A/34/PV.27 General Assembly

Today it is a great honour and privilege for me to deliver my country's address to the United Nations on behalf of the People's Revolutionary Government and the people ofGrenada. It is particularly pleasing to be able to deliver this ad- dress in 1979, a year that will undoubtedly be recorded as the year ofthe fall ofthe dictators, includingfrom my region Somoza of Nicaragua and Gairy of Grenada. 3. At this thirty-fourth session of the General Assem- bly, I should like to welcome you, Mr. Salim, and to congratulate you on your election as President of the General Assembly. The People's Revolutionary Gov- ernment and the people ofGrenada have the closest ties with the Government and people of the United Repub- lic of Tanzania and we thus hold you and your Presi- dent, Mr. Julius Nyerere, in the highest regard and we are fully confident that your presidential term will be successful. 4. We also place on record our warmest appreciation for the excellent manner in which your predecessor, Mr. Indalecio Lievano, presided over the work of the last session. I wish also to join with those preceding me to this rostrum in conveying through you, Mr. Presi- dent, ourgratitude for the dedicated and untiring efforts of our distinguished Secretary-General and his s~aff. History will certainly record the tremendous contnbu- tion of Mr. Kurt Waldheim in particular to the cause of world peace. 10. Indeed, our revolution in Grenada is a people's revolution and thus one ofthe fundamental principles of our revolution is the establishment of the" people's rights. Among these rights we include the right to equal pay for men and women, the right to social and economic justice, the right to work and the right to 5. At the same time, I wish on behalf of the People's democratic participation in the affairs ofour nation, At Revolutionary Government and the people ofGrenada the s~e time we also h~ve ~ firm. comm~tment t<;> the to congratulate and warmly welcome the newly inde- establlshment of people s nghts III the mternatlonal pendent State of Saint Lucia to membership of the United Nations. This is a particular pleasure for us because Saint Lucia is not only our neighbour in the Caribbean, but is also a fraternal friend. 6. As I speak before this body today, I do so as the representative of a small country which intends to speak with a resolute and principled voice on the issues of substantive concern to the world today. 7. The advent of our revolution has signalled the be- ginning of the end of the most dangerous and vicious stage of the colonial experience, that which we recog- ' nize as neo-colonialism. This stage had seen us exposed to various constitutional manipulations, all of which had failed to hide the reality ofeconomic bondage under imperialism. Moreover, this neo-colonial stage has also exposed our nation to the vicious, ruthless neo-Fascist dictatorship of Eric Gairy. To you here at this re- nowned body this petty dictator was known as "Mr. UFO", but to us in Grenada this amusingly descriptive title did not hide the reality of a dictator whose closest links were with imperialism and international criminal elements and openly Fascist and dictatorial regimes. 8. Apart from his criminal record, Gairy left Grenada in an economic wilderness. Indeed, due to his neo- fascist regime we have a legacy of total dependence on imperialism, a reality which has meant extreme poverty characterized by wholesale repression of the working people and their organizations, massive unemploy- ment, with more than halfofthe work force out ofwork; high levels of illiteracy, malnutrition, superstition, "Mongoose Gang" brutality and the murder of our people, poor housing and health conditions; all com- bined wlth overall economic stagnation and massive migration. 9. Such a legacy was the motive force behind our revolution on 13 March of this year. Our revolution had its roots with the formation of our party in March 1973. From that date till March of this year, our party was. subjected to various fonns of the grossest and most openly hostile bmtalityat the hands of Gairy and his Fascist allies. I am proud to announce to this body today that such abuses of human rights ceased as of 13 March this year and that since that time the democratic rights and freedoms of the people have been restored and expanded. ta~n any of these hostile and repugnant systems and for thIS reason we particularly join in the chorus ofsupport for .the application demanding mandatory sanctions against the racist State of South Mrica, as is provided for in Chapter VII ofthe Charterofthe United Nations. I I. I, wish at this time clearly to assert our nation's commitment to this body's Universal Declaration of Human Rights, with a clear understanding that one of the fundamental rights ofall peoples is the achievement of economic well-being, a reality that is hindered by imperialism. I emphasize also our nation's unyielding support for the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples, and in particular I wish to record our firm commitment to General Assembly resolutions 1514 (XV) of December 1960 and 2621 (XXV) of Oc- tober 1970, both asserting the need for an end to colonialism. 12. Grenada has recently joined the non-aligned movement and attended the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, to which the fraternal revolutionary Government ofCuba played host in Havana from 3 to 9September 1979, That historic gathering was attended by 91 out of 94 full member States and national liberation movements, sev- eral observer countries and guests drawn from all parts of the world. We were greatly honoured at our first non.ali~ned Conference by being elected to the Co- ordinatlllg Bureau of the movement. 13. We like to feel that this honour is indicative ofour firm adherence to the fundamental principles of non- alignment. We joined this great movement not out of considerations of convenience or selfish gain but be- cause, following the assumption of power of our Gov- ernment in Grenada, we undertook, as a matter of the highest priority, to elevate our country's foreign policy to the plane of principle and purposefulness. 14. Non-alignment does not imply for us that we must be neutral in the sterile and negative sense, nor does it imply that our country must regard itself as a ~olitical eunuch in the conduct of our international affarrs. Our non-aligned policy will certainly not lead us to surren- der our independence ofjudgement in world affairs, or !o retre~tfrom our right an~ duty ~o participate fully in mtematlOnal forums and diSCUSSIons concerned with issues vital to our interests, concerns and principles. To the contrary, non-alignment for us is a positive concept characterizing a vigorous and principled approach to intemational issues. It is an affinnation of that funda- mental aspiration of all peoples and States to sovereignty? independenc~ and the right freely to de- termme then own domestIc and foreign policies. 15. It is perhaps true to say that during the early years of the history of the movement the major concern of non-alignment was the achievement of independence for c~loni.al countries, and t~e secon~ was the struggle ~o m~unt~n an~ enhance theIr sovereIgnty, with all that !mphe,s, .mcludlng, first and foremost, the fight against lmpenallsm. 16. ~t is undoubtedly true to say that today the anti- colomal aspect of the struggle ofthe non-aligned move- 17. This has led more and more third-world Countries to recognize that imperialism is the greatest enemy of mankind and that the perpetrators of this rape of Our resoun;es are to be found in the imperialist world. Nor does the matter end here. We have witnessed, for ex- ample,. the cold-blooded support of the imperialist countnes for the murderous apartheid regimes of southern Africa, as opposed to the moral and material support given the freedom fighters by the socialist Com. munity. This, more than anything else, exposes the true chara~ter ofimper:ialism today. C?bviously, not only the SOCIalISt commumty supports thIS struggle against rac· ism and apartheid: the front-line States, which are third world and non-aligned, have also provided crucial and meaningful support. So too has the non-aligned movement. 18. A further important indicator of the character of imperialism is that the high cost of manufactured prod- ucts and machinery, the refusal to enter into reasonable and just commodity agreements, the stonewalling of attempts to agree on a new international economic or- der, the refusal to accept that an international regime should be created to exploit the resources of the deep sea for the benefit ofall ofmankind and notjustforafew multinational corporations canall be placed at the door- step of the imperialist world. It is clear, therefore, that there is an affinity of principle and policy among the non-aligned and the socialist world. 19. Consistent with our opposition to colonialism, im- perialism, and racism, we affinn today before this great Assembly our finn support for the struggles being waged by the peoples ofZimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa under the leadership of the Patriotic Front, the South West Mrica People's Organization [SWAPOj and the Mrican National Congress of South Africa for their liberation and against apartheid and racism. We recognize and applaud the principled and consistent support being given to those struggles by the front-line States. 2~. We express our finnest support for and solidarity WIth the struggles of the people ofPalestine, led by their sole. and legitimate representatives, the Palestine lib- eratIOn Orfianization [PLO]. On this basis, we reject the Camp DaVId agreements, I which do not have the sup- port of the Palestinian people, the PLO, the Arab world or the entire democratic, progressive and socialist world. 21. We reaffirm our support for the people ofWestern Sahara, under the leadership of the Frente I ~ Framework for Peace in the Middle East, Agreed at Camp DaVid, and Framework for the Conclusion ofa Peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel, signed in Washington on 17 September 1978. 22. The peace of the world is a matter that concerns not only the rich and powerful nations, some of which produce, purchase and deploy sophisticated weapons of mass destruction but, more profoundly, the poor, weak and small nations, which are the victims ofthe squander and waste that are charactenstic of mili- tarism. The expenditure on arms and weapons of war is truly colossal and stupendous. As has been expressed elsewhere, more than $300 billion a year is spent on arms and other military equipment and installations throughout the world. This astronomical sum could, if spent on health, build and equip 30,000 hospitals with 18 million beds. It could construct 20,000 factories with jobs for more than 20 million workers. In fact, $300 billion represents the budget of my country for 14,000 years at current rates of exchange and taking into con- sideration a very generous rate ofinflation, 17 percent a year. This says a lot for the small size of my country's budget, which is less than a fraction of the budget of most multinational corporations. But it also says a great deal about the enonnous waste of financial resources expended on armaments by nations some of which al- ready have the capacity to wipe out the whole of man- kind several times over. 23. Members can well understand the deep concern we harbour for peace. It is for this reason that we strongly support the efforts of the World Peace Council and any and all moves towards detente, peaceful coex- istence and disarmament. The people of Grenada are gratified, therefore, that the Helsinki Final Act3 and now the Treaty reached at the conclusion of the second round ofStrategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALI1 4 have been signed by both the United States and the USSR. We are, however, disturbed to note that reactionary elements that definitely have a vested interest in the prolongation of the arms race have been making feverish efforts to prevent the ratification of the SALT Treaty in the United States Senate. 24. These same reactionary elements have been push- ing the United. States Government to re-introduce "cold war" principles and create new, or strengthen old, military pacts, alliances, arrangements or ma- 2 Frente Popular para la Liberaci6n de Saguia el-Hamra yde RIO de Oro. ] Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, signed at Helsinki on I August 1975. 4 Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms. signed in Vienna on 18 June 1979, 25. We view with very grave concern the "cold war" and militaristic steps proclaimed by the President in his national address to the people of America on Monday, 1 October, 5 in which he announced the establishment ofa permanent full-time Caribbean military task force with headquarters in Key West, Florida. Such a force will be made up of men from all the military services and will conduct military manoeuvres in the region. These ma- noeuvres have in fact already begun with the deploy- ment of some 16 naval vessels in the Caribbean Sea, along with other manoeuvres in Guantanamo Bay l on Cuban soil. And mention of Guantanamo must surely remind us of the absurdity of a country that has bases in Cuba and Panama, against the will of the peoples of those countries, denouncing another country maintain- ing troops in Cuba with the consent of the Cuban people. We note that, of the seven proposals an- nounced by the President, six are of a military character. 26. We believe that this is a reaction to the recent progressive changes and developments within the Latin American and Caribbean region. A wind of change is blowing through the Caribbean bringing with it a new regional balance of forces as a result of the changes towards progress effected by the peoples ofNicaragua, Grenada, Saint Lucia and Dominica-a situation that has led the United States Secretary of State to define the eastern Caribbean as one of the world's four "trou- ble spots". 27. It is our view that the new regional balance of forces has serious implications for the profits being made by the multinational corporations and also for geo-political considerations in the region, and this is what is making reactionary elements in the United States desperate. 28. The international community must take this new threat to the region seriously, because the United States Government has an established pattern of using gunboat diplomacy, blockades, destabilization tactics and other "cold war" measures against the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean. It is an attempt to revive the Monroe Doctrine, under which the United States claims the unilateral right to intervene militarily in the domestic affairs of any country in the region. And it is a matter ofhistorical record that such interventions have taken place in, among other places, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, Guatemala, Colombia, Mexico, Nica- ragua and the very Cuba towards which they are today expressing so much hostility. 29. For our part, we uphold the democratic right of the people of the Caribbean to choose their own Gov- ernment or political system. The Caribbean belongs to the peoples of the Caribbean. We reject the United States plan to set up a Caribbean task force, and we call upon the international community to join with us in 30. We desire normal ~Uld frielldly relations with the Government of the United States. Many (If our citilcm reside and work in this country and many Uoited States citi.zens are frequent visitors to ourcuuntry. But it must be manifestly clear that our relations must be bas·cd un the fundamental principles of mutual respect for sovereienty. equality and non-interference in each other's Internal affairs-a position whidl in fact applies to all other States. 3I. I wish to raise briefly the issue of small States in the international community. Notwithstanding our basic position that all States ate equal. sovereign. inde- pendent entities. we cannot lose sight of the fact that there are significant physical, demographic and economic differences among us. The issues of small size and small scale are not incidental to the levels of development of small countries or to their significance in the conduct of international relatiom. Small Sil.e must be explicitly recognized as a dimensklfl ofintcrna- tional relatIons. Poverty and dependence can ofcoun>e appl:t to both small and large Stales blltthere are Sllme specla! disabilities experienced by small countries that wei.gh heavily in explaining their c(:onomicand soc1al problems. 32. The Caribbean is characteril.ed by several small islWld-States. Many have populations ofalxlut ICXI.OOO people and an area.ofbetween 100 and }()() square miles. Most lack significant material reroources, being depen- dent throughout all their history on agricultural ptoduc- lion and more recently on tourism and light manufactur- ing. Additionally, such economies lack adequate capi- ta! and skilled manpower resources. while infra- structural and technological undrer~deve/lJpmen.t abound. and there is gre.at dependence un the export of one ?f two basic raw materials for foreign-cxchange eammgs. 33, We also face political disabilities. in many ways. As island communities. separdled by stretches ofwater and Hnguistk barriers. we have experienced the com.e- quences of imperialist domination and cultural fragmentation. Consistent with our struggle to over- come these problems, the new Govemments of Dominica. Saint Lucia and Grenada jointly issued the St. George's Declaration which pledged as foUows: "The Governments affirm that the Caribbean area is one ~ntit>.:. regardless of l!Ulguage differences. e'CooomlC dIfferences. separat~on by $oea or other such considerdtions. The Governments therefore emphasize the need for developing the dosest possi· ble relations between the islands and countries in the Caribbean, regardless of whether they are English. Dutch. Spanish or French speaking.-· l4. NO.Lwithstanding the fact that as long ago as 1910. the General Assembly unanimously adopted the la.nd- mark Deda.rdlion of Prindples Governing the Sell"Bed and the Ocean Floor. and the Suhsoil Thereuf, bey<md thlt Limits of National Jurisdictiutl [re:m/lIliO/t 2741/ 35. Winning the ~on()mic war against imperialism and its concomitants-poverty. high unemployment poor health. and the alienation of t.he peo,p,le from th~ fruits of their labour-requires us to conduct struggles on both the dumestic and international plan,es. As s.overeign Governments we are separately responsible for our own pr()~nunmes ()f ect)Oomic transfonnation but our international solidanty and c(HlperaHon ~ critical for meeting our goals. 36. The present distnhutillO of world ~onomic power, wealth and !iVll1:g'Standards IS manifestly unjust. (t derives from the long history of imperialist expans.ion and control of the third world. We seek to change this order and tt) 'Substitute for it a new international ecul1l1mic order. but we must be clear abo,ut our COn- cepllon or It. H. By the new inlernatlonal economic order. we mean the a!'.">ertion uf national sovereignty over the ownership a.nd control ofour ecuo<Hnic resources. We mean the establishment ofthe freedom to delennine the displlsiti{ln and us,e of our reSOI.lrte'l in whatever ways (1m peuplc-s wish. m furtherance of their own aspira- tions for economtc development. We mean the crtation (If anequitahle system of international trade based on just prIces. for our expll,rh. We mean the opening up of markets inlemnlmnaUy. particularly In the wealthy cl:mntrie'S. to facIlitate growth in the exports of the third world. We also mean the elltabH!l.hmc'nt of an interna- tional agreement on theexp,loltation ofthe resources of the sea which would !i>ecure II JUjJ,t !f>hare()f those re- sources and the wealth generated therefrom for the under·devefo·ped countne1!\. The impo'rtan,ce of this as- pect of our con(,~e-pt l:,f the new intemalio,naj economic order cannot be o,,'erestimat.ed LS the sea is the last f«lnlier. and the nil. fhh. manpnese. nickel and miner- als in the deep seamu:sl be explo'itecl hy an international regime fOrlhe benefitofaJl mankind. iU'Id ootjuSl forthe benefit of a hlll'l!dful of multmational c()·rporntions and their Goycmment1!\. 38. We desire a new W'item of international in- terdependence. oos-ed (10 mutua! respect for sovereignty ,mda cllUective will top-til an end to im· perialist machma!i(ms de..tgned to disrupt ourunity and purpusc. .19. Broadly.the who·le Ihrust orany new international economic ()rder could (lOl)' leud tuward!i the elimination of the severe ecoJlomtc prohlem!> Oes.cuing our peoples-·inadequllte diet, poor mc.'thea! care. insuffi- cient clothing and other OO!HC amemues. AU or any of our gmnd ,cheme.. of economic rC<Jrganization and transformation mu"t he de,>tgned to fulfill these basic goal... 41. I wish also formally to support earlier calls for urgent assistance to the hurricane-stricken and dev- astated countries of Dominica and the Dominican Re- public. We certainly hope that the response ofcountries In the United Nations and of international organs and agencies will match the great extent of their needs. 42. The People's Revolutionary Govemment and people of Grenada salute the outstanding work and achievements ofthe United Nations over the past three decades. For our part, we confirm our commitment to the noble aims, ideals and objectives of this great body and pledge our contribution to building a new world in which the poor of the world will at last obtain social, economic and political justice.

My opening words must be addressed to the valiant people of Angola, whose great sufferings on this sad occasion we share. I refer to the untimely death of President Agostinho Neto, who was struck down at the helm. Agostinho Neto uncontestably belongs to the line of great men of noble ideals who devoted their lives to the defence of the interests of their peoples and who, because oftheir thinking and their actions, have shaped history. He was a man ofculture, a poetand a humanist, and his loss was painfully felt by all the people of Mali, who admired him and who were planning to welcome him happily during the official visit he was to make to Mali next November. Bowing again in reverence to his memory, we remain convinced that his Party, the MPLA,6 will continue to work towards the goal to which he dedicated his efforts. 44. This year, tradition has led us to Africa-to East Africa-and more specifically to the United Republic of Tanzania, a country friendly towards my own and one whose wise policies are well known to all of us, serving a stable and strong nation. Apart from the honour done your people and the continent of Africa, Mr. President, the General Assembly's warm-hearted election of you to guide the work of the thirty-fourth session is without doubt a reflection ofyour perfect knowledge ofinterna- tional affairs and your own great qualifications as an enlightened diplomat, which have allowed you to pre- side successfully over the work of the Special Commit- tee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples for almost eight years. These qualifications are highlighted by your youth, your dynamism and your affability, which were noted and acknowledged by the representatives of member States of the Organization of African Unity [OAUl when it unanimously proposed you as a candidate to assume the heavy duties of your very responsible post. I am extremely happy, laying aside all protocol formal- b Movimento Popular de Liberta9ii.o de Angola. 45. I have pleasure also in reiterating our appreciation of the great qualifications and vast experience of your predecessor, Mr. Indalecio Lievano, which he dis- played during the courSe of the last session. A worthy representative of Latin America, he did honour to his continent and to his country, Colombia, and made a valuable contribution to the achievement of the noble ideals of our Organization. 46. I am also happy to express once again our gratifi- cation at the positive way in which our indefatigable Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, has carried out his own delicate and complex mission. We are convinced that, being able to count on the constant and effective support of his competent advisers, he will continue to persevere in his efforts to safeguard the gains made by and the prestige ofour Organization and the achievement of its Iloble objectives. 47. As a member of the Special Committee 011 decol- onization since its inception, my country is happy at the accession of Saint Lucia to international sovereignty and we express our happiness at seeing that new State join us here. This event is another step towards the implementation of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and brings us closer to that universality to which our Organization is tending. In offering a cordial and warm welcome to the delegation ofSaint Lucia, my delegation wishes to assure it ofourcomplete readiness to co-operate with it in a friendly and dynamic way. 48. The yearly meetings of the members of the inter- national community which the sessions of the Genenil Assembly have become show without doubt the noble ambition to open the road to a collective search for ways and means to maintain and strengthen interna- tional peace and security, the primary concern of the United Nations. 49. However, peace and security cannot be strength- ened when millions upon millions of human beings are still suffering brutalizing misery, daily humiliation, un- punished racial discrimination, anachronistic colonial exploitation and unacceptable foreign domination. The United Nations must redouble its efforts not only to settle conflicts but also to adopt applicable and urgent measures to encourage the economic and social de- velopment of all peoples. 50. That is the only way to establish an era of true peace, and when our Charter was drafted 34 years ago Its authors were aware of that, for the Preamble firmly states that the peoples of the United Nations are de- termined "to promote social progress and better standards of life". There can be no doubt that peace through justice is more fruitful than peace through law-a very unprofitable mission which finally ex- hausted the defunct League of Nations. 5 1. Peace is the work ofjustice. Peace and justice are one. But what is justice? First and foremost justice is respect for the inalienable rights recognized as belong- ing to all human beings. It is that simple reality that led 52. Justice, without which there can be no peace, lies first in the recognition of the right of each people to decide for themselves, butjustice, the sole guarantor of true peace, also involves the recognition of economic, social and cultural rights. Human rights are so indivisi- ble and interdependent that the authors of the Charter have assigned to our Organization the primary task of achieving "international co-operation in solving inter- national problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character". In other words, 34 years ago all was foreseen, all was said and reiterated about the need to put an end to all forms of domination. 53. Taking together all we have done since the last session of our General Assembly, we are forced to note that many are the problems which still concern us and that there are still many to be solved. This has happened purely and simply because some of our partners who are now present in this hall of peace violate with impu- nity the principles of our Organization, principles ac- cording to which the rights of our peoples to self- determination and to a decent existence are still the most flouted. 54. The right of peoples to self-determination is not only a principle set forth in the United Nations Charter; it has become the prime moving force and a general and constantly reaffirmed principle. There can be no doubt that it is a typical example of one of the imperative principles of general law. It is a norm accepted and recognized by the international community as a whole. But we are forced to note that disregard of this sacred principle of the right ofpeoples to self-determination is the true cause, if not the only cause, of tensions and wars that continue to contaminate international relations. 55. In this world of upheaval and suffering Africa is still the continent in which that principle is ignored by those who do not wish to learn the lessons of history. The persistence of anachronistic colonialism in Namibia and in Zimbabwe, the tolerance shown to the contemptible system of apartheid in Azania, are the result of the refusal of the white minority in southern Africa to respect this cardinal principle ofour Organiza- tion, namely the right to self-determination. 56. The valiant people of Namibia under the leader- ship ofits sole representative, because it is its authentic representative, SWAPO will continue their struggle for liberation and willdefeat all the manoeuvres which seek to stifle its heroic struggle in the maze of a so-called internal settlement. The outcome of the struggle is known because it is a natural battle to insist upon a natural recognition of the right that belongs to the Namibian people, namely that of self-determination. The struggle of the Patriotic Front has finally led to the present negotiations in London, which have not been successful because the Ian Smith clique and its sorry 57. In Azania the black majority of that African country is still being deprived ofits elementary rights to dignity in its own land ofAfrica. Certain Western Pow- ers, which are so prone to seek out respect for human rights throughout the world, assist and even encourage the apartheid regime to continue in its role of denying the very principle ofpeople's right to self-determination. 58. My country has constantly struggled for just causes. Therefore, from this rostrum we wish to reaf- firm our unshakable support for these martyred brothers, with whom the people of Mali identify. We are -ready to give all material, military, diplomatic and political assistance to speed the inevitable process of their liberation. 59. This is the moment at which to pay a well-earned and solemn tribute to the brave peoples ofthe front-line States who, with courage, calmness and determination, are fulfilling their sacred duty together with the peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe and Azania. 60. It is also timely to repeat the pressing appeal made recently by the Head of State of Mali, General Moussa Traore, during our national holiday and addressed to certain Western Powers who were invited: " ... once and for all to hear the anguished appeal of Africa and decide to serve the cause ofjustice and all mankind by helping the international community to force perfidious, arrogant but unfortunately tol- erated South Africa to obey the rules". 61. The principle ofthe self-determination ofpeoples, so clearly stated in the well-known charter ofdecoloni- zation, namely resolution 1514 (XV), the Declaration on the Granting ofIndependence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, adopted on 14 December 1960 by our Assembly, cannot be ignored by the independent and new States of Mrica, who appreciate its weight since they judiciously used it when they themselves recently achieved their own independence. 62. It is for these reasons that at its sixteenth ordinary session the Assembly of Heads of State and Govern- ment of the OAU, held in Monrovia in July, with politi- cal courage and maturity which warrants emphasis here, upheld clearly this principle ofself-detennination as the key to the fratricidal and distressing conflict in the Western Sahara [see A/34/552, pp. 90-91]. Col- onized by Spain in the past, the population ofthat north western zone of our continent cannot be denied this principle, which allowed the brother people of Morocco, ofMauritania and ofAlgeria to recover their own dignity and freedom. 63. Speaking of this crisis which besets an area very close to the heart of my country leads me to state the principle ofself-determination and to say again that this right is not being enjoyed. The OAU clearly defined the new mission entrusted to the new Ad Hoc Committeeof Heads of State on Western Sahara which, in order to improve the climate in the region, must properly define the modalities required for a final settlement on just al1d acceptable lines agreed to by all the interested and concerned parties, and I stress the word "all". 65. That is why my country, the Republic of Mali, wishes this General Assembly of the United Nations, while supporting the historic decision taken in Monrovia, because it is based on the principle of the right of people to self-determination, to continue to place its trust in the African process which has already proved that it can succeed as long as the Powers outside Africa keep out of the dispute. 66. Outside of Africa there are hotbeds of war and sources of tension also deriving from the same disre- gard of the right of peoples to self-determination. 67. The crisis in the Middle East and the question of Palestine, which is still its epicentre, continue to beset us because the leaders ofIsrael in their arrogant intran- si~ence refuse to recognize the right to self-deter- mmation of the brave Palestinian people. 68. Many of the aspects of the Middle East col).fiict have been linked to that refusal to accept that principle, respect for which would have prevented the occupation by force of Arab territories and allowed Jerusalem to achieve a status more in keeping with the glorious reli- gious past of that historic city. The Republic of Mali is deeply attached to the search for solutions to conflicts by peaceful means and will never reject any initiative for peace. At the same time, we believe that any peace process must take into account the following facts that are germane to the conflict. 69. First, the inalienable right of the people of Palestine to self-determination, including their right to national independence and the creation of a sovereign State, must be unambiguously accepted by all parties signatories to a peace agreement. In that regard, Secu- rity Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), which were adopted in circumstances of a balance of power that is well known, would be enhanced as a useful source for a true peace agreement by being sup- plemented in accordance with General Assembly res- olution 3236 (XXIX), which recognizes the national rights of the people of Palestine. 70. Secondly, the PLO, being recognize~ ~s the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people by the summit conferences of the Arab countries and the OAD, being a full-fledged member of the non- aligned movement, enjoying a I?riyileged sta~us at ~he United Nations and in the speclahzed agencies, bemg represented in more than 100 countries of the interna- tional community, and making its v~ice heard con- stantly in the public opinion of Europe. and .even America must imperatively be closely assOCIated In the search f~r any true peace in the Middle East. 71. Thirdly, the total and. uncondition~ evacuation of the Arab territories occupJed by force In the cours,e.of the 1967 Israeli aggression is, in our view,a prereqUIsite for any true peace agreement. 73. Fifthly, Arab unity, which alone can guarantee that peace will be true and comprehensive, must be maintained. 74. For these reasons Mali, which at the appropriate moment expressed its doubts regarding Israel's good faith in negotiating a true peace treaty, once more- specifically in July in Monrovia and in September in Ha¥ana-freely took the part of those who have inde- fatigably supported the PLO in its struggle to ensure that the Palestinian people succeed in their efforts to achieve self-determination. 75. Those doubts regarding the true will of Israel to live in peace with its neighbours were reinforced by the unspeakable actions committed by the Israeli forces which, with full impunity and with the complicity ofthe international news media, worked themselves into a rage against the peaceful population of troubled Leba- non, whose southern portion-despite the unfortu- nately only symbolic presence of United Nations forces-is now no more than a province ofIsrael, which blithely continues its expansionist and annexationist policies. 76. The other areas of tension warrant the same type of analysis: the crisis of Cyprus, the conflict of Korea and the dismemberment of South-East Asia. 77. The problem of Cyprus comes up each year be- fore our Assembly. which has been dealing with it since the distressing events of 15 July 1974. 78. As a member of the contact group set up by the non-ali~ned movement, the Republic of Mali, after much dIscussion, is convinced that only the renewal of the talks between the Greek and Turkish communities, under the auspices of the Secretary-General and with the assistance of an even more limited contact group that could be set up by the present session of the Gen- eral Assembly, can possibly lay the groundwork for the implementation of the 10 points contained in the agreement of 19 May 1979' and allow the people of Cyprus to exercise their right to self-determination so as to safeguard independence, their sovereignty, their territorial integrity and their national unity. 79. If the principle of self-determination of peoples were to be recognized in the case of the valiant people of Korea who for 30 years have struggled for the legiti- mate reunification of their occupied country under peaceful circumstaJ.lces, that nation, having. bec.ome a democratic and UnItary State, would take Its nghtful place in this Organization and make a fine contribution to our work. United by its history, its geography, its civilization, its genius and the J?rof~und aspirations.of its peoples, Korea must be reUnIfied 10 accordan<;:e wl!h the pertinent provisions ofthe agreeement contamed In the joint communique of North and South Korea dated 4 July 1972,8 and of the important General Assembly resolution 3390 B (XXX). 8 See Official Reeords of the General Assembly, Twenty-seventh Session, Supplement No. 27, annex I. 81. We in Mali had thought that the peoples which had for more than 30 years made enormous sacrifices would have turned their victories over the forces of domina- tion and "puppetry" into an unprecedented effort to reconstruct one of the most promising areas of the globe. 82. But recent events have led us to doubt, and almost to pessimism. Yet we still nourish the hope that the lucidity, courage and age-old wisdom which charac- terize those peoples and which allowed them to emerge victorious from even greater trials, will help them to solve the problems that have been created by untimely foreign interference in their affairs-which seeks to prevent them from freely achieving economic, social and cultural development. 83. Mter this review of the international realities, it is inevitable that we note that all these areas of tension and of war are strictly confined to the third world. A leader ofone ofthe great Powers even declared recently and with justification that "we live in a world without major conflicts; we live in a world where we are con- stantly concerned over matters of security; but we no longer fear that war is just around the comer". He added, it is true, that" ... there are local conflicts, repression, troubles, but the idea of 'the next war' has somewhat evaporated". This may perhaps be the best description of the present stage of international affairs; while one part of the planet, that occupied by the so- caJled developed nations, enjoys the benefits of de- tente, the other halfofthe world, where "the wretched ofthe earth" are dying, still suffers from tensions which are cunningly maintained to ensure the continued well- being of about a quarter of the population of the world. 84. To be sure, the present world political system is not automatically beingdrawn into a major conflict. To be sure, while events in Africa, in the Middle East and even in South-East Asia do create situations ofconfron- tation, it has been possible to prevent them from setting off a world confrontation. Nevertheless, let us re- member that for the first time since its appearance, mankind has found the means of self-destruction. 85. The causes oftension, namely, the mad arms race, especially with the intensive production of nuclear weapons and the maintenance and even reinforcement of military ~iances, bases and presences, remain mat- ters ofconcern. Nuclear proliferation carries with it the seeds of a possible world war. The Republic of Mali, one of the founder members of the non-aligned move- ment, is pleased with the results, albeit modest, ob- tained since the tenth special session. of our General Assembly, which was devoted to disarmament. 86. Therefore we are following with interest the ef- forts under way within the SALT negotiations, even if progress is slow and uncertain. 87. It is essential for us to continue to work together openly in order to make headway along the difficult road to general and complete disarmament, to the dis- mantling ofall military bases forcibly stationed in third- world countries and to the stopping and reversing ofthe 88. My ~ountry] the R~public ofM~, true to its policy of dynamiC and mtranslgent non-alignment, continues and will continue to make its modest contribution to this necessary relaxation of tension in international re- lations. As soon as it recovered its sovereignty the RC?I.lUblic ofMali ~em~ded th~ evacuation o~all fo;eign mditary bases on Its sod, and smce, aware ofItS national and international responsibilities, my country has signed and will sign no bilateral or multilateral agreementwhich does not give it a completely free hand in defence matters. 89. It is in order to remain faithful to these cardinal principles of the non-aligned movement that my country often preaches prudence regarding regional or subregiOnal military projects or even defence pacts be- tween countries that, while belonging to the same geographical area certainly, are often linked bilaterally to Powers outside Africa. We must always bear in mind that any military bloc with links, however tenuous, with Powers outside Mrica can only lead to the creation ofa new bloc, without taking into account the fact that a defence pact, whatever precautions are taken, is al- ways perceived as machinery for warfare against one State or group of States. 90. That is why the Republic of Mali, fully concerned with development, the only guarantee ofstability in our States, reiterates its political and legal commitment never to attack any State, even less a neighbouring one, and to give full fraternal assistance to any State in our region which may be the victim of an attack. 91. The right ofpeoples to self-determination, disarm- ament and detente are not the sole components ofinter- national peace and security. 92. We have already said that peace is also and perhaps above all economic and social justice. There is no doubt in anyone's mind that peace depends largely on the solutions we find together for the serious imbal- ances which characterize the world economy. 93. Poverty is not only a scandal which the third- world peoples reveal to wealthy tourists. Poverty is also a danger to the balance of the world. 94. The reality of this poverty can be seen on all the street comers of the proletarian nations and the fi~ures which sum up this tragic condition of the majonty of mankind are so huge that they even lose all meaning. Some ofthese figures are really discouraging: according to the World Bank, 800 million people in the world live beneath what is termed the "line of absolute poverty"; more than 800 million human beings are illiterate; 400 million suffer from serious diseases; 500 million, or more than three quarters, sufferfrom chronic orperma- nent malnutrition; and 50 rnillion-I repeat, SO million- die of hunger each year, while elsewhere, in countries which get much of their riches from third- world resources, people sometimes die from over- eatmg. 97. This is the especially revolting reality, even if it exists far from the eyes of an ovened world which wastes and destroys its surplus food. The citizens ofthe developed countries should know that beef cattle in a so-called developed country are better protected and better fed than peasants in Asia or Africa. 98. For how much longer must millions die in order that thousands shall live? 99. In the face of this situation, which it is difficult to describe, it is no longer enough to profess the correct sentiments as a sop to one's conscience. 100. It is just as dangerous to regard this situationas a matter for academic speeches, a sterile ritual at semi- nars and international conferences, and a repetitive litany of statements, reports and studies made in order to gain time while hunger and injustice increase. It is intolerable and explosive that three quarters of the world's population should represent less than one fifth of the general economic weight. To be selfish or una- ware in the face of such a situation is an insult not only to morality, but also and above all to the common interest of all of us. lOl. Now what do we see? On I May 1974, at the impetus of the developing countries, our General As- sembly, at its sixth special session, proclaimed in its resolution 3201 (S-VI) the urgent need to set up a "new international economic order", that is to change the institutions and laws which govern the world economy, to reorganize monetary, scientific, technical and mate- rial exchanges and the distribution of the power of the rich countries, and to create a more democratic world- in sum, to decolonize the world economy which, during the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, was dominated by Western Europe and its offshoots. 102. After the last 10 years and session after sessionof UNCTAD and various meetings within the framework of the North-South dialogue, we are now convinced that most of the proposals concerning structural changes in the international system, aswell as those put fOlWard with a view to the taking of urgent measures on pressing rroblems, have unfortunately not been the subject 0 any agreement. . 103. What is a more significant phenomenon is the fact that stagnation, if not regression, is taking place in official development assistance. In a word, the financial flow, including bank loans, to the third world in 1978 represented some $77 billion as compared to $65 billion in 1977. It will be noted that, because of inflation, the financial flow has hardly vaned from one year to the next at 1978 prices. It will be noted that the d@ts owed 104. Such is the state of the world, an unhappy world, unhappy because it does not know where it is going and because it imagines that ifit did know, it would find that it may be heading towards a catastrophe. That was a prophecy made by one of the great Powers, certainly a prophecy of doom hanging over us because it means that the problems ofeconomic and social balance have not been solved. The needy and the wealthy have to get together to seek ways of overcoming the economic and social phenomena. 105. The Republic of Mali considers that we should still trust in measures of concerting our efforts rather than resorting to the strategy ofconfrontation. We must seek to progress through peaceful negotiations. Doubt- less the way will be difficult because these negotiations would have to take place among more than ISO sovereign States that are unequal througout the range of economic and social activities. The task may appear to be a Utopian one, but it is still within the grasp of mankind. 106. The North-South dialogue already taking place will have at least allowed contacts and helpfulclarifica- tions to be made, particularly since it has shown the lack of political will on the part of the developed countries. But in the course of these talks they will have to realize that they will be assuming a tremendous re- sponsibility if they continue to limit themselves. to empty promises. More and more, political action for change is prompting the cry for a more rational manage- ment of the world economy. 107. In that regard, some new ideas are receiving greater attention. First of all, under-development is no longer taken to mean slow development, that is, as a phase in a process of expansion from which the countries of the third world will one day emerge. Under-development is indeed a result ofdevelopment, a distortion resulting from the relations between the dominant States and the dependent States. Under- development is the result of the exchange relationship in raw materials and the consequence of the exploita- tion of our resources. A second, very fruitful idea is to study the fact that the life of human society largely depends on factors other than economic ones. There does not exist any human action without its spiritual dimension. 108. These are realities that increasingly lead to a certain conduct that is seen above all in the developing countries-to fall back on their own resources and to organize the collective power of the poor countries in negotiations with the rich ones. 109. It is, however, true that among the wealthy na- tions a certain slow awareness is growing of the need to overcome these economic phenomena. The most con- crete expressions of this took place at the meetings of the Guadeloupe Summit, held from 4 to 6January 1979. and of the Tokyo Economic Summit, held on 28 and 29 June 1979. If they have not yet finally understood that an economic organization on a collective basis, even if it disturbs and upsets selfish interests, would be a global system that would be more advantageous for all, they IJ1. It is up to the authorities ()f the develuped count ries to convince themselves and their pe,oples that they must adapt to the new state of the world. that they cannot return to the previous situation of expioitatttm of forei,gn resources and that the em of a generdl prospoenty that was most unequally shared is definitely over. I 12. They must try to adjust to a world that is bound to arrive and not wish to stick to a world thaI is un its way out. Therein lies the key to all that can and should be done. We are assuredly at a cross-roads. "If one pan- ics. one will not dare to advance and will instead re- treat. If. on the ctmtrary. one continues to advance, all of a sudden one will discover sumething new; a new state of the world". a political. economic. social and cultural world that is more just and more equitable. There is still time "t() make haste slowly" I() 5live man and mankind through truejustice. the only guarcmturof peace. 113. Mrs. de AMORIM (Sao Tome and Plincipe) (in- terprewtion from French): Mr. President. the thirty- fourth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations is being presided over by a distinguished dip- lomat whom the whole of Africa:is unanimous in re·cog- nizing as a man of commitment and devotion tt) the cause of the oppressed peoples. Over the long years of national Iiberauon struggles. our peoples have always found in you. in your country the United RepUblic ()f Tanzania. in your people and in your Government the support, acceptance and understanding so necesS<lry for the continuation of our stnlggle. J14. The Tanzanian people uncompromisin$ly cast off once and for all the shackles of oppressIOn and exploitation. This stands a.s an example to the peoples fighting to recover their dignity and to establish a just and equitable society. The C{)Ostant contribution of the United Republic ofTanzania to, the defence of the ideals of t.he peoples of the world and its attachment tt) the cause of the total libemtion of the African contin,enl have conferred upon the Tanzanian people.and its great leader. President Julius Nyerere. a remarkable place in the world of today. lIS. When we speak of you. Sir. we are speaking above all ofa friend and the Amba.·j,s,ador ()f the Uniled Republic of Tanzania, a country with which my own country. the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and 116. My delegation would also like to congratulate your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Indalecio Lievano. Minister for Foreign Affairs of Colombia. on the results he achieved at the last session. 117. The United Nations is now the richer by the presence ofa new Member. recently come to indepen. dence. It is with great pleasure that we extend our warmest congratulations to the delegation of Saint Lucia. II~. We are meeting at a time when the African conti· nent is stricken with dismay at having had to bear. in the short period of less than a year. the sudden loss of two of its most brilliant sons: President Houan Boumediene of Algeria and President Agostinho Neto of Angola. 119. It is for his devotion to the cause of building a democratic Algeria, an Algeria of the people, for his dominant role in the struggle to bring about a new international economic order. for his un.swerving de- fen.ce of the cause of the peoples. particularly those of Africa and the Middle East. and for his example of integrity and honesty-it is for all thes.e th.ings that President Houan Boumediene will be remembered for ever as an eminent statesman and as a man who dis- charged to the full his histtlrical responsibility. 120. The history of the people of Sao Tome and Principe will record the very positive action taken by President Boumediene in the negotiations in Algiers in November 1974 for the tnlJlsfer of power frum the col,o- nial authorities to Ihe Iibel"'o1tion movement ofSaoTome and Principe, the legitimate representative of the people of Sao Tome and Principe. 111. This sense of history. this need to give expres- sion. at the cost ofany sacrifice. to the will ofan entire people and this ability to interpret that will totbe point of Identifying completely With it were also found abundantly in the person of A~ostinhoN.eta. the Presi- dent of the People's Republic of Angola. President Agostinho Neto was a committed man: committed to his people. whom he led during its long struggle for national independence until the proclamatj,on of the People's Republic ()f Angola. and committed. too. when that nutionalilldependence, ()nce won, en- countered all sorts of difficulties. difficulties which in the stren~ of his commitment he was able to over- come With patience and determination. Pre~sident Agostinho Neto was also, and perhaps mo,st im· portantly, a man committed to the future of the African continent, a future of freedom and dignity. The People's Republic of Angola was. in the mind ofPresi- dent Agosttnho Neto. yet another piet.:e of Africa liberated. The existence of the People's Republi<: of Angola and the consolidation of its po!itl<:al and ec{)nomic independence had a fundamenlaJ objective: that ofaccelerating the process of the total IiberatioiOof the continent. 122. The delegation of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome a.nd Principe is convinced that contemporary 123. On 16 September 1975, in this Assembly, my country, the Democratic Republic ?f Sao :rome and Principe, made its debut before the mter:natlonal com- munity as a full-fledged, free and sovereIgn State. The States Members of the United Nations gave us a warm welcome9 and we had the opportunity to express our gratitude for the unswerving support we had enjoyed throughout our struggle to win political indep.endence. We were at pains to inform you of the difficultIes which faced us, and to explain to you our commitment and determination to build, with our efforts and your sol- idarity, a more dignified existence for the people ofSao Tome and Principe. 124. Four years have elapsed since that day, and we thought it our duty to inform yo.u of the first results. in our work ofnational reconstruction. We hope and wIsh that this may be a contribution to our common task of creating a more harmonious future for mankind. 125. After five centuries of colonialism and ob- scurantism what was the situation of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe on 12 July 1975, the day of its accession to independence? We took over a country with no infrastructure for development. Our isolation from the outside world was nearly total, and made worse by the inadequacy and preca:riousne~sof the means of communication, We had a dependent economy in a country rich in potentialities. Amo':!g the people, there reign~d ignoran~e., a high rate of Infant mortality, an alannmg rate of llht.era~y ~d a very I?w life expectancy. In the face of thIS SItuation, to which was added the lack ofqualified personnel, our determi- nation to build our country was never shaken and the co-operation of Member States-alt~oughlimited ~nd far from meeting our needs-was qUIckly forthcommg. The changes made over these four years have not yet solved all the problems faced by our people. 126. Still, these changes have made it possible for.our hope for a better life to become a certainty, a certamty strengthened by the success already achieved in vital sectors such as health, education, food and, above all, the creation of an infrastructure for a harmonious de- velopment which, given our natura!- potential, will make it possible to satisfy our essential needs. 127. In this process of development, we have had to face two fundamental difficulties. First, as the plan for society envisaged by the liberation movement of.Sao Tome and Principe is translated into specific ~ct~ons designed to promote the welfare of our people, I~ gl,:es rise to resistance and hostility on the part of a mmorlty whose frustrated ambitions have Jed to two attempted coups d'etat, and to threats of invasion by mercenaries, thanks to the support that minority still enjoys among those forces which are hostile to the peace and progress of the people of Sao Tome and Principe. We.had th~ opportunity last year to set forth these facts In detall before this Organization: 10 This m~norit~, bli,?ded .by greed and devoid ofthe slIghtest feelmg ofIdentificatIOn 9 Ibid., Thirtieth Session, Plenary Meetings, 2351st meeting, 10 Ibid., Thirty-third Session, Plenary Meetings. 32nd meeting, paras. 57-131. 129. Furthermore the crisis in the world economy has a particularly ~trong impact on developing.coun- tries in general and on island nations in particular, -whose economies depend on the production for exp~Jl1 of a single crop which is subject to uncontrolled pryce fluctuations. Ourappeals for international co-operatIOn have not always been answered inan effective way, and this has caused problems which our efforts and our determination have not been able to overcome. 130. It is within that context that the Government of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe has provided the entire population with medical assist~ce, mcluding free medical care and compulsory educatIon. 13 I. In the social field, we must stress the establi~h. ment of a social security insurance system whIch guarantees to all a life free from the nightmare of inse- curity and of fear for the morrow. 132. In the economic sector, the expropriation of large agricultural land holdings, the management of which was threatened by their abandonment by the former colonial owners, has enabled our Government to initiate a policy of crop diversification, the results of which will, in turn, make it possible for ~s to meet certain yet unfulfilled needs of our populatIOn. 133. The control of foreign trade has made possible the better utilization by our Government of the pro- ceeds from our exports and a more rational import policy. 134. The stimulation ofother areas ofproduction is an urgent task, given its importance for our efforts to t?ver- come the state of dependence on cacao as our smgle cash crop. The d~velop,?en~ of fishing and of oth~r agricultural-food mdustnes IS also among the mam priorities of our Government. 135. The results of our efforts to overcome the isola- tion imposed upon us by our island state have been more modest because of the almost total absence of a communications network. 136. The scope ofthe problemfar exceeds our present resources and abilities. The co-operation of interna- tional organizations and Member States could be an important contribution to solution of this problem, which is of such vital and timely importance to our country. 'i, 137 Our achievements in the housing sector have bee~ equally modest. The colonial authorities were never concerned with providing workers with housing worthy ofthe name, Hence the building ofhomes on the agricultural land-holdings emerges as one of our 138. We should like at this stage to express our gratitude to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his efforts in mobiliz- ing international assistance for our country. The fact that this was only one of the many tasks entrusted to him by our Organization is eloquent testimony to his indefatigable efforts to implement our decisions. 139. In presenting this brief report of our principal achievements and continuing difficulties, our intention has been simply to give an idea ofthe basic importance which the people of Sao Tome and Principe attach to their attainment of independence. 140. For generations which have been subjected to colonialism, the difference between past and present is not merely that of regained freedom: the difference is that in the past our future was uncertain, ifnot nonexist- ent. The present that we are building for ourselves day by day in the face of all sorts of difficulties will, we are convinced, guarantee a future of happiness and well- being for the people of Sao Tome. 141. This concern for the future prompts us to pay particular attention to children. Hence the commem- oration ofthe International Year ofthe Child is an event which has mobilized the efforts of all strata of our population. Its importance is attested to by the fact that the committee entrusted with the organization of ac- tivities connected with the International Year of the Child was sponsored by our Head of State himself. 142, The admission of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe to the United Nations has set the seal on its status as a free and sovereign country believing stron~y in the ideals which led to its creation' and has committed it to the cause of peace, progres~ and well-being for all mankind.. As a full-fledged Member of the international community, we. have now embarked upon the process of joining the various specialized agencies within the United Nations system. 1.43, The purposes and principles of the United Na- tions Charter are actively reflected in the non-aligned movement, which is such a dynamic force in the em- bodiment ofthe aspirations and hopes ofthe vast major- ity of the peoples of our planet. 144. Intimately linked by a common past ofdomina- ti~n,. oppres~ion, exploitation and contempt for their dlgmty, shanng the devastating effects ofthe prevailing international situation imposed and maintained by rela- tionships of inequality established way back in their history, and suffering day after day from shortage and privatIOn, the non-aligned countries constitute the most Important element within the peace-loving progressive forces struggling for the establishment ofa new interna- tional political and economic order whereby peace equality and co-operation will take the place of war' injustice and exploitation. ' 145. This community ofinterests cemented by a com- mon past was reconfirmed by the success of the Sixth Conference of non-aligned countries, held in Havana last September. 147. We are convinced that under the chairmanship of the Republic ofCuba, whose commitm'ent to the policy of non-alignment was once again so amply demon- strated, the non-aligned movement will go on to record new and significant successes. 148. The creation ofconditions conducive to an envi- ronment of peace, security and progress for all mankind is one ofthe major objectives ofthe United Nations. Its implementation is closely linked with the struggle of peoples for total emancipation and for freedom of chOice concerning the most appropriate ways and means of achieving their aspirations. 149. The total decolonization of peoples still living under foreign domination thus becomes a matter of highest priority in the evolutionary process ofthe world today. For the developing countries, the solution ofthe CruCial problems besetting them demands respect for their independence and territorial integrity, the effec- tive exercise of sovereignty over their natural· re- sources, acceptance of their social and cultural di- versity, and mutually advantageous co-operation. 150. In spite of our solemn declarations about the need to contribute to the total fulfilment of the noble objectives of our Organization, among which ensuring the right of peoples to freedom and independence oc- cupies a prominent place, peoples throughout the five continents of the world still live under foreign occupa- tion and domination, their legitimate aspirations ig- nored, their rights usurped, and their struggles sub- jected to all kinds of indescribable trafficking. 151. The persistence ofthese situations, the responsi- bility for which lies unfortunately with certain States Members of the international community-because of the sacrifice ofhuman lives to which it leads, becauseof the insecurity it injects into whole communities, be- cause of the destruction of values which it engenders and because of the contradiction which it entails vis-a- vis the ideals which we defend-constitutes so many distressing and repugnant acts ofaggression which curb the harmonious progress of the world today. 152. The right of peoples to self-determination is one ofthe most important achievements in present-day life, and the recognition ofthis right underlies the profound changes which have occurred in international society over the past few decades. 153. Our country, the Democratic Republic of Sao To~e ~d Principe, the embodiment of the age-old ~splr~tlons of t~e S~o Tome peoples for a free life, has mhented from Its tnumphant anti-colonial struggle the responsibility which is common to all the States Mem- 154. [n the southern part of our continent racist minorities persist in denying millions of people their true status as subjects of history. Aware of their pre- carious existence the systems of oppression which are repugnant to the conscience of mankind are every day revealing themselves more brutal in their acts ofaggres- sion, more persistent in their obsessions and more in- sensitive to and arrogant towards the appeals of the international community. 155. At the same time, supported by forces which make defending their economic and strategic interests in the region the raison d'etre of their policy and the right ofpeoples to freedom an aberration, these regimes seek to make the international community an accom- plice of their system of oppression. 156. It is a fact that the colonial question of Rhodesia is not limited merely to the simple promotion of the cause of Mricans WIthin the machinery of the repres- sive racist apparatus. It is fundamentally a question of transferring power from the racist minority to the legiti- mate representatives ofthe African majority; it is in fact a question of destroying the repressive racist machin- ery and allowing the people ofZimbabwe to take charge of their country. The so-called internal settlement can- not win recognition from the international community because of the very fact of its fraudulent nature. 157. Although the minority Rhodesian regime wants to get us accustomed to its unilateral taking of posi- tions, in spite of the decisions taken in so many interna- tional meetings, whose purpose was to find a solution favourable to the majority of the people of Zimbabwe, our Government is following with sustained attention the ne~otiationsgoing on in London. We hope that the admimstering Power will live up to its responsibility fully in its search for ways and means of permitting the majority of the people of Zimbabwe to exercise their right to self-detennination and independence. 158. To the Patriotic Front, the sole and legitimate representative of the people ofZimbabwe, which in its persistent armed struggle is opening up the path to true liberation, we should like to express here our firm sup· port and active solidarity. 159. With regard to Namibia, in whose forthcoming independence We came to believe at the time we took part in the debate at the thirty-third session of the Assembly, our hopes have been drowned in the inno- cent blood of the Namibian people that continues to drench the paths of liberty, which has fallen victim to South Mrican Fascist repression. 160. The plan prepared by the .Secret~-G~neral of the United Nations 11 with the actIve partICIpation of all interested parties and in keeping with Security Council resolutions 385 (1976), 435 (1978) and 439 (1978) has not 162. The Security Council, in the face ofthis situation which poses a threat to international peace and secu- rity, should take action in keeping with Chapter VII of the Charter and order economic sanctions against South Mrica. 163. We wish to reiterate to SWAPO, the sole and legitimate representative of the Namibian people, our commitment to active support for its liberatIon struggle for the national independence and territorial integrityof its country. 164. South Africa, sustained and encouraged by its allies, is persisting in its policy of apartheid and has reduced the people ofSouth Mrica to the status ofmere means of production which it coops up in bantustans and uses in order to perpetuate their odious system. 165. No one can deny today the important life- support role being played by the economic and financial co-operation of the West In 'the survival of the racist regime. Shaken by the continuing revolt of the oppres- sed peoples and the most vigorous rejection by the internatIonal community, the apartheid regime finds in this co-operation the support it needs to keep its repres- sive machine active and efficient. That makes its stance of defiance of mankind even more arrogant and limits the effects of its increasing isolation. We are convinced that history will record the fact that those who are so obsessed by their immediate short-term interests are prolonging the death-throes of a regime which is the most repugnant and despicable of our time and every day is imperilling the security of the Mrican continent and thus threatening international peace. 166. Faithful to the principles and objectives pro- claimed by the Charter ofour Organization, we should step up our action in solidarity vis-a-vis the South Afri- can people and support the national liberation move- ment which, in the towns ofthe racist citadel and in the countryside, is communicating to the enemy its faith, which we should share, in the inexorable end to this racist nightmare. 167. To the National African (:ongress of South Af- rica, we wish t~ expre~s our total determinat.ion.to continue to prOVIde It WIth the support and sohdanty which it deserves in its just struggle. 168. At the same time, concrete and effective meas- ures, as provided for by our Organization, should be adopted and resolutely applied as a matter ofurgency. 169. The repeated acts of aggression against fraternal front-line countries, particularly Angola, Mozambique and Zambia, to prevent them from doing their historic duty towards the liberat~on movements of ~outhem _ Mrica deserve the most vlgourous condemnatIon from us. 17I. With similar concern, we are following the de- velopment of the struggle in the Saharan Arab Demo- cratic Republic for the assertion of its identity as a full-fledged member of the international community. This situation gives rise to even greater concern if we take into account that the total liberation of the Mrican continent should be one of the major purposes of our collective efforts. It is within this context that we con- demn the invasion of that country by the army of a neighbouring State. 172. We wish to take this opportunity to congratulate the Islamic Republic of Mauritania on its positive at- titude towards the peace proposal presented by the Frente POLISARIO. 173. It has now become obvious to the international community that the only obstacle to peace in the area lies in the negative attitude ofthe Kingdom ofMorocco, which persists in thwarting the relevant decisions ofthe OAU and the General Assembly. 174. The elimination of hotbeds of contlict, which threaten international peace and security and jeopardize the possibility of harmonious peace and co- operation among the peoples ofour planet, is one ofthe tasks to which our Organization devotes sustained and continuous attention. 175. If the results that have been achieved so far have been modest, this is due partially to the complexity of the problems that we face. Also, the decisions adopted by the United Nations are in some cases deliberately ignored, and even thwarted in their essence and aims, by Member States whose first obligation should be to promote their effective implementation. These facts are disturbing in themselves, and in certain situations take on a highly negative significance. 176. The question of the Middle East is a flagrant example of the situation that we have just described. After more than three decades of intensive debate the relevant decisions ofthe principal organs ofourOrgani- zation have not decisively influenced the solution to the Palestinian problem even though the main guidelines which could promote consistent action have long been laid down. 177. We must recognize the right of the Palestinian people to a sovereign homeland, to return to the land of their birth and to have restored to them the Arab tern- tories occupied by force by Israel in 1967. We must recognize the right ofall the States in the area to live in peace within internationally recognized frontiers. Four wars, with all their train of death and destruction, a situation of permanent insecurity, and millions of people condemned to enforced exile have not suc- ceeded in bringing peace to the region. 178. True peace and real security for the peoples of the region cannot be brought about without the consent of the Palestinian people. Such consent presupposes recognition of their legitimate rights. 180. By ignoring the other parties directly concerned in the conflict, exclUding them from the negotiations, denying the fundamental nature ofthe Palestinian prob· lem in the Middle East question and attempting a partial solution to the question, the Camp David agreements seem to have placed one more obstacle in the path ofa viable and definitive solution to the Middle East problem. 18 I. Far from reducing tension, these agreements have actually promoted an escalation ofviolence in the area. Far from prevailing upon the Zionist State to refrain from aggressive action against Lebanon, these agreements have led to their intensification. Far from the arms potential in the area diminishing, these agreements have actually increased it alarmingly since they were signed. The resistance and determination of the Arab and Palestinian peoples, far from breaking, has grown steadily since that time. 182. Once again we reaffirm our support for the PLO and all Arab peoples in their legitimate struggle for the recovery of their occupied territories, for the creation of a sovereign Palestiman State and for lasting peace in the area. 183. The situation prevailing in the eastern Mediterra- nean is also a matter of concern. 184. In Cyprus the sovereignty, independence, ter- ritorial integrity and non-aligned status of that country continue to be threatened in spite of our decisions and the personal efforts of the Secretary-General. 185. We express our hope that there will be an effec- tive application ofresolution 3212 (XXIX) and an end to all outside interference in the internal affairs of this sovereign State. 186. We repeat our support for and solidarity with the Korean people in their struggle for the peaceful and independent reunification ofthe Korean homeland. We very much appreciate the initiative taken by the Demo- cratic People's Republic ofKorea with a view to finding a peaceful solution to the problem. 187. The record ofthe activities ofthe United Nations in the field of decolonization is a good one. 188. The end ofthe process ofdecolonization, in spite of remaining difficulties, has today become irreversible and is a matter of urgency. We should like here to refer particularly to the armed struggle of the heroic people of East Timor, legitimately represented by FRE- TIUN, 12 who are seeking to gain their independence. We call upon our Organization to intensify its efforts in order to prevail upon the invading country to respect the rights of the people of East Timor to express 12 Frente Revoluciomiria de Timor Leste Independente. 189. The right to self-determination of the peoples of the world necessarily presupposes that after winning independence and in keeping with the socio-cultural realities, they should be totally free to adopt the policies of development that best conform to their aspirations. This right of peoples to decide on their own future has become imperative in present-day historical develop- ment, and a necessary condition for the establishment of a new international order which would be more just and more conducive to the self-fulfilment of men and women. Unfortunately this respect for the rights of peoples to self-determination and to decide on their OWn future has not yet been accepted by the whole international community. 190. In Africa, Asia, Latin America and Europe people are subjected to oppression and the exploitation of their natural resources and their labour. These vic- tims of fear, poverty, humiliation and torture have made their rebellion and courage their principal allies in their fight against these dictatorial and bloody regimes. 191. These peoples have earned the respect and admi- ration of the international community. Their victories have been very hard-won at a cost of thousands, and in certain cases millions, of innocent victims-men, wo- men, old people and children, whose only crime against imperialism has been the wish to assert their human dignity and reject exploitation, domination and inoral degradation. 192. These obsolete or obsolescent regimes have al- ways found in the imperialist forces themoral, political, economic and military support to help them fight their peoples who have risen up or are rising up to say "enough" to the regimes of oppression. These forces have on their hands the blood of innocent people, yet they invoke human rights in support of regimes whi.ch have silenced, in the peace of the graveyard, the cnes of people who struggle against domination and exploitation. 193. We know that the voracious machine of im- perialism always needs human sacrifices in order to maintain its economic and strategic interests. But as long as there are people who are determined, the forces of oppression are condemned to disappear; hence their hatred for and ruthless aggression against any regime which clearly and consistently has made liberty and the dignity and well-being of the people its fundamental objective and article of faith. 194. Underlying this fact, which today has become undeniable, is the right ofall peoples to exercise perma- nent and effective sovereignty over their wealth and natural resources. 195. In promoting the true exercise of this right, the United Nations will make a considerable contribution to the developing countries, whose situation today is due principally to the foreign domination imposed by imperialist ambition. 196. It is not a matter of defending autarchy, a fact which has been superseded by the realities of today, but 197. In this way we shall create the conditions which, once prejudices have been dispelled and artificially erected barriers broken down, will usher in an era of fruitful co-operation and the peoples of the world will be engaged in building a world of peace and brother- hood among men. 198. In this area also, our efforts have met with resist- ance from those who, impressed by the privileges con- ferred ul?on the~ by the prese~t order! deny by the!r very actIOns the Idea of a new mternatlonal economic and political order. 199. Although we recognize the complexity ofcertain questions that are being studied, we feel that the results achieved so far in the negotiations to bring about a new international economic order are still modest, not to say disappointing. 200. These results reflect the absence ofany real polit- ical will on the part of certain industrialized States to restructure the principal machinery and institutions governing world economic activity. 20 I. This refusal to engage in a more constructive dialogue only delays the solution ofsome problems that are vital for developing countries and is a factor for tension which it is urgent to eliminate. 202. Because of the important role that UNCTAD is designed to play in the international economic nego~ia­ tions affecting international trade and problems relatmg to economic development, particularly the negotiations for the establishment of a new international economic order, it has become the principal instrument of the General Assembly for examining and following the evolution of the international economic situation, in the light of the relevant provisions of General Assembly resolution 1995 (XIX) and UNCTAD resolution 90 (IV).I) That is why we believe that the strengthening of UNCTAD should be considered as one of the key ele- ments in the current restructuring of the social and economic sector of the United Nations. 203. In view of the wide range of questions on the agenda and of those on which a decision was not taken at the fifth session of UNCTAD, held in Manila from 7 May to 3 June 1979,14 the results of that session were extremely limited. However, we hope that the target of $350 million set for the creation of the Common Fund will soon be achieved and that the negotiations for the effective creation of that Fund, which was scheduled for December this year, will be successful. 204. The transformation of UNIDO into a specialized agency, at the same time as it strengthens the role ofthe United Nations in the industrial development of de- IJ See Proceedings of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Fourth Session, vol. I, Report and Annexes (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.76.11.D.1O and cor, rigendum), part one A. '4 Ibid., Fif//' Session, vol. I, Report andAnnexes (United Nations • publication, Sales No. E.79.1I.D.14). 205. The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, in the context of negotiations for the establishment of a new international economic order, assumes the utmost importance. 206. The creation ofmachinery that will makefeasible the practical implementation ofthe concept ofthe com- mon heritage of mankind and the solution of problems stiU unsolved is a task to which the participants in that Conference will be able to give the best possible response. 207. The efforts which have been made in the past several years to carry out intensive negotiations have already begun to yield certain results, and we hope that the forthcoming sessions ofthe Conference in 1980 will make possible the adoption ofa convention which will govern the activities of States on the seas. 208. These efforts should in no way be compromised by unilateral measures, and for this reason we appeal to all the participants to refrain from such acts. 209. The unbridled arms nice, and in particular the nuclear anns race, because ofthe latent danger it repre- sents for the whole ofmankindand because ofthe waste 15 See document A/lOJ J2, chap. IV. 210. The trend in favour of the arms race advocated by certain sectors should be resisted through our finn determination to bring about general and complete dis- armament under effective international control. 211. The results of the tenth special session of the General Assembly, which was devoted to disarma- ment, demonstrate our collective will that each Member State should promote the putting into effect of the measures advocated in the Final Document adopted at the end ofthe session [resolution S-IO/2] and that the common aspiration of our peoples to peace should be the major concern ofour Governments. In the world of today we must all fully assume this collective responsi- bility. From that standpoint, my Government reiterates its devotion to the principle of convening a world con- ference on the whole question of disarmament within the framework of the United Nations. 212. In this connexion, we are pleased to note the signing of the SALT Treaty between the United States and the Soviet Union. This marks an important stage, to the continuation of which we should devote our best energies and abilities. 213. In that way we shall be acting in keeping with the aspirations of the peoples and we shall be contributing to ensuring that humanity never loses its hope in man.