbutlon to the struggle bemg waged 122. We are pleased to take this occasion to thank your predecessor in this post, Mr. Indalecio Lievano of Colombia, for the distinguished way in which he dis- charged his responsibilities. 123. Finally, we wish to pay a very special tribute and to· express our profound gratitude to our Secretary- General Mr. Kurt Waldheim. My Governmerit is grate- ful to him for his tireless, ever selfless and discreet efforts, in exercise of his difficult functions, to find solutions to the numerous problems besetting our times. 124. May we also welcome among us the delegation of Saint Lucia. With its admission as the Organization's one hundred and fifty-second Member, the universal nature of the United Nations has been strengthened. 125. It is with great sadness that we learned, at the beginning of last month, ofthe untimely passing of Mr. Agostinho Neto, the President ofthe People's Republic of Angola. His place in Africa and in the world is well known, as is attested to by the numerous expressions of sympathy and grief addressed to his family and to the Government and people of Angola-condolences with which I associate my delegation and myselfpersonally. 126. This thirty-fourth session of the General Assem- bly is being held in .a particula\ly uneasy in~ernational chmate, marked as it is by tenslOn and conflict and the suffering and misery they entail, as well as by economic disorders, the principal victims of which has been the third world-.Africa in particular. 127. The victories over domination and slavery dur- ing this past decade had aroused hopes that Africl;l., upon emerging from a long colonial period ofdarkness, might finally come to know peace and set out on the path of economic, social and cultural development in solidarity with the rest of mankind. . 128. But that noble design is still thwarted by the blind pe~sistence in southern Africa ofa racist minority with the complicity ofpowerful foreign interest groups. This intolerable situation for human dignity endangers not only the peoples of Africa but international peace and security as well. 129. There can be no doubt that no African country can really feel that it is the complete master of its own destiny, free to chart a future ofhappiness and prosper- ity, as long as the policy of apartheid and oppression prevailing in that part of our continent persists. 131. We believe that the General Assembly is the appropriate framework within which to arouse and sus- tain the active solidarity that the liberation movements are entitled to expect of the international community. We are gratified that the intensification of the struggle they are waging in southern Africa has already induced the Pretoria regime to take actions the absurdity of which is obvious to all. This struggle must constantly.be reinforced with firm international pressures upon that regime. In this respect we wish to refer to the new and unanimous condemnation of South Africa by the Secu- rity Council in its resolution 15 in connexion with the establishment of a new bantustan. 132. All are aware that the masquerade of according autonomy to artificial geo-political entities or to ethnic groups is designed merely to create a security belt around the apartheid bastlOn. 133. My country, which is applying and will continue strictly to apply the decisions ofthe United Nations and the OAU, has decided to have no relations with either South Africa or those puppet States that have no na· tional base and are doomed to be dominated by South African racists. 134. It is this policy of subjugation that Pretoria in- tends to perpetuate in the international Territory of Namibia. 135. Last year, during the same period, there was some hope that there might be an early settlement of this question on the basis of Security Council resolu- tions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978). Need we recall that the principal thrust of these resolutions was to make it possible for the Namibian people to exercise their right to self-determination and independence by free and democratic elections under the control and supervision of the United Nations? 136. And yet, since publication of the report of the Secretary-General on practical methods for imple- menting the United Nations plan,16 South Africa, which had solemnly accepted that settlement, nevertheless has not hesitated, with its customary bad faith, to reopen the issue. 137. It is clear that in so doing South Africa is once again striving to gain time, substantially to alter the facts ofthe situation, and to distort the applicationofan international settlement plan in order, in the final analysis, to achieve the goals ofits own domestic settle- ment plan. 138. In May last, at the resumed thirty-third sessionof the General Assembly, there was adopted by an over- whelming majority a resolution calling upon the Secu- rity Council to meet urgently in order to impose against South Africa the enforcement measures provided for in 16 Ibid., Thirty-third Year, Supplement for July. August and September 1978, document S/12827. 139. We must deplore the fact that. despite the arro- ~ant attitud~ ~f.Pretoria, which}s c~nstantly undermin- mg the credibility ofour Orgamzatlon, certain Powers, in particular those which have decisive means ofapply- ing pressure upon South Africa, do not appear to be at all disposed to use them. 140. We must again denounce all the South African machinations aimed at excluding SWAPO, which is the authentic representative of the Namibian people, at rendering virtually inapplicable the international settle- ment plan, and at justifying an internal solution in the Rhodesian manner, the limits of which are finally be- coming evident. 141. Cameroon, which is a member of the United Nations Council for Namibia, reaffirms its totalsupport for the struggle ofthe Namibian people under the direc- tion of SWAPO. We reaffirm that people's right to self-determination and independence within the framework ofa united Namibia, including Walvis Bay. We feel that if South Africa continues to obstruct the application of the international settlement plan as the Secretary-General interpreted it, and as it was subse- quently confirmed by the Security Council, in its res- olution 435 (1978), the latter has no option but to decree the sanctions provided for in Chapter VII ofthe Charter in order to compel South Africa to co-operate with the United Nations. 142. The laxity that has been shown so far by certain P~wers in respectofSouth Africa is, as we have already saId, one of the causes ofthe weakening ofour Organi- zation. It is with good reason that in his report on the work of the Organization the Secretary-General notes and deplores the lack of confidence from which the United Nations is suffering as a result of non- compliance with numerous Security Council resolu- tions [see A/34/1, sect. Xl. 143. The Rhodesian question is particularly enlight- ening in this respect. It IS now virtually 15 years since a group of racist soldiers of fortune took power in the British colony. thereby depriving 6 million blacks of their most elementary rights. While the sanctions de- creed by the Security Council handicapped the de- velopment of the Rhodesian economy, they did not succeed in bringing low the illegal regime installed in Salisbury, which owes its survival to the assistance openly supplied by South Africa and the support it receives from several multinational finns. 144. Moreover. we believe the Security Council must decide at the proper time whether or not the sanctions imposed upon the rebel regime should be lifted. 145. My country is pleased with the new approach defined at the last Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries, in Lusaka. As we have al- ways said. there is no doubt that the only solution acceptable in Zimbabwe is negotiation with the libera- tion movements with a view to the effective transfer of sovereignty to the majority on the basis of free and democratic elections under international control. 147. For the progress ofthe whole international com- munity, it is essential that the process ofthe emancipa- tion ofpeoples, which was started three decades ago, in particular In Africa and in Asia, be completed through the liberation of the last ghettos ofoppression. For the security of States, it is equally crucial that their territo- rial integrity, their independence and their sovereignty be respected. 148. This key principle ofthe United Nations Charter is also one of the corner-stones of the doctrine of non- alignment. which provides the basis for the extemal policy of my country. 149. May I be permitted once again to recall here our concept ofnon-alignment as it was defined by the Presi- dent of the United Republic of Cameroon. Mr. Ahmadou Ahidjo: "Non-alignment. for us, means first of all non- interference in the domestic affairs of others. "Non-alignment, for us, means also refraining from the use or threat of force for the settlement of international conflicts. "Non-alignment, for us, means also a state ofper- manent vigilance in the face ofall organized powers, present or future, without any a priori prejudice against any other country. while we keep a hand outstretched in loyal co-operation as long as no vital interest is to be sacrificed thereby. "Non-alignment, for us, means finally tolerance and peaceful. indeed even dynamic, coexistence be- tween States which have different political, social and economic regimes but which are working to- gether for the promotion ofa world of equal peoples, freed from domination and fear and practising mutual respect. "In other tenns, non-alignment is, for us, not an antonym of but a complement to international co- operation. " That philosophy governs our approach to conflicts with which our time has to contend. 150. First of all, in the Middle East, a region which in three decades has known three of the bloodiest wars, the situation remains unstable and explosive. 151. My delegation has constantly reaffinned that the Palestinian question is at the heart of the Israeli-Arab conflict and that any solution that neglects that major element will be neither just nor lasting. 153. Israel, which has the right to live in peace within recognized borders, must abandon its expansionist de- signs and must withdraw from all occupied Arab terri- tories, in conformity with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), so as to make possible the advent of an era of peace and mutually advantageous co-operation in that part of the world. 154. This is the time and place to refer to the tragedy of Lebanon, which is threatening that State in its very substance. Cameroon supports all efforts aimed at safe- guarding the independence and territorial integrity of that friendly country. 155. Next there is Cyprus, where the two com- munities could find common ground to preserve both their respective interests and also the independence, integrity and unity of that non-aligned country, if the external Powers were to refrain once and for all from interfering in their domestic affairs. 156. Finally, in South-East Asia, where the Cambo- dian peo~le have been threatened for the past 10 years, the existmg situation is at the very heart of the major preoccupations of the international community. The dangerous tensions, the instability, the confrontations that are developing there, the antagonisms, the large- scale violations of human rights, the loss of innumer- able human lives, destruction in all its forms and the resultant suffering for the Cambodian people are such that everything must be done quickly to enable the peoples of that region to define their political options and settle their problems without foreign interference, and with respect for their territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence. 157. The coming of peace to those troubled regions would strengthen the process of generalized detente throughout the world and contribute to ameliorating one ofthe most disquietingelements ofour time. I refer, of course, to the arms race. 158. This year again, colossal sums of the order of $480 billion have been devoted to military expendi- tures, according to the most authoritative estimates or approximately $1 million per minute. ' 159. In these estimates the share ascribed to the principal military alliances is established at more than 70 per cent. 160. ,Let us return once again to the principles of non-alignment and denounce the false peace that is based on the precarious balance of terror. 1.61. It can ne,:er be said enough that peace, interna- tIOnal co-operatIOn and economic development of the nations which stand in solidarity presuppose general and complete disannament under effective interna- tional control. 163. The ratification ofthe SALT treaty after the sec- ond round of SALT should open the way to the conclu- sion of another agreement at the end ofthe third round and give new impetus to international negotiations aimed at reversing the arms race. 164. Disarmament, decolonization and the reduction of tens~onsand conflicts throughout the world cannot of themselves guarantee international peace and security. Indeed, they imply also justice and equality in the economic field. And yet the present session is being held durin~a period ofuncertainty,disappointment and profound disturbance in international economic relations. 165. Indeed, the industrialized countries experienced a rapid growth right after the Second World War thanks to the abundance and availability ofraw materials com- ing from developing countries and with the support of technical and financial institutions which were set up to serve chiefly their interests. That system, because ofits perverse effects, has finally revealed what its limits are. There followed a constant falling-off in production and growth ~d an aggravation ofinflation, monetary insta- bility and, in short, a generalized recession. 166. This situation, which has a special effect upon the nascent economies of the countries of the third world, has demonstrated the need for setting up the new international economic order. 167. It is from that standpoint that numerous initia- tives were adopted during the last 20 years, from the institutionalization of UNCTAD to the establishment ofthe Committee of the Whole Established under Gen- .eral Assembly Resolution 32/174and including two spe- cial sessions ofthe General Assembly, the sixth and the seventh. 168. Unfortunately, the results obtained have fallen much below the goals aimed at. 169. The recent fifth session ofUNCTAD at Manila, of which so much was expected because of the priority to be accorded to a thorough examination of the prob- lems of structural change in the world economy as well 3;s a study, in terms of their global and correlated ac- tions, of trade, monetary, financial and technical ques- tions, has resulted in the mediocre conclusions known to us all. 170. As for th~ qATT agreements, our Secretary- Ge~eral reveals In hiS report on the work ofthe Organi- zatIOn that although they' 'provide a framework for the fight against future protectionism" they "give little im- mediatl'? r~1ief for coun,tries most affected byyresent protectlomst measures' [see A/34/I, sect. VJ. Simi- larir, the Secretary-General adds, despite the progress achieved: "Much more needs to be done to establish the com- mon fund and to implement the other components of the Integrated Programme for Commodities". [Ibid.] 172. The same can be said ofthe Preparatory Commit- tee for the New International Development Strategy which is now bogged down on the elaboration of a preamble. 173. The negotiations aimed at the establishment ofa new convention on the law of the sea, which have been going on for six years, could soon come to a successful conclusion if only governments display finn political will. For this it is necessary to adhere to the time-table adopted at the eighth session for the signing of the convention in 1980. My Government, as in the past, will actively participate in this last phase of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. We are convinced that the new concept of the common heritage of mankind, which has given rise to these long negotiations, will be safeguarded and that the essential interests of the land-locked and geographically disad- vantaged countries will be protected. 174. The Second United Nations Development De- cade is coming to an end. Although it has been marked by intensive negotiations, in the final analysis its only result has been the recognition of the existence of the crisis-of the imbalance, instability and general uncer- tainty of the situation that we face, as well as of the urgent need to make changes if we wish to ensure our own survival. 175. We are commencing the cycle ofanotherdecade. We must prepare for it and embark upon it in a new spirit. For this purpose, the non-aligned countries, at their recent Sixth Conference in Havana indicated quite appropriately that the ". . . establishment of the New International Economic Order calls for bold initiatives, demands new concrete and global solutions and cannot be brought about by piecemeal reforms and improvisa- tions intended to resolve the present economic dif- ficulties" [see A/34/542, p. 207]. 176. Together with the new order for which we yearn there must be a corresponding new morality-a moral- ity involving a profound sense of justice, equity and solidarity between peoples. It must be a morality, as we said from this rostrum last year, 17 that betokens a real will to go beyond national self-interestfor the benefit of the strengthening of the common good, which is supra- national and of which peace, collective security and the welfare ofall peoples are the governing elements. It is a morality that must call for an increased transformation into reality ofdecisions which have been or soon will be adopted at various international gatherings. It requires a revision and updating of our plans and our frames of 177. It is agreed today that States cannot resolve the major problems of our time either individually or even in small groups. They must now operate on a world- wide scale, despite disparities and other divisive factors which continue to militate against the coming about ofa better organized and more equitable world.

On taking the floor for the first time in this session of the General Assembly, we respectfully bow in memory of a great statesman and freedom fighter, Mr. Agostinho Neto, President ofthe MPLA 18 Worker's Party and President ofthe People's Republic ofAngola. His highly regarded humanistic nature and his commitment to justice and the struggle against imperialism make him an historic figure to be remembered forever. Not only did Presi- dent Neto win admiration and affection from his own Angolan people and the struggling people in our own zone, but he was admired and loved by all peace-loving people throughout the world. For us, he was and will always be a symbol offighting Africa. He will continue to be a symbol of that Africa determined to break loose the chains of colonialist and imperialist domination. For us, President Neto was and will always be the symbol of that Africa which builds on the happiness of the people. For us, a people fighting for a society free from exploitation of man by man, we believe the best way to pay homage to his memory can only be through !he purs uance of his ideals of struggle for freedom and Justice. 179. For us, who come from a zone of confrontation between liberty and domination, it is with special emo- tion that we congratulate you, Sir, on your unanimous election to the presidency of this thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. You come from the United Republic ofTanzania, a front-line State with which the People's Republic of Mozambique is united through ties of blood shed by our two peoples in the common struggle against colonial domination and imperialist aggression. 180. The party, the people and the Government ofthe United Republic ofTanzania were always with us in the struggle against Portuguese colonialism. Today we are together in the same trench in the struggle for the politi- cal and economic emancipation of our countries. The United Republic ofTanzania remains in the front line of our common struggle against racist and minority re- gimes in southern Africa. For its commitment to the struggle for liberation of the world in general, and of Africa in particular, your country became a permanent target of imperialist aggression. The invasion and massacres recently perpetrated by the racist horde of Idi Amin against the United Republic ofTanzania were intended to destroy a secure bulwark of national libera- tion movements. Once again justice and liberty triumphed. Once again terror and oppression were defeated. 181. Since 1971, Ambassador Salim Ahmed Salim in 182. The decade which will elapse in two months' time has been a qualitative success in tenns of the liberation struggle ofthe peoples ofthe world in general and of Africa in particular. 183. In Asia, the peoples of Afghanistan and Iran succeeded in deposing dictatorial regimes· which were part of the siege of imperialist fire against socialist forces. However it is the historic victory ofthe peoples of reunified Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea over the major imperialist Power that continues to inspire and encourage mankind's struggle for just societies, free from the exploitation of man by man. 184. In Latin America, the people of Nicaragua and Grenada swept away oligarchic dictatorships, paving the way for new possibilities ofliberation in that region. 185. In Europe, following the collapse of the Salazar- Caetano Facist-colonial dictatorship in Portugal, and that of Franco in Spain, the people of those countries re-established the freedom denied to them for more than 40 years through systematic terrorand repression. 186. In Africa, for centuries subjected to pillage and colonial and imperialist domination and exploitation, the collapse of the Portuguese colonial empire; the in- dependence of Seychelles, Comoros and Djibouti; the overthrow ofthe backward imperial regime ofEthiopia; the destruction ofthe corrupt and dictatorial regimes of Uganda and Equatorial Guinea; and the revolutionary transfonnations in Benin, Madagascar, the Congo, Ethiopia and Seychelles-all constitute important vic- tories for peoples that love peace and freedom. 187. In North Africa, the military, political and dip- lomatic successes of the Frente POLISARlO which resulted in the peace agreement between it and Mauritania [see A134/23Rev.J, chap. X, annex, para, 38] have contributed to a greater isolation of the co- lonialist regime in Rabat. By signing the accord, Mauritania regained the dignity it had lost during its association with the expansionist and colonial ad- ventures of Morocco. The new leaders of Mauritania have in that way shown a greater sense ofresponsibility and a comprehension of the inevitability of the victory of the peoples' struggle for self-detennination and na- tional mdependence. 188. On the other hand, Morocco has persisted in refusing to recognize and accept the existence of the nation of the Saharan people. Morocco is flagrantly violating the Charter and resolutions ofthe United Na- tions, ,Particularly resolution 1514 (XV). Shamelessly, the Kmgdom of Morocco is occupying by force that part of the Territory of Western Sahara which only yesterday it said belonged to Mauritania and is now claiming ownership of it. This clearly reveals how fal- lacious are the arguments of Morocco, which has no 190. It is in southern Africa, however, that the most significant changes have taken place. The proclamation of the People's Republic of Angola and ofthe People's Republic of Mozambique has shaken the imperialist strategy of the domination and exploitation of our peoples and of our natural resources. In Angola and Mozambique, the flag of proletarian internationalism is flying in the sight of the last bastions of racist and colonial domination. The independence of our two· countries signalled the eventual collapse of the system of apartheid racism and colonialism. Imperialism does not readily accept that. Thus, while at the international level imperialism spreads calumnious campaigns oflies and defamation against the People's Republic of' Mozambique and the People's Republic of Angola, it organizes, finances and intensifies military and logistic support for the racist regimes to attack our countries. 191. Desperate at their inability to liquidate the na- tionalliberation movements, the imperialist Powers are trying to co-opt movements by appearing as defenders of the liberation of the people of Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa. 192. In Washington, London, Paris, Bonn and other headquarters of power in the Western countries, plans are being orchestrated to safeguard what is euphemisti- cally called" Western civilization" , something that was imposed on our people by whips and shackles, through cruelty and terror. 193. That is how the Anglo-American initiatives for Zimbabwe and the initiatives ofthe five Western Pow- ers for Namibia came into being. Those initiatives were engendered to maintain hunger, misery, illiteracy and disease in Zimbabwe and Namibia. This is done to ensure that South Africa remains a farm, a private property for the transnational companies and a strategic base for aggression against and domination over the rest of Africa. Imperialism does not care that children are massacred in Nyazonia, that women are assassinated in Kassinga, that men are decimated by undernourishment in the plantations of Rhodesia or that young people are brutally murdered in Soweto for refusing "acculturation". Those are the "Western democracy" and "Western values" which are heroi- c~lly resisted by the peoples of our zone. 194. The brutality of the racists and the imperialists finds an answer among our people, who, with weapons in their hands and with their own blood and through the sacrifice of their best sons, have drawn a frontier be- tween freedom and oppression, between human dignity and servitude. 195. In Zimbabwe and Namibia, the armed struggle is gaining momentum and is tying the noose ever tighter around these centres of domination and exploitation. 196. The legitimacy and justice of the struggle of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia were unanimously reaffirmed by the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, which took place in Maputo in May of 1977. 19 As a result of that Conference, the racist and minority regimes ofPretoria and Salisbury were subjected to increased international isolation, and the manoeuvres of those two regimes, aimed at the establishment of puppet regimes, were denounced. 197. During that Conference, the international com- munity reiterated the need for the implementation and application of sanctions decreed by the Security Council against the British colony of Southern Rhodesia and made an appeal for the imposition of a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa, which persists in the illegal occupation of Namibian territory. 198. That Conference condemned certain Western Powers which, in violation ofthe sanctions imposed by the United Nations, continue to supply military and other types of support which help to maintain the col- onization of Southem Rhodesia and Namibia and en- courage aggression against the front-line States. 199. On the other hand, the Conference made an ap- peal to the international community to increase political and financial assistance to the national liberation move- ments as well as to the front-line States. However, we must note with regret that, although we were united in making that decision, we are divided in implementing it. Thus we find that in Mozambique, Angola, Zambia and Botswana the aircraft inflicting massacres are ofFrench patent, the weapons killing defenceless people are of Belgian make, the helicopters transporting mercenaries and machine-gunning schoolchildren are of American ori~in, and the fuel enabling the illegal regime to attack us IS provided by the United Kingdom. With all this, they intend to impede the advance of the national Iib- eration movements. The friends of exploitation and domination continue to support racism and colonialism. 200. In contrast, the socialist countries, the Nordic countries and other countries whose peoples prize peace and freedom have substantially increased their support for the liberation movements and the front-line States. It is from those countries that we receive ambu- lances and blankets for the refugee camps and seeds and tractors for our agricultural centres, which are be- ing destroyed daily by the racists. Those countries sup- ply us with physicians, engineers and technicians, with whom the liberation movements and the front-line States are building together the social progress of their peoples. 201. The socialist countries have been supporting the needs of our struggle. They supply us with the neces- sary weapons for the strengthening of our defence 203. In Zimbabwe, the colonial Power has been com- pelled to face up to its responsibilities in the decoloniza- tion process primarily as a result of the political and military victories of the Patriotic Front as well asofthe pressure of the international community. 204. It was within that framework that the United Kingdom agreed during the Meeting of Heads of Gov- ernment of Commonwealth Countries held recently in Lusaka to convene a constitutional conference in London with a view to sorting out a negotiated solution of the Rhodesian problem. 205. The Patriotic Front, in agreeing to participate in that conference, demonstrated again that the' forces waging the fight for freedom can also negotiate a peace aimed at bringing about liberty and dignity for their people. The Patriotic Front, determined to contribute to the successful conclusion of that Conference, has shown maturity and flexibility in the negotiation pro- cess. It is the Patriotic Front that is making substantive concessions. As an example, in agreeing that 20 per cent of the seats in the Legislative Assembly in Zimbabwe be reserved for whites, the Patriotic Front has sacrificed an important aspect of its anti-racist principles, with the aim of facilitating the search for a solution. 206. The Patriotic Front is the main force in Zimbabwe leading the armed liberation struggle. The Patriotic Front is the legitimate representative of the Zimbabwean people. The Patriotic Front represents the ideals offreedom and justice. Therefore, all our support and solidarity must be given to the Patriotic Front. Nobody is more able than the, Pa~riotic Fron~ to.dt?- termine whether or not the objectIves for WhICh It IS fighting have been achieved. Only the attainment. of these objectives can end the armed struggle and bong peace and, consequently, the lifting of sanctions. 207. The international community cannot accept the unilateral lifting of sactions, as some of the most con- servative circles in the United States ofAmerica and in the United Kingdom suggest. We hope that the Govern- ments of those and other countries will resist pressures in that direction. The international community must condem any Government in Zimbabwe that is not based on criteria established with the full agreement of the Patriotic Front. 208. On the question of Namibia, SWAPO, the front- line States and the international community haveac- cepted the plan of the United Nations Secretary- General for the decolonization of that Territory in ac- cordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and other relevant resolutions of our Oranization. 209. Meanwhile, South Africa continues to refuse t~ implement that plan, in.flagrant ~efianc~ of the deCI- sions of the United NatIOns. Its mtranslgency results from the complicity of and support given by certain Western countries. 211. The main enemy of the peoples of Africa is the racist regime of Pretoria and its devilish system of domination and apartheid. Apartheid is hunger and' misery, disease and ignorance, acculturation and un- employment; in other words, apartheid is a complete denial of the human being. 212. Opposed by South African peoples, denounced and rejected by the international community, the apartheid regime tries to introduce cosmetic changes which do not modify in substance the structure ofdomi- nation and discrimination. It is in this context that we witness the pseudo-liberalization of the regime in cer- tain social domains. It is also in the same context that the policy ofbantustanization was introduced. Through the bantustans the regime ofSouth Africa tries to create buffer States in order to protect the racist citadel. Through the bantustans, it can put at its disposal a permanent reserve of a cheap labour force which en- sures the continuity of the system of exploitation. Through bantustans the people which constitute the South African nation are divided. That is why we say "No" to the bantustan of Transkei, "No" to the bantustan of Bophuthatswana and "No" to the bantustan of Venda. And we will say "No" to any bantustan. 213. It is a sacred duty of peace and freedom-loving forces, and particularly the United Nations, to support the liberation struggle of the South Mrican people led by the Mrican National Congress of South Mrica. 214. The eradication of apartheid is an essential task of the whole of humanity. 215. We, the front-line States, feel that our own inde- pendence will remain incomplete until the day that all the people of southern Africa are free from colonialism and racIsm. Until that day we will provide a secure rear base of national liberation for the people ofZimbabwe, Namibia and South Mrica. 216. That is why in 1975, on the occasion ofthe admis- sion of the People's Republic of Mozambique into the universal community of nations, we appealed for a complete and total boycott against the illegal and racist regime of Southern Rhodesia and affirmed our decisive readiness to assume all the responsibilities in con- formity with our international duties. 217. A few months later, on 3 February 1976, the President ofthe People's Republic ofMozambique, His Excellency Samora Moises Machel, announced to the world the closing ofour borders with the British colony of Southern Rhodesia in compliance with the sanctions imposed by Security Council resolution 253 (1968). 218. The fulfilment of that and other pertinent resolu- tions has caused serious difficulties in the economy of our own country. These difficulties are aggravated by the fact that our economic structure, conceived by co- lonialism, had been oriented to serve the interests ofthe racist regimes of Pretoria and Salisbury. Hundreds of thousands of our workers went to the plantations and mines of Rhodesia. Towards Southern Rhodesia were directed important roads and railroad connexions. The main purpose of all these connexions was the transport of Rhodesian goods. The breach of this flow came to overburden our already weak economic situation. However, despite all ofthese difficulties, the Mozambi- can people are giving shelter to more than 160,000 Zimbabwean refugees, who are in need offood, health care, housing, clothing. They need hoes, tractors and other means of producing food. The children need milk and books. It is our people in Mozambique who endure the major part of this burden. 219. Our country is a victim ofconstant armed aggres- sions from the racists. Why does the enemy attack us? I should like to quote His Excellency Samora Moises Machel, the President of the People's Republic of Mozambique, in this connexion. He said: "What is the main objective of the enemy? It is to impede our support to the liberation movement of Zimbabwe, to obstruct our economic development and the consolidation of our independence. The Smith-Muzorewa regime carries out its role of de- voted agent ofimperialism in the area. Its tasks are to prevent the liberation of Zimbabwe, to prevent the liberation of South Mrica and Namibia and also to destabilize the independent States in the area. " 220. In the beginning of September, just before the present Assembly session started, the enemy forces committed a total of 18 armed attacks and 65 frontier violations. In one of the biggest escalations ever, the Rhodesian forces used 13 Mirage planes, 8 Bell helicopters, and 5 reconaissance planes ofother makes. 221. They came to spread death and destruction. Mozambicans were killed and wounded. They had as a main target an important agro-industrial complex in the Chokwe district. In this incursion they destroyed sev- eral bridges, factories and means oftransportation. The enemy attacked, killed and destroyed without any discrimination. 222. The aggression was mainly concentrated in the provinces of Manica, Sofala and Gaza. The main targets were the civilian population, the refugee camps, Lfle production centres, the means of communication and other strategic economic structures. 223. In their slaughter and plunder operations, the racist forces used a great number of planes and helicopters to spread destruction and terror. They shot old people dead, they cut open the wombs of pregnant women, they turned the children's gardens into cemeteries. They used napalm and fragmentation bombs against our hospitals and schools. 225. The Security Council in its resolution 386 (1976) appealed to the international community to provide Mozambique with financial, technical and material as- sistance to enable it to implement its policy ofeconomic independence vis-Ii-vis the racist regime of Rhodesia and to provide us with better conditions for complying with United Nations mandatory sanctions. The same Council in resolution 411 (1977) appealed to the interna- tional community to reinforce our defence capability. 226. Nevertheless, we find that the majority of the international community has not honoured its commitment. 227. However, it is important to emphasize that sol- idarity with the peoples of Zimbabwe and the front-line States has been shown in a positive and consistent way, especially by the socialist and the Nordic countries that have, in compliance with the decisions of the United Nations, rendered considerable support to our pro- grammes ofeconomic and social development, national defence and assistance to the refugees. 228. With the support ofall peoples of the world and, most ofall, relying on its own strength the Mozambican people are very confident of victory. The main factor of victory is men who are fully aware; a mobilized and organized people like ours. 229. In Mozambique, Zimbabwe, South Africa and Namibia the enemy is doomed to defeat. 230. Let us at this stage pay a tribute to Mr. Kurt Waldheim for his relentless efforts to solve all the intri- cate problems facing mankind today. Particularly, we want to thank him for his role in the liberation ofsouth- ern Africa and the consolidation of the newly indepen- dent countries. 231. The United Nations has since 1947 been discus- sing the situation in the Middle East. Several resolu- tions, recommendations and decisions have succes- sively been adopted by the General Assembly, the Se- curity Council and other international institutions and forums. However, the problem is still there without any solution. On the contrary, the situation in loco is worsening day by day. 232. Why does the problem ofthe Middle East remain unsolved, despite being considered one of the major concerns of humanity? For us the answer is clear and simple. It is imperialism and its ally, zionism, which persist in opposing the inalienable rights of the Arab people of Palestine to self-determination and national mdependence and the creation of their own sovereign State and which remain stubborn in their illegal and repressive occupation of the Arab territories seized since June 1967. 234. Unsatisfied with the regrettable situation prevail- ing in the Middle East, imperialism patr<,oizes the capitulation of Egypt and its treason to the cause of Palestinian and Arab peoples, reinforces the aggressive military capability of the Zionist regime against Leba- non and the Palestinian refugees and encourages the Zionist colonization of the occupied Arab territories. 235. A lasting peace in the Middle East is not coadu- nate with the vile treason to the Palestinian cause, which is now considered "courage"; and it cannot be in sympathy with the Zionist aggression and colonization of Arab peoples. 236. A lasting peace implies respect for the inalien- able rights of the Palestinians to self-detennination, national independence and the creation of their own free and sovereign State under the leadership of the PLO; and it also implies the unconditional, total and complete withdrawal of Israel from the occupied Arab territories. A separate peace is meaningless while all Arab nations and the Palestinian people are still under Zionist bayonets. In this context the People's Republic of Mozambique denounces and condems the separate accords between Egypt and Israel and reiterates its support for solidarity with the just struggle of the Pales- tinian people under the leadership of the PLO and with the Arab peoples for a comprehensive and just solution of the problem of the Middle East in accordance with their legitimate aspirations. 237. The serious problems of South-East Asia are the consequences of the very long period of colonial and imperialist domination imposed on the peoples ofIndo- China. We believe that forgetting the past leads us to indulge in an incorrect analysis of the recent events in the region. For us this is not a fortuitous conclusion, but the result of the experience and practice ofour people recently liberated from colonial and imperialist domination. 238. A military defeat creates a political misfortune and a crisis of international credibility. Furthermore, in the case of a major imperialist Power, defeat generates the disintegration of its system ofdomination. The core of the South-East Asian problem consists in the attempt of imperialism to erase its shameful defeat in Indo- China. This explains the increased manoeuvres, politi. cal, diplomatic and economic pressures and prop- aganda against the nations of this region, which are following an independent and socialist path. 239. The correct and adequate answer of the interna- tional community to this situation must be an increase ofconcrete material support to the people of this region to enable them to reconstruct their countries ravaged by the war of imperialist aggression and to create that climate of good-neighbourliness and stability among themselves which is very important for their rapid pro- gress and development. 240. In a period in which human rights is the theme of most public statements, we are forced to sit together in this chamber with those who represent bestiality and 241. Still in the Asia region, the situation prevailing in East Timor is of concern to us. The colonization and repression of the people of East Timor forbids us to keep silent, particularly when the Maubere freedom fighters continue to struggle for the liberation of their occupied country, notwithstanding the sacrifices that entails. The representative of the Portuguese Govern- ment, the administering Power, very recently declared in this Assembly [l6th meeting] that the process of decolonization of East Timor is not yet accomplished. The Maubere people reject annexation, and the ad- ministering Power does not accept the fait accompli. That is why the international community cannot remain indifferent to the courageous and difficult struggle for national liberation being waged by the Maubere people against Indonesian colonialism and for the regaining of their inalienable right to self-determinationand national independence. The United Nations must take the ap- propriate measures to force Indonesia to withdraw from EastTimor and to allow the process ofdecoloniza- tion to go forward to its conclusion. 242. Once again the People's Republic of Mozambi- que is compelled to denounce and condemn the Indone- sian occupation and repression in East Timor. In ac- cordance with the decision taken at the Sixth Confer- ence of non-aligned countries, we reaffirm our uncondi- tional support for the just struggle for national libera- tion being waged by the Maubere people, led by FRETILIN.20 243. We demand the total withdrawal of the foreign occupation forces from the southern part of Korea and we reaffirm our solidarity with the Democratic People's Re£ublic of Korea, devoted as it is to the peaceful umfication of Korea. 244. We also express our solidarity to the people and Government ofthe Republic ofCyprus in their struggle to achieve strict respect for their sovereignty, indepen- dence, territorial integrity, unity and non-alignment. 245. We feel encouraged by the victories of the Latin American peoples over imperialist, colonialist, dictato- rial and Fascist domination. 246. We salute Saint Lucia, a recently liberated coun- try formerly under colonial domination and now ac- cepted by this Assembly as a full Member of our Or- ganization. We offer our friendship and co-operation to Saint Lucia. 247. Our friendship and solidarity goes equally to the people and Government of Grenada, which has lib- erated itself from a dictatorial regime. We salute its brave decision to sever totally the relations that existed between it and the racist regimes of southern Africa, 249. The entry into force of the Torrijos-Carter treaties on the Panama Canal is a victory for the people of Panama. We consider this an important step in their conquest of total sovereignty over the Panama Canal. In Puerto Rico and Belize, the colonial situation con- tinues. Guantanamo is still occupied by United States troops. We reiterate our support of and solidarity with the peoples of Puerto Rico and Belize in their just struggle for self-determination and national indepen- dence, and we demand the complete and unconditional withdrawal of American troops from Guant<inamo, an integral part of socialist Cuba. 250. We condemn the recent decision of the United States Government to reinforce its military presence in Guantanamo and in the entire Caribbean area. This move will endanger the sovereignty and territorial in- tegrity of the countries of that region. 251. We express our solidarity with the just struggle ofthe Chilean people for liberty and democracy against the Pinochet dictatorship. 252. We denounce and condemn the military and Fas- cist regimes of South America that maintain close ties of friendship and co-operation with the racist and minority regimes of Pretoria and Salisbury, which are planning to create an aggressive military pact in the southern Atlantic. 253. Peace, stability and human progress are indivis- ible. The struggle for peace is an integral part of the liberation of oppressed peoples. It demands concrete and effective measures to bring about general and com- plete disarmament, including nuclear disarmament. The bases for establishing a new, just and equitable international economic order are liberty and peace. 254. The recent signing of the SALT Treaty, which we hope will soon be ratified by the United States Government, constitutes an important contribution to the solution ofthe problem ofthe nuclear arms race. We salute this important Treaty, and we hope that it will encourage the parties involved in these negotiations to proceed to general and complete disarmament, and particularly nuclear disarmament. 255. We feel that if the industrialized countries could reach agreement on lowering the high budgets they are devoting to the arms race and utilize the Sl,lms released for the benefit of development, they would be effec- tively participating in the elimination of the starvation and hunger that are undermining the majority of man- 257. It is this same determination that leads us to denounce and condemn the support the imperialist Powers are giving to the apartheid regime for the man- ufacture of nuclear weapons. The technological and material assistance given to this regime for nuclear purposes can only aggravate the already explosive situ- ation by assisting in the continued existence of racist regimes. 258. We also condemn the increasing reinforcement of the imperialist military presence in the islands of Diego Garcia, Reunion, and occupied Mayotte, as well as the establishment of the South African military base at Simonstown; we forcefully repudiate the United States Government's decision to deploy its Fifth Fleet in the Indian Ocean, as well as the recently declared intention of the President of the United States to in- crease his country's presence in that region. 259. For us such actions of imperialism constitute a serious and direct threat to the sovereignty and territo- rial integrity of the countries of the region--especially the southern African States--as well as a serious threat to international peace and security. 260. The materialization of the decisions concerned with the denuclearization ofAfrica and the transforma- tion of the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace free of nuclear weapons is a must ifwe want to see general and complete disannament and world peace. 261. It is with special interest that we address our- selves to the problems of international peace and secu- rity. Motivated by the same special interest, we support the convening ofthe second special session ofthe Gen- eral Assembly to be devoted to disarmament, and we are committed to the materialization ofthe World Dis- armament Conference in the near future. 262. The energy crisis constitutes a factor of great concern for the international community. In this con- text, we are ofthe opinion that it is important to identify new and renewable sources of energy so that they may meet the demands ofeconomic and social development and those of industrial capability growth. 263. The convening ofan international conference in 1981 on new and renewable sources of energy has to aim at elaborating measures conducive to concerted action likely to promote their value and utilization. Such measures have also to meet future needs in the field of energy as part of the efforts undertaken to exped;ite econ0!TIic development, particularly in de- velopmg countnes. 264. At the same time, we deem it necessary to carry out measures aimed at promoting and encouraging re- search and development in the exploitation ofnew tech- nologies and the creation of conditions to make them accessible to developing countries. Thus the whole of mankind would benefit from the outcome of that conference. 266. Certain industrialized capitalist countries strong- ly protest against the rise ofthe price ofoil, to the extent of trying to persuade us that it is the cause of the ever-increasing inflation and recession in their econo- mies. We reject this manoeuvre of accusing oil- producing developing countries ofbeing responsible for such phenomena, which are nothing but the product of contradictions inherent in the capitalist system. 267. We consider legitimate the decision by the oil- producing developing countries to review the price of this raw material as a measure for defending and con- trolling their natural resources. 268. However, we are mindful that the developing countries are the most affected by the economic conse- quences of the ever-increasing price of oil. Therefore we deem necessary the adoption of urgent appropriate measures to alleviate the situation of these countries, which not by chance are also importers of all the conse- quences inherent in the present crisis of the capitalist economy. 269. The many proposals already made in the search for compensatory solutions to this situation allow us to foresee surely positive results in the next negotiations of a global character. 270. In the interval between this thirty-fourth General Assembly session and the previous one, we the de- veloping countries tried to find negotiated solutions to the problems of the present international economic situation through various ways. Nevertheless, that situ- ation is becoming more and more catastrophic to the whole international community, but with greater inci- dence on our developing countries. 271. It is not by accident that this has happened. There is a deliberate persistence in the way some capitalist developed countries and economic financial institutions behave. They act as instruments ofdomina- tion, of establishment of zones of influence and of economic division. They are pursuing a policy of in- terference in the internal affairs of our countries. They impose measures to limit our national sovereignty, thus hampering the exercise ofpeoples' fundamental right to develop themselves according to the economic, politi- cal and social paths chosen by them. 272. Mrica is the most flagrant example ofthis, in the sense that it remains the most seriously affected region as a result of blocking movements imposed on its de- velopment and based fundamentally on manoeuvres to peIJX:tuate structures of domination inherited from co- lomalism, whose consequences have reached the max- imum of harm. 273. May I be allowed to mention the particular case of my country. 274. The People's Republic of Mozambique is a de- veloping country ruined by colonialism and devastated by war and is among the most seriously affected by natural disasters. We are engaged in our national recon- 275. In its attempt to perpetuate structures ofdomina- tion in Rhodesiaand South Mrica and to spread them to the neighbouring countries, imperialism acts against our efforts through open aggression, economic sabo- tage and other methods of destabilization. Notwith- standing all these manoeuvres, a number of achieve- ments have been recorded by the Mozambican people as a product of their detennination to establish a plan- ned economy. 276. The People's Republic ofMozambique has expe- rienced some years of rich undertakings, which culminated in the preparation of the 1979/1980 biennial State plan. This plan will constitute our spring-board to development in the decade of the 1980s known in our country as the "Decade of the Liquidation of Under- development". This plan will enable us to embark on a process of the generalized recovery of our economy. 277. This struggle for generalized recovery is not circumscribed within undertakings of an internal char- acter only: it comprises a series of initiatives of larger dimensions. 278. In the field of subregional economic and techni- cal co-operation, the People's Republic of Mozambi- que, together with other independent countries of the region, is taking action with a view to reducing its economic dependence by strengthening its links with them which are intended to achieve meaningful regional integration and the mobilization of their reSOurces for the promotion of national, inter-State and regional policies. . 279. This action is focused primarily on the improve- ment of strategic sectors, namely transport and com- munications, agriculture, industry and trade the struc- ture of which is inadequate at present as it has been inherited from colonialism and cannot therefore meet the needs of the present stage of development. 280. Al1o~ me in this connexion to quote His Excel- lency President Samora Machel, who has said: . ".The People's Republic of Mozambique, as a so- Cialist country, has always raised very high the flag of peace and ,?o-operation among peoples, which is at the same llme the flag of solidarity with the just struggle ofthe oppressed peoples. We are open to the development ofeconomic and trade relations with all countries irrespective of their social system." 281. The struggle against under-development and for t!le ra~ical restructuring ofinternational economic rela- llons IS shared by other developing countries which in a concerted action in Arusha, at the Fourth Ministerial meeting of the Group of 77, adopted a comprehensive programme of collective self-reliance and a framework for negotiations21 that would be conducive to success- ful results for the fifth session of UNCTAD. 21 Document TD/236. 283. The growing protectionist measures, the ever increasing inflation and monetary fluctuations have led to constant instability in the raw-materials trade and to abuses by imperialist monopolies acting through trans- national corporations. We understand this situation to result from an absence of political goodwill on the part of the capitalist countries in the establishment of the New International Economic Order. Their arrogance and persistence, their delaying manoeuvres and the other devices they use with the aim of fragmenting global tre~tment of matters of international concern, thus evadmg the fulfilment oftheir obligations, have led to meaningless achievements at the fifth session of UNCTAD and in other international forums such as the Committee of the Whole Established under General A~sembly Resolution 32/174 and the Preparatory Com- mittee for the New International Development Strategy. 284: In order to maintain their privileged position which was obtained through exploitation of the de: veloping countries' natural resources, developed countries are now introducing new concepts such as "access to supplies", "selective graduation", utiliza- tion of "a global strategy for basic needs", "in- terdependence" and "differentiation", thus distorting the genuine objective ofintemational co-operation and even distracting us from the development priorities of our countries. That is how imperialism exercises its present subjugation policy in international forums. .285. Weare particularly concerned with the present stalemate of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law ofthe Sea, and we should like here to mention the constant threats of unilateral legislative decisions concerytin~ the sea-bed made by the industrialized countnes 10 an open challenge to the moratorium deci- sion approved by our world today. 286. We resolutely condemn those threats, as well as the moves of the United States of America aimed at concluding mini-conventions with other States outside th~ fr!UDework ofthe. United ~ations, thus violating the pnnclples of the UOited Nations enshrined in General Assembly resolution 2749 (XXV). 287. We urge all Member States to dedicate all their efforts to adopting, as soon as possible, a universal convention within the framework of the New Interna- tional Economic Order. ~88. .N?twithstanding all th.e divisionist attempts by Impenallsm among developlOg countries, the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, held recently in Havana, Cuba, t~ok an important ~tep in proposing negotiable solu- tIOns for the establishment of the New International Economic Order and a set of global negotiations relat- 290. My country also welcomes the results regarding institutional and financial issues achieved at the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development. 22 We sincerely regret that that Confer- ence did not take decisions on the majority ofimportant issues on its agenda, because of traditional intransi· gence and the lack of political will among certain West· ern countries. 29I. On the eve of the adoption of the new interna- tional development strategy for the third United Na· tions development decade, and in the present world political and economic context, we feel it necessary to reaffirm our commitment to the objectives and princi. pies enshrined in the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order adopted at the sixth special session of the General Assembly [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)]. 292. Let the great projects that were initiated in con~ nexion with the International Year of the Child enlight- en our works in the next decade so that children of all societies may grow up healthy, with adequate food, clothing and education, and in an environment full of love and affection. 293. Let us apply the national and international direc- tives of the International Year of the Child and go forward towards the construction ofa better world for our children. The future of our development lies with them. 294. The International Year of the Child is cOl'ning to its end. Let us now unite and commit ourselves to the protection of new generations from the scourge of war, starvation and misery in the forthcoming decade, the decade of struggle against under-development.

The just recognition by all delegations of your high qualities, Sir, is the most elo- quent proof of the wisdom of the African States which put forward your candidacy and, in tum, ofthis Assem- bly, which elected you by acclamation as its President for this session. I am convinced that you will be able to render a most distinguished service to the international community, as you have already done in other offices, and am therefore very pleased, on behalfof the delega- tion of EI Salvador, to congratulate you whole-heart- edly. 297. The delegation of El Salvador would like to ex- press on this occasion its appreciation and congratula- 22 See Report of the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, Vienna, 20 to 3/ AI/gl/st /979 (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.79.I.21). 298. We should also like once again to express our appreciation to the Secretary-General for his constant contribution to the achievement of the objectives ofthe Organization through tireless efforts, not only here at Headquarters but also in the countries and regions where the most serious situations of crisis and conflict exist. We express our gratitude to him and his col- leagues for the diligence and efficiency with which they . are carrying out their difficult administrative tasks. 299. In keeping with the decisions adopted at the be- ginning of thiS session on the basis of the wise recom- mendations which our Secretary-General fonnulated in his report of 13 June last on the problem ofthe rationali- zation of the procedures and organization of the Gen- eral Assembly [A/34/320], I intend to be very concise and to take up only some of the aspects of the interna- tional situation. I hope thus to contribute to saving the time and money ofthe Organization and, hence, that of each and every one of its Members. 300. It is with joy that we welcome the admisison of Saint Lucia, a Caribbean country belonging to our American regional group, which was admitted to mem- bership in the United Nations by acclamation at the last meeting of this session on 18 September. On behalf of the people and Government of EI Salvador, it is my pleasant duty to ex.tend to the representatives of Saint Lucia our warmest welcome and otTer to them our friendship and co-operation. 301. There are very few events that have occurred during the Organization's 33 years' existence that are as important and encouraging as the historic visit of His Holiness Pope John Paul II and his most eloquent state- ment made to this Assembly on 2 October [17th meet- ing]. His a:J?peal for peace, understanding and solidarity among individuals and nations constitutes the greatest incentive for our Organization in its efforts to strengthen peace and to promote the development ofall and their mutual understanding. 302. As the representative of a people whose vast majority is of the Catholic Faith, I should like to thank the Holy Father for his lofty message from this very rostrum and in all places and on all occasions where he has fervently exalted the values ofthe human being and prayed for our prosperity and happiness. 303. The Government of EI Salvador is pleased to congratulate most warmly the brotherly people of Panama and their Government on the implementation on I October 1979 of the new Panama Canal Treaties which, following a long and painstaking negotiation and thanks to the goodwill ofthe United States of America, now return to that Republic of the isthmus the full exercise of its sovereignty over a considerable portion of its territory and guarantee its permanent neutrality. This is indeed an historic event ofthe greatest meaning, received with great joy by all Latin Americans and applauded by the international community as a victory of diplomacy and law. 305. Among the objectives of the United Nations is that of encouraging international co-operation and, in that context, contributing to a solution ofeconomic and humanitarian problems that exist. 306. The serious and regrettable consequences of events that have taken place in this Hemisphere during the last year have indicated the urgent need for the co-operation of the United Nations and other interna- tional organizations. 307. EeLA was diligent in elaborating and circulat- ing, in August of this year, a report on the economic repercussions of the recent political events in Nicara- gua,23 a valuable document which served as a basis for the Committee of the Whole of ECLA to consider the urgent problem of the reconstruction of that country., 308. El Salvador has felt and continues to feel as its own the suffering oCour brothers the people ofNicara- gua caused by a bloody and prolonged struggle which took place in tragic circumstances. Our Government has done everything within its power to assist the people of Nicaragua in this emergency; it has contrib- uted and is prepared to continue to contribute to the international efforts undertaken for its reconstruction and recovery. It actively participated in the meeting of the Plenary Committee ofECLA and in the initiativefor the inclusion in the agenda of this Assembly session of item 124 entitled"Assistance for the reconstruction of ~icara¥ua". I~ will take part in the consideration ofthat Item With the firm desire to ensure that assistance is given that is commensurate with the human and mate- rial losses resulting from the conflictand with the size of the programmes the Government of Nicaragua intends to undertake in its task of reconstruction. 309. Just as painful has been the destruction and loss of life caused by the forces of nature in two other countries in our region-Dominica and .the Dominican Republic. In the same spirit of brotherly solidarity, El Salvador has offered its co-operation to the Govern- !J1ents of both countries, and it is prepared to do so also 10 the framework of international organizations. 310. Development and peace are the major objectives of the United Nations system-which is made up not only of the Organization as such, but of many specialized agencies, whose services we do not always acknowledge and whose real significance we do not always appreciate. We often confine ourselves to point- ing an accusing finger at the deficiencies in their ac- tivities, without thinking about the positive aspects and the, benefits which we all receive from them. 311. The Secretary-General in his report on the work of the Organization, issued in mid-September, states: "It cannot be said that the past year has witnessed This stateme!1t by t~e highest administrative authority in o~r Organization IS ~onfinned w~en we observe the persistence of the senous economic and social prob. lems which now face all countries, in greater or lesser degree-rich, poor, large, medium-sized or small countries. These problems, however, most affect those whose development is not very advanced, countries which, by and large, do not have the human, material and technological resources which are necessary effec. tively to eradicate poverty, ignorance, disease, unem. ployment, food shortages, the energy crisis and soon:- factors which contribute to an increase in internal ten. sions generated by discontent and disagreement with situations which must be corrected; and for that, inter- national co-operation is required. 312. As a developing country, El Salvador is, greatly interested in the work carried out by the United Nations system as a whole in this field. To give but a few exam· pIes, we understand the difficulties which the Eco. nomic and Social Council often has to face as well as the obstacles faced by-UNDPand ECLA. Nevertheless these agencies and bodies perfonn extremely importani functions for the benefit of mankind. 313. The present Government of El Salvador is com- mitted to carrying out an ambitious programme ofinteg· ral development and improvement throught its own efforts and through international and inter-American co-operation, which is referred to as the "national pro- gramme of well-being for all". That programme is un· der way, despite internal agitation and disquiet-which are not conducive to tranquil and successful work in all its aspects. 314. At the same time as this great work is being carried out in the economic and social fields, through programmes encompassing all the areas of human ad· vancement and development, the Government of El Salvador is envisaging a series of legal and political measures designed to contil1ue to improve and consoli· date the mechanisms of democrary so that iii the next elections to the Legislative Assembly and the municipal councils, in the entire country, which will be held in March 1980, and in all future elections, the representa· tive will of the peopleofEI Salvador may find channels which will be increasingly adequate to express themselves in full freedom. 315. Thus, in the effort to safeguard and deepen the democratic system, the Government of El Salvador, and especially the President of the Republic, General Carlos Humberto Romero, have worked in the context of their historic and patriotic responsibility. It is truly a healthy challenge for all the forces ofconsciencein the country to sunnount the many problems that face El Salvador by means of hannonious and civilized solutions. 316. The Government of El Salvador has invited the OAS to be a worthy witness ofthis process ofgenuine and renewed democratization of the political life of El Salvador and to assist us in various procedural aspects of that development. We have requested its valuable 317. All developing countries members of what is known as the Group of77 are concerned atthe fact that no progress has been made in the North-Southdialogue because of the notorious resistance ofthe industrialized countries. All the efforts made so far have failed be'- cause of that resistance, as was demonstrated once again in the negotiations which have taken place in the pastye~aswell as in the fifth session ofUNCTAD held 10 Manila, from 7 May to I June 1979. ' . 318. It would seem that the industrialized States ofthe North are not fully aware of theCact thatjust as the time came for the eradication of colonial empires','\he time has now come for the effective establishment of a new international economic order,characterized by the dis- appearance of the great inequalities"'between the economically powerful countries and the countries which until now have not greadydevelOped, but which are strugglingto improve themselves and cando so only' through the elimination of the very privileges and ad- vantages enjoyed by the former, particularly in regard to international trade. . 319. Finally, on 8 April 1979 it waspossible in Vienna to arrive at the adoption and signing ofthe Constitution of UNIDO as a specialized agency [see A/34/237J. This event constitutes one of the few achievements of the past year. 320. As at the last session, we must once again ex- press regret at the fact that the Third United Nations Conference on the Law ofthe Sea has not been able to complete its work. At the eighth session of the Confer- ence, which took place in part at Geneva and in part in New York, relatively little was achieved-particularly during the second piut of the se~~ion-inthe considera- tion of the integrated composite" riegotia:t1ng text.14 In Geneva, at least, a working ~oup existing for the purpose carried out a ·first revIsion of the integrated text, while noting that many questions and proposals had not yet been the subject ofadequate consIderation. In New York, it was not possible to carry out a second revision. . 321. At the end of the session, the general view of groups of delegations was that at the next session, in 1980, the convention on the lawofthe seawould have to be adopted so that it might be signed as soonas possible in Caracas, Venezuela, as had been agreed. In order to carry out that objective, it was agreed to divide the sessIOn into two five-week periods, and a time-table was adopted which, if successful, will culminate.with the adoption of the instrument. . . . 322. While acknowledging that this is an extremely complex and delicate matter. entailing mariyvaried and great interests, we believe that· the worki~g method adopted in the "gentlemen's agreement" 0097425 may perhal?s not be the most appropriate for the elaboration of an mstrument as important as this one. A proofof that is the fact that the first session took .place seven years ago and we are stiU'awaiting what may perhaps take place in 1980. The circumstances may have been very different and the numbe~ofStates much smaller, 24 See document A/CONF. 62/WP.IO/Rev. I. 25 See Official Rt!cor4s of the General Assembly, Twenty-eighth Session, Annexes, agenda item 40, document AI'n78,para. 16. 323.. With regard to human rights. my delegation would like to repeat the position ofits Government with re~ard to'the competence of the bodies established' by thIS Organization and by some regional entities to con- sider the subject. That competence, in our opinion, represents progress in the development of internationW law but at the same time we should like to point out that this innovation. intrOdU';;ed in recent times, in no way authorizes States as such to emitjudgements outside of the afore:..mentioned international or regional bodies on the conduct of the authorities of other countries with regard to human rights-and much less to condemn foreign Governments, which would dearly constitute undue interference in their internal affairs. 324. The policy followed in that area is all the more unacceptable since it does not take into account the critical situations which specific Governments have to face in dealing with openly subversive movements in- spired, prepared and guided from abroad as part of a well. known international conspiracy. Those move- ments must be rejected by the Governments in question through actions which can hardly be called violations of human rights. 325. That does not mean that there is no validity in the international concern to ensure that human rights are better protected and practised in the world. But we must understand that that concern should be in the context of the limits of a relation offriendship, realism and constructive coexistence among States. 326. My Government would like to repeat its position with regard to the problem of the Middle East. EI Salvador believes that a just and lasting peace in the region can be achieved only on the basis of the follow- ing premises: first, the recognition of the existence of Israel as a State by the Arab countries; then, the satisfaction of the legitimate aspirations of the Arab States, in . particular of the Palestinian people. Moreover my country is in favour ofthe full implemen- tation of the principle of the admissibility of acquiring territory by force and has been consistent with this polic)' 10 its international relations. We state that in keeelng with our desire for universality in relations, an attnbute of State sovereignty I we desire to maintain friendly ties on the basis ofmutual respect forall parties to the conflict, and categorically affirm that this does not imply that we.are linked with any specific political position of the parties concerned, since t~e policy fol" lowed by the Government of EI Salvador IS merely the lo~icalcorollary of a positionofprinciple. We therefore reject any attempt to link the international conduct ofEI Salvador with that of any of the States of the Middle East. 327. The question of Cyprus has persisted for many years, despIte the attempts of the United Nations and the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General to find a solution. The talks which the Secretary-General helped to bring about were suspended in their second stage, and, as he states in his report, . 328. Namibia and Zimbabwe in southern Africa, also continue to be hotbeds of tension and a source of con- cern to the United Nations. However, there do not.seem to be insuperable difficulties in the way of findm~ a solution to the problems. In any event, the co-operat~on of all parties concerned is indispensable. In the speCIfiC case of Namibia the plan of action of the Secunty ~ounciloffers good prospects, and we hope that it will be Implemented. 329. In the cases which 1have mentioned and in many others the peace-keeping operations decided upon by the Security Councilor the General Assembly can and in f~ct do p~ay a ve,ry important role. Thi~ is an. int~rna­ tlonal actIVIty WhIch, although unknown In earhertu~es, has emerged in the United Nations, and makes it pOSSIble fo~ the Organization effectively to carry out one of its pnmary roles. 330. The procedure of mediation which the Republic of EI Salvador and the Republic of Honduras adopted to solve their problems, in existence since the 1969 conflict, continued to develop successfully under the wise leader- ship of the mediator, Mr. Jose Luis Bustamante y Rivero, who has had the co-operation and the full politI- cal will of the two countries and of their respective Governments. 331. Along with mediation, and acting in the context of the procedures contemplated in the Agreement which led to the adoption of that means of peaceful solution, representatives of the Governments of both countries have held several meetings where, by means of agree- ment or direct negotiation, it may be possible to bring about the success of the final objective with the help of a mediator, that is, the signing of a general treaty that will put an end to the outstanding problems. My country would like to reaffirm its commitment to peace and its desire to live in peace and harmony with its sister repub- lics of Central America. 332. The Sixth Conference of the Heads of State and Government of the Non-Aligned Countries was held recently in Havana, the Republic of Cuba. My country, in the use and exercise of its status as an observer, attended that great forum of the developing world, shar- ing the thoughts vividly expressed by other participatin$ countries designed to preserve the philosophical prinCI- ples and fundamental axioms of those who established the non-aligned movement. 333. The :problem of Belize has not yet been solved. In this conneXlOn, the Government ofEI Salvador is firm in its well-known view that, by means 01rocedures for the peaceful settlement of disputes as lai down in interna- tional law, it will he possible to arrive at a negotiated solution that. will sa~Isf8;ctorily reconcile the nghts of Guatemala with the VItal \Dterests of the people of Belize. 334. To say that disarmament is a problem of tran- scendental SIgnificance for the whole world and a con- stant cause ofconcern for the United Nations is a truism. Even more dangerous than conventional wars oflimited scope is the truly grave risk of a nuclear war whose consequences would be catastrophic not only for the 335. The Assembly has on its agenda for this session many items on the activities of our Organization in the field of disarmament, many of which should perhaps be considered by the First Committee in working groups set up on the basis of affinity of aim. 336. Ofspecial interest are the reports submitted by the Committee on Disarmament rA/34/87] and the Disar- mament Commission [A/34/42]. The latter, as a deliber- ative body in this matter, made up of all the States Members ofthe Organization, in referring in its report to the elements of a comprehensive pro&ramme of disar- mament included important consideratIons that Ishould like to emphasize. The Commission stated among other things that: "8. The immediate objective of a comprehensive programme of disarmament should be to maintain and further the momentum generated by the tenth special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, to initiate and expedite urgent nego- tiations on halting the arms race in all its aspects, to open a process of genuine disarmament on an inter- nationally agreed basis and to increase international confidence and relaxation of international tension. " "1 L During the first stage of the implementation of the comprehensive programme of disarmament, special attention should be given to the immediate cessation of the nuclear arms race and the removal of the threat of a nuclear war." [Ibid., p. 10.] 337. Regarding disarmament measures, the Commis- sion has in view the prohibition of nuclear weapons, the cessation of the nuclear arms race in all its aspects, the cessation of the conventional arms race and the prohibi- tion or restriction of the use of certain conventional weapons, including those which may cause unnecessary suffering or have indiscriminate effects. 338. The United States of America and the Soviet Union subscribed in the course of the past year at the conclusion ofthe second round of SALT II to the Treaty on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms. Its aim, upon coming into force and being implemented in good faith by both parties, is to mitigate the well-grounded fears of total destruction that keep both those countries and the rest of the p~anet in a constant state of perfectly understandable anxIety. 339. While the United Nations has not fully achieved all the major objectives that led to its creation over three decades ago, no one can deny that it is carrying out an invaluable mission in this contemporary world charac- terized by the discontent, non-conformity and even the despair of many peoples faced with obstacles that impede or prevent the realization of their aspirations for independence or for genuine economic and social improvement. In many parts of the world this results in conflicts and often in regional armed disputes 341. In concluding my statement I should like most solemnly to repeat the desire ofmy Government to base its conduct on the principles oflaw and its unshakeable faith in the United Nations as the supreme forum where the most important questions of the individual and so- ciallife ofhuman beings and ofrelations between States should be and are being discussed.

Mr. President, a well-deserved tribute has unanimously been paid to you and, through you, to your country, by your unanimous election to the presi- dency of the thirty-fourth session of the General As- sembly. Algeria would like to be fully associated with that tribute, since it is a matter of great pleasure to us that you and your country, with which we have so many ties offriendship, have been so honoured. Through this election we have tried to pay a tremendous debt of gratitude which has been contracted by the community ofoppressed peoples towards the Chainnan of the Spe- cial Committee on decolonization, who has made an enonnous contribution to conquering what is the most precious possession for a people, namely, liberiy. Through this election we also felt that we were expres- sing to you the respect that we have for the United Republic of Tanzania, that worthy country, to its re- sponsible President and to its courageous people. 343. If traditionally our session opens with a general debate, it is undoubtedly in order to encourage some thinking about the state of our world. We should take this opportunity to take a good look at the turbulence which has shaken our planet. 344. Economic problems have often been the root- cause of the conflicts and tensions which have been a feature of the history of mankind. Unfortunately, this still remains true today, and probably more so than ever. 345. For us, the developing countries, whose daily concern is to try to satisfy the vital and the most elementary needs of our peoples whose very survival is threatened, prosperity remains a theory. At a time when man's capacity to influence nature in order to remove the evils which afflict him is prodigious, such a situation is intolerable. 346. A system of international economic relations which sacrifices, as it were, two people for the rather precarious happiness of a third is fundamentally rep- rehensible and has in fact been condemned. The law of the jungle, the "law" of the strongest, the spirit of domination, the policy ofconquest or reconquest, and expansionist greed continue to be rife in our world, unfortunately, despite the most exalted affirmations of principle, despite window-dressing, and despite the grievous inadequacies of our Organization. Colonialist forces are once again sharpening 347. 348. A lot is said about detente. But we cannot thereby disregard the liberation movements of peoples in Afnca, Asia and Latin America. Equilibrium be- tween the great Powers alone does not mean balance throughout the world-a balance which cannot be brought about by disregarding the freedom of other peoples, because without the freedom of peoples there IS no liberty or justice for the entire world, and because eqtlilibrium can only be the result of everyone's enjoy- ment of the fruits of the earth, and not the result of the economic, political or military domination of one side by the other. 349. In the face of this world-wide disorder, the countries of the third world are pursuing their struggle, both political and economic, approaching the problems both by way of challenge and participation. 350. First the challenge: the rich are being challenged by the poor. This challenging will only cease when the present oligarchic system, which is based on the exploi- tation of the largest possible number of people, gives way to the advent of a new international economic and political order which is more just and which is based on the' coherent and integrated development of the entire world and on the right of all peoples to progress. 351. Secondly the participation: it is the participation of all our countries in bringing about the better happi- ness ofthe world. We wish to cease being the fulcrums for alien economic, political and military strategies. We wish no longer to be the prey of those who are stronger and wealthier. We wish to regain our legitimate right to participate in our own history and in the history of the world. We wish to contribute to the elimination of waves of political instability in various parts of our globe; we wish to struggle against areas where power is concentrated; we wish to expand the representative nature of the decision-making centres in international relations; in other words, we seek to make international relations as a whole more democratic. 352. The "status of second-class citizen" which is accorded to the countries of the -third world in world affairs is not in keeping with the immensity of their natural wealth, their considerable demographic weight or the imI?0rtance ofthe markets which they represent. It is this IOstitutionalized gap created by an oligarchic system-a danger to the security of the world-which justifies our challenge and calls for our participation. The developing countries consider that all world affairs are of equal concern to them as they are to the great Powers and that nothing which affects their future should be considered, examined, debated or, afortiori, decided without their participation. 353. Among the major problems which will affect the future ofmankind and whose satisfactory solution must involve the participation of the entire membership of the intemational community we must necessarily in- clude the building and safeguarding of peace, which is the key problem of our time. Our countries, whose weakness makes us the first victims of war, attach genuine importance to peace. Furthermore, it is a ques·· 354. Peace is indivisible. Peace within the boundaries of the developed world does not necessarily mean peace for the world as a whole, justas detente should not simply consist in eliminating tensions in the de- veloped northern part ofthe planet in order to transfer those tensions to the third world, to the detriment of those who are weakest and poorest in it. 355. We cannot bring about global and lasting peace without profoundly questioning the present system of international relations; a-system which is the root-cause of war. if only by reason ofthe fact that it was es- tablished by a small number of States for their benefit and to the detriment of all the others. 356. It is abundantly clear today that international economic questions must be seen in terms of world security and that, conversely, world security must ~ seen in economic terms. The recognition of the pre- dominance of economics is further borne out by the awareness ofthe impact of "economic factors" on the security of the world. . "357. The crisis which has prevailed since the begin- ning of the present decade could have brought about a restructuring ofthe world economy in keeping with the imperative need for a balanced development of the entire planet. That would have been the case had action been taken on the declarations adopted by various spe- cial sessions of the United Nations General Assembly devoted to development and to disarmament. But the blind intransigence and, I would even say, the unre- pentant selfishness of the wealthy cO\.Jntries have un- fortunately ruled otherwise. .. . 358. In the face ofa situation which is becoming intol- erable, the international community, as if beset by im- potence, seems resigned to events. In this connexion the paralysis which is a characteristic feature of present international economic negotiations stands in stark contrast with the professions of faith in dialogue, the regularity ofwhich can no longer disguise their Platonic nature. 359. Is it not in fact the logic of confrontation which continues to predominate? Growing protectionism with regard to the products of the South and the manipula- tion of gold, of reserve currencies. and of the monetary system generally speaking in order to serve the sole interests of the wealthy countries, not to mention the devising of doctrines of military intervention towards certain countries of the South, catf'llhar:dly be said to reflect a spirit of co-operation. 360. Now, therefore, can we ~surprised at the legiti- mate reaction of those developing countries in a posi- tion slightly to offset the effects on their economies of imported mflation and the depreciation of reserve currencies? 361. Weare forced to note that, to say the least, awareness is lagging behind actuality. Indeed, at a time when interdependence among nations, although it is still unbalanced, is now becoming a reality, the. de- veloped countries continue in their own contexts to 362. The joint search for solutions to international economic problems should not be confined, as certain countries have suggested, to the question of energy alone. Far be it, for us to underestimate the importance of this matter, whether it be a question of its trade aspects or the-imperative need for us all to ensure a smooth tl1Ulsition to the utilization of new sources of energy. But it would be mistaken to believe, or even to give the impression, that a selective approach of this kind could have any chance of success. Indeed, if it is true that international co-operation is necessary in this area, as in others which are of fundmental importance such ,as development, world trade, raw materials and financial an9 monetary matters, the very interdepen- dence of these problems means that this co-operation can be effective only in terms of a global approach and on the basis of eqUity and mutual interest. 363. On the basis of this premise, and having learned from past experience, Algeria at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Havana, proposed conducting with the developed countries global negotiations on interna- tional economic co-operation for development. Rep- resentatives are now familiar with this proposal, since it has already been officially introduced by the Group of 77 at the last session of the Committee of the Whole Establishe~ under General Assembly Resolution 32/ 174 [see A/34/34. part III, annex J]. 364. Global negotiation by its very nature makes it impossible to give precedence to any particular topic over the others which have to be considered. This type of negotiation necessarily means that there has to be a concurrent consideration of all the subjects that have been identified, whether in the area ofenergy, financing and currency, raw materials, ortrade and development, in order to achieve a concrete and coherent set of reo suits affecting all ofthese questions. 365. Nor is it a ql,lestion of proposing new machinery or a new forum. The existing bodies of the GeneraJ Assembly, which 3l10w ofuniversal participationwhich is. the only guarantee that the interests of all States, large and small, are served, could as we see it be the framework for such negotiation. 366. "It \\Iill thus be the first time that a substantive discussion can be initiated under the aegis of this As- sembly on topics that are normally dealt with outsideor on the fringe of this Organization and in tenns of the other components ofthe neworderfrom which they can no longer be dissociated. After initiatives of restricted negotiation proved fruitless in the absence ofa genuine mand~te cont:erred u~n the negot!ating countrie~ by the restofthe international commumty, these questIOns· will be taken up in an integrated way also for the first time by the community of nations. 367. In doing this, we will only be recognizing the obvious fact that a global problem demands a global solution, since no country is free from its obligation to contribute, according to its means, of course, to bridge the growing gap between opulence and destitution which is endangering the survival of us all. 369. We can never overstress the fact that the new international economic order is fundamentally a politi- cal objective. It is a question offorging a more just and more equitable world, without which the sources of friction and even confrontation will only grow apace. Our global negotiation is a first genuine step towards establishing new relations between men, thus providing future generations of this earth with a calmer future. 370. In our world which is so grievously in need of justice, development and freedom, a structural revolu- tion should therefore be set under way. This structural revolution put an end to'politicaland economic "or- der" which the inequities inherent in it have completely condemned. This structural revolution will get our world out of this aberrant system which belongs to a stone-age mentality. The community ofthe poor, those who have been perennially forgotten by history, are clamouring for the advent ofthis new structural revolu- tion. But we would also appeal to the community ofthe wealthy, also and above all, to work to bring this about so that it can be part ofthe history ofmankind. The task undoubtedly requires changes, even far-reaching upheavals. 371. We must all be the architects of this change, the extent ofwhich is unprecedented in the history of man- kind. The road is long, in keeping with such a gigantic goal. However, we are condemned to work together. Although today our world consists of the wealthy and the deprived, oftakers and taken, our humanity will not be advanced by our building the world-even were it posible to do so--on the basis ofan inverted equation in which the rich would be relegated to the status of the poor and vice versa. On the contrary, all men must work towards integrated, balanced and genuinely con- certed development. 372. In this task for the good ofall mankind there is no place for short-termsolutions. Itis to the benefit ofall to mitiate a permanent and sincere dialogue and to infonn it with a constructive spirit in order that the just in- terests of each of us can be clearly perceived and be given legitimate satisfaction. 373. The international community is more than ever aware ofthe extreme gravity ofcertain situations in the world and of the serious risk of their spreading. It is encouraging, however, that in the face of the continual denial ofthe rights ofpeoples, international solidarity is growing ever stronger. The legitimate representatives of struggling peoples have been recognized and ac- knowledged by an ever-growing majorityofthe interna- tional community. . 374. In this connexion, SWAPO and the Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe were recently received in Havana as full members of the family of non-aligned nations. The PLO, apart from the natural solidarity it has long enjoyed from the non-aligned countries, is today recog- nized as the sole and legitimate representative of the· Palestinian people by a growing number of countries. 375. These political and diplomatic successes are of course highly significant of the vitality and youth of the struggle of peoples for recognition of their rights, but ther also remind us that the world in which we live is stil marked by an antagonism that pits the forces of domination and enslavement against the forces of lib- eration and emancipation. 376. In this connexion, southern Mrica is a gigantic base from which racist regimes and imperialism- whose faithful agents they are-are launching their of- fensives against our freedom, our dignity, our indepen- dence and our resources. 377. The comer-stone of the imperialist strategy is made up of the desire to set up a system of power that gives the appearance of change but leaves the founda- tions intact. In Rhodesia and Namibia, an attempt is being made to impose a unifonTI policy to the detriment of the rights of the peoples of that region, whose legiti- macy has been firmly recognized by the international community. 378. Our duty today is not only to affirm our solidarity and give concrete expression to our support for the peoples of southern Africa. Our duty is to go even further and to take the necessary steps required by the exceptional seriousness of a situation that has been going on for more than 30 years in the fonn of an arrogant defiance of the international community as a whole. OUf Organization must take historic decisions on this matter here and now. The Charter, as we know, provides ample means for doing so. Along with the solutions provided to us by the Charter, we must sol- emnly remind the Powers that are directly or indirectly supporting the racist regimes oftheirgrave responsibili- ties and take vigorous initiatives to forge in a definite way the destiny of southern Africa. 379. The strategy being employed in Africa finds its logical extension in the Middle East. 1n both regions, the same forces that are hostile to genuine emancipa- tion are pursuing an identical goal: the strengthening or re-establishment of imperialist domination in order to ensure control over the flow of wealth. 380. The continuing plot ofimperialism and its Zionist tool is designed to misrepresent the realities of the problem that lies at the very heart of the entire Middle East question: the rigltt of the Palestinian people to a national existence in their own homeland. And at a time when this plot is spreading and is being implemented from an unexpected source-a fraternal front-line country-we in this Organization must be more than ever aware ofthe fact that, ifwe are to remain faithful to our ideals of solidarity and commitment to just causes, any solution to this problem must necessarily involve the restoration to the Palestinian people of all their national rights that have been recognized and solemnly proclaimed by the entire international community. 381. Realizing the seriousness of the threat hanging over the future of the Palestinian people, the Arab nation, Mrica, the Islamic peoples, the non-aligned 354. Peace is indivisible. Peace within the boundaries of the developed world does not necessarily· mean peace for the world as a whole, just as detente should not simply consist in eliminating tensions· in the de- veloped northern part of the planet in order to·transfer those tensions to the third world, to the detriment of those who are weakest and poorest in it. 355. We cannot bring about global and lasting peace without profoundly questioning the presentsystem of international relations; a'system which is the root-cause of War, if only by reason of the fac( that it waS es- tablished by a small number of States for their benefit and to the detriinent of all the others. 356. It is abundantly clear today that international economic Questions must be seen in terms of world security and that, conversely, world security must be seen in economic terms. The recognition of the pre- dominance of economics is further borne out by the awareness of the impact of "economic factors" on the security of the world. 357. The crisis which has prevailed since the begin- ning of the present decade could have brought about a restructuring of the world economy in keeping with tlte imperative need for a balanced development of tlte entire planet. That would have been the case had action been taken 011 the declarations adopted by various spe- cial sessions of the United Nations General Assembly devoted to development and to disannament. But the blind intransigence and, I would even say, the unre- pentant selfishness of th~ wealthy countries have un- fortunately ruled otherwise. .... .. 358. In the face ofa situation which is becoming intol- erable, the international community, as if beset by im- potence, seems resigned to events. In this connexion the paralysis which is a characteristic feature ofpresent international economic negotiations stands in stark contrast with the professions of faith in dialogue, the regularity ofwhich can no longer disguise their Platonic nature. 359. Is it not in fact the logic of confrontation which continues to predominate? Growing protectionism with regard to the products of the South and the manipula- tion of gold, of reserve currencies and of the monetary system generally speaking in order to serve the sole interests of the wealthy countries, not to mention the devising of doctrines of military intervention towards certain countries of the South, canfci'hardly be said to reflect a spirit of co-operation. 360. Now, therefore, can we be surprised at the legiti- mate reaction of those developing countries in a pOsi- tion slightly to offset the effects on their economies of imported inflation and the depreciation of reserve currencies? 361. We are forced to note that, to say the least, awareness is lagging behind actuality. Indeed, at a time when interdependence among nations, although it is still unbalanced, is now becoming a reality, the de- veloped countries continue in their own contexts to 362. The joint search for solutions to international economic problems should not be confined, as certain countries have suggested, to the question of energy alone. Far ~ itfor us to underestimate the importance of this matter, whether it be a question of its trade aspects or ~he .imperative need for us all to ensure a smooth transition to the utilization of new sources of energy. Dutit would be mistaken to believe, or even to give· tne iinpression, that a. selective approach of this kind could have any chance of success. Indeed, if it is true that international co-operation is necessary in this area, as in others which are of fundmental importance such .as.development, world trade, raw materials and financial and monetary matters, the very interdepen- dence of these problems means that this co-operation can be effective only in terms of a global approach and on the basis of equity and mutual interest. 363.· On the basis ofthis premise, and having learned from past experience, Algeria at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, heldin Havana, proposed conducting with the developed countries global negotiations on interna- tional economic co-operation for development. Rep- resentatives are now familiar with this proposal, since it has already been officially introduced by the Group of 77 at the last session of the Committee of the Whole Establishep under General Assembly Resolution 32/ 174 (see A/34/34,part Ill, annex 1]. 364. Global negotiation by its very nature makes it impossible to give precedence to any particular topic over the others which have to be considered. This type of negotiation necessarily means that there has to be a concurrent consideration of all the subjects that have been identified, whether in the area ofenergy, financing and currency, raw materials, or trade and development, in order to achieve a concrete and coherent set of reo suIts affecting all of these questions. 365. Nor is it a Question of proposing new machinery or a new forum. The existing bodies of the General Assembly, which allow ofuniversal participation Which is the only guarantee that the interests of all States, hU'ge and small, are served, could as we see it be the framework for such negotiation. . .. 366. It will thus be the first time that a substantive discussion Can be initiated under the aegis of this As- sembly on topics that are normally dealt with outside or on the fringe of this Organization and in terms of the other cpmponents ofthe new orderfrom which they can no longer be dissociated. After initiatives of restricted negotiation proved fruitless in the absence ofa genuine mandate conferred upOn the negotiating countries by the rest ofthe international community, these questions. will be taken up in an integrated way also for the first time by the community of nations. 367. In doing this, we will only be recognizi~ the obvious fact that a global problem demands a~obal solution, since no country is free from its obligatton to contribute, according to its means, of course, to bridge the growing gap between opulence and destitution which is endangering the survival of us all. 369. We can never overstress the fact that the new international economic order is fundamentally a politi- cal objective. It is a question of forging a more just and more equitable world, without which the sources of friction and even confrontation will only grow apace. Our global negotiation is a first genuine step towards establishing new relations between men, thus providing future generations of this earth with a calmer future. 370. In our world which is so grievously in need of justice, development and freedom, a structural revolu- tion shouJd therefore be set under way. This structural revolution put an end to'poIitiCaland economic "or- der" which the inequities inherent in it have completely condemned. This structural revolution will get our world out of this aberrant system whiCh belongs to a stone-age mentality. The community ofthe poor, those who have been perennially forgotten by history, are clamouring for the advent ofthis new structural revolu- tion. But we would also appeal to the community ofthe wealthy, also and above all, to work to bring this about so that it can be part of the history ofmankind. The task undoubtedly requires changes, even far-reaching upheavals. 371. We must all be the architects of tbis change, the extent ofwhich is unprecedented in the history ofman- kind. The road is long, in keeping with such a gigantic goal. However, we are condemned to work together. Although today our world consists of the wealthy and the deprived, oftakers and taken, our humanity will not be advanced by our building the world-even were it posible to do so--on the basis ofan inverted equation in which the rich would be relegated to the status of the poor and vice versa. On the contrary I all men must work towards integrated, balanced and genuinely con- certed development. 372. In this task for the good ofall mankind there is no placefor short-term solutions. It is to the benefitofall to mitiate a permanent and sincere dialogue and to inform it with a constructive spirit in order that the just in- terests of each of us can be clearly perceived and be given legitimate satisfaction. 373. The international community is more than ever aware of the extreme gravity ofcertain situations in the world and of the serious risk of their spreading. It is encouraging, however, that in the face ofthe continual denial ofthe rights ofpeoples, international solidarity is growing ever stronger. The legitimate representatives of struggling peoples have been recognized and ac- knowledged by an ever-growing majority ofthe interna- tional community. 374. In this connexion, SWAPO and the Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe were recently received in Havana as full members of the family of non-aligned nations. The PLO, apart from the natural solidarity it has long enjoyed from the non-aligned countries, is today recog- nized as the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people by a growing number of countries. 375. These political and diplomatic successes are of course highly sigilificant of the vitality and youth of the struggle of peoples for recognition of their rights, but they also remind us that the world in which we live is still marked by an antagonism that pits the forces of domination and enslavement against the forces of lib- eration and emancipation. 376. In this connexion, southern Africa is a gigantic base from which racist regimes and imperialism-- whose faithful agents they are-are launching their of- fensives against our freedom, our dignity, our indepen- dence and our resources. 377. The corner-stone of the imperialist strategy is made up of the desire to set up a system of power that gives the appearance ofchange but leaves the founda- tions intact. In Rhodesia am! Namibia, an attempt is being made to impose a unifonn policy to the detriment of the rights of the peoples of that region, whose legiti- macy has been firmly recognized by the international community. 378. Our duty today is not only to affirm our solidarity and give concrete expression to our support for the peoples of southern Africa. Our duty is to go even further and to take the necessary steps required by the exceptional seriousness of a situation that has been going on for more than 30 years in the form of an arrogant defiance of the international community as a whole. Our Organization must take historic decisions on this matter here and now. The Charter, as we know, provides ample means for doing so. Along with the solutions provided to us by the Charter, we must sol- emnly remind the Powers that are directly or indirectly supportingthe racist regimes oftheirgrave responsibili- ties and take vigorous initiatives to forge in a definite way the destiny of southern Africa. 379. The strategy being employed in Africa finds its logical extension in the Middle East. In both regions, the same forces that are hostile to genuine emancipa- tion are pursuing an identical goal: the strengthening or re-establishment of imperialist domination in order to ensure control over the flow of wealth. 380. The continuing plot ofimperialism and its Zionist tool is designed to misrepresent the realities of the problem thatHes at the very heart ofthe entire Middle East question: the right of the Palestinian people to a national existence in their own homeland. And at a time when this plot is spreading and is being implemented from an unexpected source-a fraternal front-line country-we in this Organization must be more than ever aware ofthefact that, ifwe are to remainfaithful to our ideals of solidarity and commitment to just causes, any solution to this probLem must necessarily involve the restoration to the Palestinian people of all their national rights that have been recognized and solemnly proclaimed·by the entire international community. 381. Realizing the seriousness of the threat hanging over the future of the Palestinian people, the Arab 382. The remarkable recognition accorded to the PLO is the most concrete proof that such accords run counter to the tide of history because they ignore the national rights of the Palestinian people, their right to self-determination and their right to return to their homeland. 383. The situation in the Middle East is already explo- sive enough, without the serious events that are so dangerously affecting the sovereignty and integrity of Lebanon. What has been going on for so long in that affticted country also bears the imprint of zionism. 384. Israeli plans for aggression and the plunder ofthe Arab nation are in fact evidenced by the serious events occurring in Lebanon. Israel is pursuing a dual goal there, as we all know. 385. In the context of its policy of controlling the entire region, Israel is occupying part ofLebanese terri- tory, violating the sovereignty of that State, fomenting secessionist trends and continuing to create, promote and sU'pport every disruptive factor in Lebanon. At the same time, it is seeking to wipe out Palestinian resist- ance and is attacking the Palestinians who sought ref-' uge in Lebanon. '386. The international community must shoulder its responsibilities in order to safeguard the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon and to put an end to the Israeli acts of aggression against the fraternal Lebanese people. In order to be successful in this en- deavour, we must realize that only a comprehensive settlement in the Middle East can restore peace. This is the obvious lesson to be drawn from the repeated events in Lebanon. 387. The file on the Western Sahara has now been spread before the entire international community; the facts are clear to everyone by now: it is a problem of thwarted decolonization, and no one can any longer question this glaring fact. 388. The issue of Western Sahara involves a national liberation struggle waged by a valiant people resolved and prepared at all costs to liberate this occupied home- land and achieve recognition of its legitimate national rights. 389. In view of the ~ave events which have continu- ously beset that region for four years, the Western Sahara question is now clearly perceived in the light of all its effects on the peace, stability and security ofall the peoples inhabiting that part of the Mrican continent. 390. Mindful ofall the dangerous consequences inher- ent in a conflict between the people of Western Sahara and the occupants ofits national territory, the OAU two , months ago assumed its full responsibilities during the 391. The recommendations ofthe OAU Ad Hoc Com- mittee of Heads of State on Western Sahara and the decision taken by the OAU Assembly at its sixteenth ordinary session on 20 July last are a new and important component of the history of this issue and at the same time mark a decisive stage in the search for a just political solution to this problem. 392. The agreements concluded on 5 August last be- tween Mauritania and the Frente POLISARIO are another decisive contribution to a peaceful and just solution to the conflict, and the military occupation of the part previously administered by Mauritania- "Tins-El-Oharbia"-by the military forces of a neigh- bouring country can in no way stem the implacable course of history. 393. Noting that turn of events, the non-aligned movement, in the Final Declaration ofthe Sixth Confer- ence, in Havana, unambiguously endorsed the right of the people of Western Sahara to seif-determinationand independence, and expressed its deep disapproval at the fact that Morocco had extended its military occupa- tion [see A/34/542, annex, sect. I, paras. 96-98]. 394. Considering aU the dangerous consequences ofa conflict between the people of Western Sahara, under the leadership of the Frente POLISARIO, and the oc· cupiers of its national temtory, our Organization is in duty bound to assume its full responsibility for main- taining peace and security. Following the lead of the OAU and the non-aligned movement, it should make its full contribution to the achievement of a just and final settlement in keeping with the purposes and principles of its Charter and with resolutions it has already adopted. Here again, the spirit of the times demands that we make such a contribution, thus signifying our faithfulness to the ideals ofour Charter, and at the same time rendering justice to a valiant people struggling for its legitimate rights. 395. Many' other problems beset our world and prompt the concern of our General Assembly, as is borne out by the number and variety of items on our agenda. They all reflect the fact that our community is embarked on a long and arduous course, one in which the political will to reach a solution to all the problems which concern us and often directly affect the very future of our world is not always evident. 396. The United Nations, a valuable tool for universal dialogue, and an irreplaceable channel for the progress of our world, should remain the guarantor of a future filled with hope. 397. The elimination ofconflicts and tensions, and the solution of our problems, require decisions in keeping with our Charter in order for us to take up the chal- lenges to the international community in all areas af· fecting the search for peace, security and genuine co- opc;:ration for the development and well-being of all natIOns.

I regret having to use my right of reply, but the state- ment of the Foreign Minister of Bolivia compels me to do so. As S1. Thomas Aquinas said, reason governs everything that is subject to the order and domain of reason, and international relations are undoubtedly subject to the domain ofreason. They therefore require a minimum of love for truth. The Foreign Minister of Bolivia has departed from that truth in distorting history. 400. Relations among States are basically governed by international treaties signed and subscribed to by them and by the principles of intemationallaw, which have been incorporated in the United Nations Charter and, in the specific case ofAmerica, in the charterofthe OAS. Among those principles, we must emphasize re- spect for the territorial integrity and political indepen- dence of States, the self-detennination of peoples, re- spect for the sanctity of treaties, compliance in good faith with obligations entered into, and non- interference in the internal affairs of States. 401. In the specific case before us, the Peace Treaty of 190426 established a definite border between Chile and Bolivia and laid down a series of duties and obligations for the parties. My country has scrupulously and faith- fully complied with those duties and obligations over the years. Moreover, several treaties and agreements complement that document, among which the Trade Convention of6 August 1912, the Transit Conventionof 16 August 1937 and the Economic.Co-operation Treaty of 31 January 1955 deserve mention. 402. The claim of Bolivia concerning the revision of the Peace Treaty of 1904, which was freely subscribed to more than three quarters ofa century ago, and more than 24 years after a war that Chile did not seek-a Treaty that was confirmed by public opinion in our country through the elevationto high office of one ofthe persons who participated in the negotiations-is and will in the future be unacceptable to my country. Its revision would create a situation oflegal uncertainty in a question that requires perfect clarity and security. I refer to the delimitation of boundaries. 403. Aware of that, the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, done at Vienna on 23 May 196927 precisely excludes the rebus sic stantibus clause from treaties concerning boundaries. 404. The charter of the OAS, in article 15, specifically forbids interference in the affairs ofa sovereign country when it states that: "No State or group of States has the right to in- 26 Treaty of Peace and Friendship between Bolivia and Chile, signed in Santiago on 20 October 1904. The same principle is reflected in Article2, paragraph 7, of the Umted Nations Charter. 405. My country therefore most emphatically states that it has never accepted, and never will accept, in- teIference by any international organization in matters that have to do with our territory and our sovereignty. 406. Furthermore, it is inadmissible for a land-locked country to claim access to the sea by violating the territorial integrity ofanother State. This Assembly will understand the serious consequences that would flow from this and its implications for international peace and security. The right ofaccess to and from the seaand freedom of transit is a different matter. Chile has granted to Bolivia, by the existing bilateral treaties and agreements that l have mentioned, the freest and most frequent transit through our territory, giving it facilities over and above those that the international community ~rants to land-locked countries. Likewise, my country IS a signatory of the Convention on Transit Trade of Land-locked States29 and at the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea it supported the inclusion of provisions concerning facilities for land- locked countries. 407. It is absurd to compare the fact that Bolivia is land-locked with the situation regarding the Panama Canal. There are no similarities, so different are the situations. The Isthmian Canal Convention of 1903 did not give the United States any sovereignty over the territory of Panama but in fact divided the country and granted the United States jurisdiction over Panamanian citizens. That was a typical case of imperialist action. 408. On the other hand, the Chile-Bolivia 1904 Treaty, which, as I have said, was ~reelyentered into! is a Treaty on boundaries that estabhshes the boundanes between the two nations forever. That made it possible to settle once and for all a boundary dispute by specifi- cally recognizing Chilean sovereignty over the terri- tories referred to in its provisions. The 1904 Treaty enshrined the sovereign rights ofChile overan area that is populated almost exclusively by ChiIe~s and over citIes whose progress w~s t~e re~ult ~fChl1ean efforts. Chile also has very vahd hlstoncal titles that demon- strate that these lands have belonged to our country from the very beginning. 409. In order to prove this, let me simply refer t? ~he general history of Bolivia as relate~ by. the B~hvlan historian Alcides Arguedas30 who mamtams that 10 An- tofagasta in 1874 the population was made up as fol- lows: Chilean, 93 per cent; Bolivian, 2 per ~ent; Euro- peans, 1.5 per cent; North and South Amencans 2 per cent; Asians and others 1.5 per cent. 410. Therefore, in conclusion, we would repeat. w~at we said before this Assembly last year on a SimIlar 28 See United Nations, Treaty Series. vol. J19, p. 56. 29 Adopted at tile United Nations Conference on Transit Trade of Land-locked Countries, held in New York from 7 June to 8July 1965. For the text of the Convention, see document TD/TRANS1T/9 "lid Corr.l. 30 Alcides Arguedas, Historia general de Bolil'iu: el proceso delu nacionalidad, 1809·1921 (La Paz. Am6 Hermanos, 1922).

In accordance with the rules gov- erning debates ofthis Assembly, I should like to use my right of reply to refer to what has been stated by the representative of Chile regarding the substance of the problem. 412. A few months ago, at the time of the meeting of ECLA, the delegation ofChile used its right of reply to refer to a statement that had been made by my country, I see that the situation has not changed since then. As then, Chile's statement is most valuable because it makes it possible to see very clearly the differences that exist between that country which clings to the theses and attitudes of the past and Bolivia, which looks at future problems and draws attention to the need to solve them. 413. Each ofthe assertions contained in the statement of the Foreign Minister of Bolivia is based upon truth, and therefore we reject any statement that runs counter to them. 414. My country is in duty bound to mention that it has not had a good experience with the results of its negotiations with Chile. After many years without dip- lomatic relations, Bolivia, in the most sincere and hon- est spirit of Latin American friendship, resumed dip- Lomatic relations with Chile. Nevertheless the position of Chile's Government was merely expressed as a monologue of diktat; it adopted a take-it-or-Ieave-it attitude, which in no way constitutes a real frank and effective solution of the problem, nor one that is com- patibLe with a State's dignity. Our country is open to dialogue and the broadest possible negotiations; but the latter can be recommended only when there exist suffi- cient guarantees for Bolivia and the international com- munity that they will in fact lead to positive and con- structIve solutions. Bolivia is not prepared to suffer further frustration. 415. My country does not agree with the implicit claim ofgranting perpetuity to the 1904 Treaty imposed by the force of anns and as the result of a war of aggression. America has considerable recent experi- ence in this area. The Panama Canal Treaty signed between Panama and the United States in 1903 was a treaty of that kind. However, when the new relevant Treaties came into effect that perpetuity clause was cancelled. 416. The word "perpetuity" has been excluded by history from current international language and practice, especially when used to ignore and avoid cor- recting the mjustices ofhistory, That word is therefore 418. That was recognized by 92 Heads of State and Government at the recent Sixth Conference ofHeads of State or Government ofNon-Aligned Countries held at Havana. Their declaration on the matter clearly stres- ses that, first, Bolivia's return to the Pacific Ocean with full sovereignty is an inalienable right of its people; secondly, that constructive peace and security in America require a solution to that problem [see A/Nt 542, annex, sect. I, para. 182]. 419. The OAS recognized this when it specifically included the land-locked status ofBolivia as an item on the agenda of its next session. That was done by the almost unanimous vote of the representatives of the continent; there was only one vote against. 420. The position thus adopted by the international community in the Americas and the world, based as it is on international law, speaks for itselfand dispenses my delegation from arty further comments orexplanations.

The representative of Chile has again asked to be allowed to speak in exercise ofthe right of reply. Before I calion him, I should like to remind him ofthe decision taken by the General Assem- bly at its 4th plenary meeting that the number of state- ments in exercise ofthe right ofreply for any delegation at a given meeting should be limited to two per item and that the second statement be limited to five minutes.

We do not wish to start a debate on a matter which is not within the purview of this Organization. We simply wanted to state for the record our position in light ofthe statement made by the Foreign Minister of Bolivia, 423, The reference made by the Ambassador of Bolivia to the recent agreement of the OAS is incom- plete. We opposed that agreement, not because we were against the consideration of that item but because of the way in which it was presented, in violation ofthe clear tenets ofthe charterofthe OAS and ofthe general principles of international law to which we have referred. 424. The facts of history will remain unchanged, de- spite the biased distortions which took place a century later. The facts of future history will be built by our countries with all their creative power within the role of law, the only civilized guarantee of peace. The meeting rose at 8./5 p.m.