A/34/PV.57 General Assembly

On behalf of the African National COIl- gress and in the name of the oppressed and struggling people of South Africa, Mr. President, I thank you most sincerely for giving us the opportunity to express, 1073 A/34/PV.S7 NEW YORK 4. I am glad to report that the Ad Hoc Committee has worked diligently throughout the year. A series of con- sultations have been held with representatives of organizations concerned and experts on apartheid in sports, such as the consultations with the Tripartite Commission of the International Olympic Committee and with the President of the Supreme Council for Sport in Africa. 5. It is therefore obvious that the Ad Hoc Committee took into consideration the proposals submitted by the Tripartite Commission of the International Olympic Committee, as well as the consultations it had with the President of the Supreme Council for Sport in Africa, and informal consultations with several other experts. 6. Consequently, as can be seen from the draft ap- pended to this report, the Ad Hoc Committee has reached a consensus on almost all the articles. However, it was not possible for the Ad Hoc Committee to reach a consensus on what was formerly article II and is now article to. Therefore, as representatives will see, the an- nex to the report contains two formulations of that arti- cle, and I wish to mention them here for ease of reference. Article to A reads as follows: "States Parties shall use their best endeavours to ensure compliance with the Olympic principle of non-discrimination and rhe provisions of this Con- vention and, to this end, they shall take all necessary action to ensure that their nationals refrain from par- ticipating in all sports events which include in- dividuals or teams from a country practising apart- heid." [See A/34/36, annex, para. 8.J The second formulation, article lOB, reads as follows: "States Parties shall use their best endeavours to ensure compliance with the Olympic principle of non-discrimination and the provisions of this Con- vention and, to this end, they shall take all necessary action to ensure that their nationals refrain from par- ticipating in all sports events which include in- dividuals or teams that engage in sports activities with teams and individuals from a country practising apartheid." [Ibid.J Our Committee therefore decided to recommend to the General Assembly that, because of the need for further consultations on this article, t:le Committee's mandate be extended to enable it to continue its work with a view to submitting the draft international convention to the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly.

In accordance with the decision taken by the General Assembly at its 4th plenary meeting on 21 September 1979, I now call upon the representative of the African National Congress of South Africa. 9. This debate takes place at a time when the struggle for national liberation in South Africa has entered a crucial and perhaps decisive stage. The two opposing forces, one representing the oppressed and the other the oppressor, are on a collision course. A close, realistic and objective analysis of the situation will lead to the observation that the determination of the oppressed has reached unprecedented heights. They have resolved to pay the supreme sacrifice in order to achieve their long- cherished sacred goal of breaking their chains of bond- age, joining the community of nations and having some of their duly chosen sons and daughters, of any race or colour, occupy the vacant seat before me. The same close, realistic and objective analysis will show that the Fascist intransigence of the oppressors has also reached unprecedented heights. Their determination to preserve the status quo in South Africa and the subcontinent as a whole, at all costs, is not in doubt. 10. We are encouraged, Sir, by the fact that such a crucial debate for the future of Africa and the world takes place under your presidency. Your country's role in the struggle for the total liberation of the African continent, which it has relentlessly played since its own independence, is well known and universally recog- nized. Your personal commitment and dedication to this noble cause, as well as the diplomatic skill you have always demonstrated in the discharge of your important duties as Chairman of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colo- nial Countries and Peoples, inspire us with the con- fidence that, under your guidance, this debate will be crowned with success. And for us, as well as for the justice-loving and peace-loving peoples of the world, success in this case means the adoption of decisions in- tended effectively to isolate and weaken the apart- heid regime, while strengthening the striking power of the liberation movement. 11. In one form or another, the South African prob- lem has been on the agenda of the United Nations since the inception of this august body, and during this period, it has been the object of endless condemnation. The resolutions adopted on this issue have been clear and unequivocal, particularly after the Sharpeville massacre and the regime's exclusion from the Com- monwealth, developments that preceded the formation of the military wing of the ANC, Umkhonto we Sizwe, which means the "Spear of the Nation". The aparlheid system was condemned as a crime against humanity and as constituting a threat to peace and international security. 12. One can reasonably argue that after such a deter- mination - which the international community never had the opportunity to make in the case of the Hitlerite regime, the equally Fascist regime which none the less 13. When we talk of the menacing dark clouds, we mean the explosive situation that today obtains in South Africa and southern Africa. And in order that we may fully appreciate the gravity of the danger before us, it is important to recall that here we are faced with elements who are descendants of a people who left Europe before the industrial revolution and before the emancipation of slaves. We are dealing with a people whose doctrine of apartheid is based on the strong belief that their superiority is born of race and faith, a quality divinely given which cannot be transmitted to other races or ac- quired by them. "The black stinking dogs", as Jan van Rieberck called the Africans, suffer from an inferiority, predestined and irreparable, which fixes their place in a society of white men. Economically, they have their place in the field and the kitchen; socially and pOliti- cally, they stand outside the circle of the rights and privileges of white men; even legally, they exist in an ambiguous region between law and thc arbitrary will of their masters. 14. We are dealing with a people who strongly believe they are God's chosen people who are to rule over the inferior black races. The situation which obtained when Angola and Mozambique were under Portuguese domi- nation and served as a protective belt around South Africa was for those people ideal and in keeping with what they believed to have been a predestined state of affairs. And for them the collapse of the Portuguese colonial empire, which upset their strategy for the preservation of what they believed to have been the divinely inspired status quo, must be reversed. For it is in their eyes as ungodly as was the practice of freeing slaves in South Africa in the wake of the emancipation of slavery-a development that led to the Great Trek. IS. The unfolding programme of repression, aggres- sion and expansionism by the apartheid regime must be seen against this background. And in this programme 16. How then does the regime's programme of so- called reforms fit into this pattern? Vorster the former Pr:ime Mi~ister of the Pretoria Fascist regi:ne, answers this question clearly when, in one of his statements he advocates flexibility in the tactics adopted at a gi'ven time with unyielding firmness on the strategy and supreme objectives. Realizing that the volcano on which they are sitting is threatening to erupt, as the events of Soweto have proved, the regime has embarked on meas- ures which, in their totality, constitute a much more in- sidious and sophisticated instrument of oppression since they are projected as reforms, when in fact they are in- tended to divide and weaken the African people and perpetuate the domi.nation of the blacks. For example, the so-called relaxation of labour laws provides for the registration of black unions in order to ensure stricter control. Membership in those unions provides no rights enshrined in the law and they remain dependent on the exemption granted by the regime's minister. ~ 17. And this makes the position of the black unions worse, because, once registered, they cannot take part in activities considered political in terms of the law. The rest of these so-called reforms of a cosmetic character, such as the 99-year lease for houses in Soweto the in- tegration of five-star hotels and of some theatre~, is part of the programme to create a black elite to serve as a buffer force against the liberation movement. 18. This is a vain attempt to divert the attention of the people fro.m the basic economic and political issues, in order to diffuse the revolutionary situation obtaining in the country. The wide publicity given to these measures at home and abroad is also intended to give the impres- sion of liberalism while the regime isengaged in the pro- gramme of full-scale repression, war preparations and aggression against the neighbouring States. What is more, the rapid deterioration .of the livingconditions of the blacks, as shown by the spiralling infantile mortality rate, the unemployment figure which has reached 2.5 mil~ion., the mass removals of the African people from their birth-places, and so on, gives the lie to this highly orchestrated campaign. 19. We have deemed it necessary to speak today be- fore any ally or apologist of the Pretoria regime or well- meanmg opponent of apartheid dares to insult our il- lustrious leaders, like Nelson Mandela and others who ar~ languishing in gaol where they are serving life im- pnsonment, aud the scores of patriots like Solomon Mahlangu and Steve Biko who have been executed on the gallows or assassinated in detention, by suggesting that they made these sacrifices to share bath-rooms theatres and restaurants with whites, or to marry them: 20. The problem of apartheid is not simply one of racial discrimination as was the case, and perhaps con- tinues to be, in certain countries like the United States. The difference between the situation in the United States and South Africa is not just that the racists break the federal law in the former case while the racists make the laws in the latter. But in addition, and as the report of the Special Committee says, in South Africa apart- 21. At his trial in 1963 and before being sentenced to life imprisonment together with other colleagues, such as Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeki, Ahmed Kathrada and Denis Goldberg, Nelson Mandela said: "The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices- submit or fight. That time has come to South Africa. We shall not submit and we have no choice but to hit back by all means in our power in defence of our people, our future and our freedom." 22. These words eloquently underscore the analyses and decisionsadopted by the African National Congress in response to the regime's increasing repression and ag- gression and massacres when it became clear that non- violence had proved as futile as it would have been had it been tried in the struggle against the Hitlerite regime. 23. The "Spear of the Nation", formed on 16 Decem- ber 1961, when it announced its existence by the launch- ing of a protracted campaign of sabotage, has con- siderably stepped up its programme of armed action, despite the extraordinarily difficult conditions obtaining in the country. It draws its membership not only from the African people but also from the Asian and the so- called Coloured people. Armed action has become fre- quent both in the countryside and urban areas. The armed struggle waged by the African National Congress patriots for the establishment of a democratic State based on the will of all the South African people, secur- ing to all their birthright without distinction of colour, race, sex or belief, has been endorsed as legitimate by the United Nations. 24. The number of political trials going on in the various parts of the country can be seen as the barometer of the steadily escalating struggle for na- tional liberation. The most important is the Pieter- maritzburg one, in which 12 members of the African National Congress are charged with high treason and 43 alternate counts under the Terrorism Act. Judgement on this case will be delivered on 15 November 1979. The accused have contested the legitimacyof the racist court which has ruled that the trial be held in camera, osten- sibly for the protection of informer witnesses. 25. We propose urgent action by the Security Council to save these patriots from the gallows of a regime that is already responsible for over 50 per cent of executions throughout the world. We also propose the intensifica- 26. We welcome with satisfaction the realization by the United Nations that non-violence against the apartheid regime has proved futile as it would have been - as I already said - in the case of the world struggle against the Hitlerite regime from which the architects and cur- rent champions of apartheid drew and continue to draw inspiration and example. It was no doubt in recognition of this fact that in 1976 the General Assembly went beyond the pious condemnation of apartheid and recognized the legitimacy of the struggle [resolution 31/6 I] in all forms, including armed struggle, for the seizure of power by the people in South Africa. 27. Similarly, the position taken by the General Assembly, in declaring that the problem of apartheid is the special responsibility of the United Nations, creates the basis for the formation of an international alliance against the system condemned as constituting a threat to peace and international security. And yet some Western countries have continued their policy of stepping up economic, military and nuclear collaboration with this regime, as well as their diplomatic protection through the use of the veto, to frustrate the international effort aimed at the application of Chapter VII of the Charter. There could be no better way to demonstrate the unholy alliance which is frequently claimed by the Pretoria regime in its usual pronouncement that it is the in- dispensable ally of Western interests in Africa and the southern hemisphere. 28. The active support given to the apartheid regime by the United States, Great Britain, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, Israel and otner Western coun- tries must be stopped before it is too late to avoid a situation that will provoke a third world war. Develop- ments in South Africa prove that this is not an exag- gerated statement. 29. The South African white civilian population is to- day the world's most heavily armed. The regime is armed to the teeth and has built up the strongest arsenal in the southern hemisphere. Equipped with more than 100 licences which enable it to manufacture genocidal weapons on the spot, it continues further to strengthen its strong arsenal. It has arrogated to itself the right to intervene militarily in all African countries. In its pro- gramme designed to perpetuate and further entrench the white minority settler domination, it has created a for- midable basis, the key element of which is the militariza- tion of the entire South African society. Its ever- increasing military budget has this year reached the figure of 3 billion rand. It has accelerated the pro- gramme of bantustanization which, amongst other things, is intended to create strategic hamlets and tribal armies to be used as buffer forces against the liberation movement. The ever-increasing black unemployment rate, which has now reached 2.5 million, is being ex- ploited to recruit the Africans and the so-called Col- oureds into the army, whilst the Indians are being recruited into the navy. 30. The media have not only been muzzled but have been subjected to strict State control in order to create an atmosphere of war. The African teachers who resigned in the wake of the Soweto uprising have been replaced by white armed military personnel at the African 31. The regime's threat to intervene militarily in Zim- babwe to ensure the entrenchment and recognition of the Smith-Muzorewa regime further underlines its deter- mination to install in Zimbabwe and Namibia puppet regimes, supportive of its political and military pro- gramme and hostile to the liberation movement. It has stepped up its military support of Savimbi as part of its aggressive programme against Angola. But perhaps the most ominous development is marked by the regime's recent detonation of an atomic device. On this issue, we wish to place full responsibility for this grave situation on those countries which have always assisted by their policy of nuclear collaboration the South African regime-meaning the United States, the Federal Repub- lic of Germany, France and Israel. We call for an urgent meeting of the Security Council to impose comprehen- sive sanctions under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. Meanwhile, we appeal to Member States seriously to consider the proposals adopted at the thirty- third ordinary session of the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity, held at Monrovia from 6 to 20 July 1979 [see A/34/552; annex I, eM/Res. 734 (XXXIII)], and at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Havana from 3 to 9 September 1979 [see A/34/542, an- nex, sect. IV, para. 83], and those that call for separate and collective punitive measures against those countries which persist in their policy of collaboration with the South African regime. 32. On our part, we wish to make one thing clear: nothing on earth will deter the oppressed people of South Africa from pursuing their just and legitimate struggle; nothing, not even the atomic bomb. As the French philosopher, Victor Hugo, said: "There is one thing that is more powerful than the strongest armies of the world, and that is the idea whose time has come". The time has indeed come for liberation in southern Africa and in South Africa itself. Victory may be delayed, but it is certain. A luta continua.

Today, 7 November, the peoples of the Soviet Union are celebrat- ing their national day, the 62nd anniversary of the great October Socialist Revolution, which not only proclaimed but has in fact confirmed in practice and in real life the economic and social equality of men and put a definite and final end to all types of racial and national discrimination. This is reflected in the respective con- stitutions and legislations of the USSR, the Ukrainian SSR and the other Republics of the Union. 34. This holiday is observed not only by us but by all the progressive and democratic forces throughout the world, and we wish to express our warm thanks to those delegations which have congratulated us on this an- niversary. 35. Unfortunately, the General Assembly is again forced to revert to the question of the criminal policy of 36. By openly challenging world public opinion, the racists in Pretoria have intensified even further their op- pression of the subjugated people of South Africa and its national liberation movement. Many of those who fought against the hate' wi system of apartheid have been thrown into gaol or subjected to cruel torture and other indignities, which of course has led to loss of life, including that of women and children. This year the racist hangmen have executed the well known freedom fighter, Solomon Mahlangu, despite the numerous ap- peals of the United Nations and of the world community for a stay of execution. 37. Despite the resolutions of the General Assembly and of the Security Council, the racist regime of South Africa continues to pursue its policy of bantustaniza- tion, which is aimed at dismembering the country along tribal lines so as to strengthen the domination of the white minority and deprive the oppressed people of South Africa of its inalienable rights. I' 38. This was shown, in particular, by the recent for- mation of yet another puppet entity, the bantustan of Venda. That action of the racist regime of South Africa was strongly condemned by the Security Council, as is well known. It was also condemned by the Special Com- mittee against Apartheid and by other organs of the United Nations, and it was declared void. The delega- tion of the Ukrainian SSR is convinced that similar ac- tiou will be taken by the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. 39. General indignation is the feeling aroused by the continuous acts of aggression which are committed by the racist regime of South Africa against neighbouring African States, in particular the People's Republic of Angola and Zambia. There is no doubt that these ag- gressive actions are undertaken to slow down the in- evitable process of national liberation of the peoples of southern Africa and to preserve the last bastions of colo- nialism and racism in that region. There is no doubt that the perpetration of aggressive acts against neighbouring African States and the continuous viola- tion of their territorial integrity and sovereignty arc abetted by the absence of effective measures on the part of the Security Council against the racist regime of Pretoria, because of the well-known position of the Western Powers. It is perfectly obvious that such criminal acts cannot remain unpunished and that (he Security Council must without delay take effective measures in accordance with Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. 40. We cannot ignore the political manoeuvres and the various manipulations of the South African racists aimed at the perpetuation of the occupation of Namibia and the preservation of colonial domination over its ter- ritory. The regime in Pretoria is actively interfering in the liberation struggle of the people of Zimbabwe. Quite recently the Prime Minister of the Republic of South Africa openly threatened direct military intervention against the people of Zimbabwe if national democratic forces come to power in that country. 42. To achieve this aim, many measures have been un- dertaken, within the framework of both the Interna- tional Anti-Apartheid Year and. the International Mobilization against Apartheid proclaimed by the United Nations. That is quite clearly shown in the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid now before us. 43. At the same time it is evident that a resolute and difficult struggie is still needed to eradicate the criminal system of apartheid in South Africa. The main obstacle in that connexion is the continuing vio-operation of several Western States with the racist regime of South Africa. 44. In the course of this debate many specific ex- amples have been given which indicate that the political, economic, military and strategic interests of the im- perialist States members of NATO and those of the South African racist regime are closely interwoven. A particularly unseemly role in that regard is being played by the transnational corporations, which not only reap excessive profits by their merciless exploitation of the Coloured population of South Africa, but also rapa- ciously plunder the rich natural resources of that coun- try. According to the data which were recently published by the South African mines and mineral deposits ad- ministration, South Africa is one of the major suppliers of many important strategic materials to the Western States. They receive from South Africa 88 per cent of their vanadium, 86 per cent of their platinum, 73 per cent of their gold, 67 per cent of their manganese, 63 per cent' of their ferrous chromium, and many other impor- tant primary materials. 45. Despite the veil of secrecy which shrouds the military co-operation of the West with South Africa, new facts become known every day which shed light on the real role of the Western monopolies in the militari- zation of that country. This makes it possible to assert that in South Africa, with the assistance of transna- tional corporations, a mighty military-industrial com- plex is being built up which is directed against the libera- tion struggles of the peoples in southern Africa and in the neighbouring independent countries. In this context, it is sufficient to point out that the military budget of the South African Republic has increased from $US 1,790 million to $US 2,140 million in 1979. 46. The plans of the racists for the creation of their own nuclear capability are particularly alarming, It is clear to all what sort of threat the fulfilment of the nuclear ambitions of Pretoria would represent to the African continent and to peace .and security in the world. 47. For all these reasons, the delegation of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic reiterates once again that co-operation with the racist regime of South

The interest manifested by the world and the General Assembly of the United Nations towards this question is not new. The General Assembly, since its earliest years, has included this item in its agenda. This surely indicates that the whole world attaches the ut- most importance to this subject. The United Nations has understood the tragic nature of the apartheid racist policy in South Africa since 1952, that is to say, since over a quarter of a century. 49. Why then does this situation persist? 50. What we see in South Africa represents a total scorn of man and is a disgrace to mankind. It is most regrettable that the deprivation suffered by the people of South Africa is taking place at a time when mankind has made astounding progress in science and civiliza- tion. Apartheid is an injustice, the worst that mankind has ssffered, and a violation of the principles of justice and equity. 51. Apart from the fact that apartheid destroys human values in South Africa, that State has become a source of danger to peace and stability in southern Africa because of its repeated attacks on its neighbours. The most recent was the attack against Angola last week, which has been condemned by the Security Council in its resolution 454 (1979). South Africa has become a source of tension on the African continent and a definite threat to world peace and security. 52. The General Assembly has repeatedly pointed out that the situation in South Africa is a threat to world peace. Many international conferences have condemned apartheid, which has become a crime under interna- tional law. World public opinion is unanimous in its condemnation of South Africa and any co-operation with it. Decisions have been taken to impose an arms embargo and an oil embargo against that State. I men- tion these decisions by way of illustration only and not restrictively, since there are very many resolutions on the subject. But we must ask ourselves what has been the result. 53. South Africa continues to carry out its inhuman acts and persists in its odious policy. Today it has the strongest army on the continent, an army made up of mercenaries. It has become an arsenal of weapons for the repression of liberation movements. It produces to- day 75 per cent of the weapons it needs and we have learnt that it may possess nuclear weapons and may even have succeeded in its first nuclear explosion. What does this indicate? 55. In addition to this co-operation by certain States with the racist South African regime, there is another equally odious regime which co-operates and collabo- rates with it: the Zionist regime, which the General Assembly, at its thirtieth session, likened to apartheid. 56. In paragraph 3 of the special report of the Special Committee against Apartheid [A/34/22/Add.l] of 2 November 1979, we find the following: "During the past year, the Organization of African Unity, the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries and numerous other organizations condemned the col- laboration between the Government of Israel and the racist regime of South Africa ... ".3 [The speaker continued in Arabic (interpretation from Arabic).] In paragraph 12 of the same report, we find the following: " . .. Israel was one of the few countries most directly involved in the military aspects of South Africa's nuclear programme, and was participating directly in the construction of military nuclear facilities in South Africa. Israel was furthering its own nuclear ambitions through collaboration with South Africa."? 57, What is the solution? My delegation appeals to all those States whichassist the South African racist regime to cease this aid and to comply with the resolutions adopted by the United Nations on the subject. We call on the various bodies to take more effective action against that racist regime. 58. Finally, my delegation would, like to thank th,e Special Committee against Apartheid for the efforts it has made and also its Chairman, Mr. Clark of Nigeria, and his distinguished assistants.

This year I believe the debate on apartheid was begun not here in the Asse!TIbly but in South Africa itself, where a flamboyant Madison- Avenue-type campaign of cosmetic changes has been launched with the aim of soothing unsuspecting persons in South Africa and abroad into believing that a change of heart regarding apartheid has occurred in Pretoria, and that as a consequence the world-wide opposition to apartheid should be relaxed and brought to an end. 60. The form of the tactics going on in South Africa has already had and will continue to be given wide publicity, especially in the media of Western countries, far greater than anything we are likely to receive 61. Experts on South Africa often speak of the so- called Boer mentality. By this, they refer to traits and characteristics of the white racists in that country which most of us here in the United Nations know as intran- sigence or obstinacy. This Boer mentality is supposed to connote an excessively rigid attitude and approach coupled with a fossilized way of thought completely im- pervious to reason. This mentality is typically mani- fested in a tough, no-nonsense attitude and a penchant for calling a spade a spade and holding fast to fixed views and positions regardlessof what others may say or think. Bearing these descriptions in mind, when I assert that this debate on apartheid was begun in South Africa rather than here in the Assembly, it is because this year Pretoria seems to have decided that, in spite of the so- called Boer mentality, it too is capable of double-talk and hypocrisy. Pretoria seems determined to show that like so many other countries which come h-re year after year to utter empty denunciations of apartheid, it too - the apartheid State itself- can in the same hypocritical and deceptive manner with which weare all too familiar, come here too, although it is not allowed to come here now, and express disenchantment, even opposition, to aspects of the policies of apartheid. Thus, we have read in recent days that high govern- mental spokesmen in Pretoria have spoken out strongly against the notorious pass laws, and that officials of the South African administration have pressed for and are committing themselves to fight for the removal of petty and meaningless discrimination from the South African scene. These officials have asked: "Why insist on laws banning blacks from hotels and restaurants? Repeal those laws!" But those spokesmen do not go on to press for the equalization of wages regardless of race, nor for the exercise of unqualified franchise regardless of race, nor for equal protection of all under the law regardless of race, nor for the end of the bantustan policy and all the other vital props which undergird the apartheid systemand whichare aimed at ensuring the fact - rather than the form - that blacks will remain unable, dis- qualified by law and policy, to share equally in enjoy- ment of the rich country which is their own. Yes, the policy seems to be to open the first-class hotels and restaurants and recreational places to blacks, but deny them the possibilities by which- except in token numbers- they will ever be able to enjoy these things. 62. Segregation of this type, as any black adult who has travelled in this world will tell you, still exists in far too many countries. 63. But my purpose in calling attention to the mean- ingless quality of the cosmetic changes that are taking place regarding apartheid in South Africa is not to say that those changes should be stopped. Apartheid will not be and cannot be dismantled overnight. Therefore any steps, no matter how small, by which the racist State recognizes the rights and respects the dignity of the 64. If the cosmetic changes in South Africa were oc- curring in isolation, one might be tempted to view them as hopeful developments, but such an optimistic conclu- sion must be instantly dismissed because in reality the window-dressingchanges are part of a well-orchestrated plan which aims at perpetuating, the status quo of repression in the country by making it more palatable to the black majority, whileon the global level everyeffort is being exerted by the racists of Pretoria to surround South Africa by a ring of -egimes subservient to it and shielding it from the pressure- and from what for the racists is a contagion, freedom- from independent Africa. The more sinister side of the policy of cosmetic changes is to be seen in the simultaneous, stepped-up brutal bombings of Angola and other front-line States. The well-known designs of Pretoria are not absent from the constitutional talks on Zimbabwe in London where, let no one doubt, South Africa is using every ounce of its influence to weaken the position of the Patriotic Front. In Namibia, South Africa likewise is doing everything it can to weaken the South West Africa Peo- ple's Organization [SWAPO] so that when independ- ence finally comes to the Territory, Pretoria's ability to control events there through agents and puppets will be retained and remain unchallengeable. South Africa's new face-lift campaign for apartheid cannot be the least bit cheering for anyone, because it coincides with the frightful news that the racist regime may have become a nuclear power. The whole of Africa, a' :l all countries and people who cherish peace, arc awaiting with bated breath the Secretary-General's expected report on this matter. All people of good will are hoping against their fears that this report will show that South Africa does not possess nuclear capability. Should the Secretary- General's report reveal conclusively such an optimistic finding, the whole international community will be given an excellent opportunity - perhaps the final one- to call upon those countries which collaborate with South Africa in the nuclear field to end such col- laboration forthwith, because it is fraught with grave dangers for the whole world. 65. And so, as we debate the issue of apartheid in the Genera: Assemblyagain this year, let there be no confu- sion on the essential question: apartheid remains an evil and an abomination that poses a serious threat to inter- national peace. Until that vile system is dismantled, let all forms of pressure, including those provided for under Chapter VII of the Charter, be utilized by the in- ternational community so as to bring about a genuine change- not a change of face, but a change of heart- within that unhappy land. Those countries, such as Sweden, which have undertaken unilateral national ef- forts aimed at exerting pressure on South Africa to abandon apartheid and which continue to show more than rhetorical hostility and opposition to racism, have earned our thanks and their examplesdeserveemulation by all of us. 66. The whole tragedy of southern Africa has a sinis- ter link with the festering sore and cancerous malady known as apartheid. As we meet today, it has been an-

Once again we come to this forum to discuss the problem of the policy of apartheid of the Government of South Africa. Once again we seek to give impetus to United Nations action in the continuing struggle against apartheid in order to ultimately achieve stability, dignity and prosperity for all of southern Africa. 68. The efforts of our Organization, using all the means available to it, have not produced truly positive results. We have not attained a result which is in propor- tion to the efforts that have been made, or perhaps we have not made all the necessary efforts. 69. The overwhelming majority of States Members of the United Nations have constantly sponsored measures which include the imposition of sanctions of various kinds against the South African authorities. This was evident in the recent debates of the Security Council, which did not lead to the effective action necessary in such an extreme case. But we hear more complaints against South Africa because of a new act of aggression against the African continent designed to strengthen and make more lasting the expansionist policy of the apartheid regime. 70. When we were a member of the Security Council we supported and voted in favour of resolution 418 (1977) whereby an arms embargo was imposed for the first time against South Africa. It is discouraging to note that two years later we still have not seen any prac- tical results of that decision. South Africa comes before us as fully armed and as defiant as always. At that time we expressed the hope that that decision would be only an initial measure which would lead to the later adop- tion of other more vigorous and effective measures. 71. Once again we have heard in the debates of the Security Council the demand to condemn South Africa because of its constant unwarranted action, which in the most recent case was against Angola but which does not differ significantly in its consequences from that regime's constant, vigorous and flagrant violation of fundamental human rights, continued application of the practice of apartheid and repeated denials of and outrages to human dignity. 72. Since we have the instruments which have been given to us by the Charter, since we can adopt measures which have been offered to us by the Charter itself and since Chapter VII envisages enforcement measures the application of which has been requested time and time 73. An examination of the South African press of the last three years will suffice to confirm that there has been no progress in the status of human rights since 1977, that the barbarous repression by the State con- tinues, that there is greater sophistication in the means of torture, that the police are perfecting their weapons and that the gaols have an increasing number of in- mates. 74. Recently there have been reports regarding the ex- plosion of a nuclear device in the region. This latest turn of events indicates the gravity of the situation and an in- ordinate temerity, reinforced by nuclear capability. 75. The racist regime ignores the resolutions of the United Nations and mocks international public opinion. Countries with economic: interests in the area continue their lucrative commerce with South Africa and place their economic interests above the right of a people to freedom, dignity and the full enjoyment of human rights. 76. We cannot tolerate attempts to prevent the use of the instruments provided by the Charter in order to sponsor military intervention and perpetuate apartheid. We still wish to believe that this is a temporary blindness caused by temporary interests but which is causing the grave sacrifice of lofty values such as human dignity and freedom, peace and security. We also wish to believe that the supporters of apartheid will realize definitely and speedily that it is the duty of all of us to avert fur- ther suffering by the people of southern Africa and that we, the members of the international community, will respond appropriately. 77. Finally, in some manner, we must show real and practical solidarity with the brave people of South Africa in their struggle against apartheid, reject military intervention to reinforce apartheid, prevent the further suffering of those people and secure for them the benefits of stability and peace. 78. If the purpose of the Charter is the maintenance of peace and if our presence in this forum has the essential objective of preserving and strengthening peace, we hope to obtain these objectives by faithful compliance with the provisions of our Charter, and this undoubted- ly means not using the above-mentioned paralysing powers and exercises which are impeding the effective and indispensable action of the United Nations.

Over 30 years have elapsed since the proc- lamation of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, which affirms that there can be no justice, no freedom and no peace in the world unless the dignity and the equal and inalienable rights of man are rec- ognized. With all the giant strides made by human civilization in various fields of progress, we would have expected justice to prevail, and freedom and the dignity 80. In 1970 the General Assembly condemned apart- heid as a crime against humanity and human dignity; numerous resolutions have since been adopted which have called on all Member States to take effective measures to eradicate this odious racist policy pursued by the Pretoria regime against the inhabitants of South Africa. However, those resolutions have failed to achieve the hoped-for results because total isolation has not been imposed - the kind of isolation that would have precipitated the regime's downfall and enabled the black majority to obtain and enjoy i's freedom and its legitimate human rights. 81. We must recognize that most States have heeded their conscience and have severed all relations with the South African racist regime. It is regrettable that that measure has been rendered ineffective by certain Western States which have maintained their relations and co-operasion with South Africa. In this regard, my delegation would like to mention the special report of the Special Committee against Apartheid [A/34/ 22/Add.J], which deals with the various forms of col- laboration between South Africa and Israel in the economic, military and nuclear fields, as wellas in many other areas, and gives an indication of the extent of those relations. 82. The unquestioned fact is that without such co- operation by these States, Pretoria would certainly not have been in a position to consolidate its apartheid policies and would have been unable to continue its oc- cupation of Namibia; nor could it have extended its acts of aggression to the neighbouring African States. The repeated acts of aggression against Angola and Zambia are remembered by all. 83. As we reviewthe various areasof co-operation and the assistance which the apartheid regime is receiving from friendly States, we see that, in the economic field for example, these States are continuing to co-operate with South Africa through their transnational corpora- tions, banks and other institutions, thus strengthening its economic capacity. While the General Assembly has condemned by successive resolutions economic co- operation with South Africa, and while in its resolution 33/183 H it called upon the States concerned to discon- tinue their relations with the apartheid regime and to take measures to prevent transnational corporations and banks from collaborating with that regime, wewere shocked to see the report of the Corporate Data Ex- change, Inc., which was submitted to the Special Com- mittee against Apartheid and was distributed by that Committee in its Bulletin of May 1979. 4 That report in- dicates that the loans received by South Africa between 1972 and 1978 reached more than $5.5 billion, which was of course used to strengthen the apartheid regime, and that most of those loans were given by financial in- stitutions in certain Western States. We are wondering how that amount, offered to a tyrannical racist regime, 4 Corporate Data Exchange, lnc., "Bank Loans to South Africa, 1972-1978", Notes and Documents of the Centre against Apartheid, No. 5/79 (May 1979). 84. In the military field, despite Security Council resolution 418 (1977) which imposed an arms embargo agaj r " South Africa, reports have shown that South Afric., . ims that it actually produces 75 per cent of its armaments and that it can therefore very well withstand even a total arms embargo. But that is a deceptive manoeuvre, because South Africa is trying to conceal the truth, which is that South Africa is still largely dependent on foreign supplies in new and numerous strategic and other weapons; in particular, it needs oil and nuclear energy. Those supplies are, of course, pro- vided by the Western States concerned and by Israel. 85. We have always said-and this is reflected in General Assembly resolutions-that an arms embargo against South Africa cannot be complete and effective unless accompanied by a total oil embargo and by dis- continuation of nuclear co-operation. Indeed, an effec- tive oil embargo is the logical extension of the arms em- bargo and would certainly deal a very severe blow to the policy of apartheid. 86. As for co-operation in the nuclear sphere, we have always warned the Western Powers and Israel of the danger involved in the maintenance of such co- operation. We have totally rejected their claim that such co-operation is directed towards peaceful purposes. Nevertheless, we have never had any doubts that such co-operation would ultimately lead to the development of South Africa's potentia! in the military sphere. In this connexion, my delegation last year stated the following from this very rostrum: "On this point, we hear those Powers claim that the nuclear material they provide Pretoria is directed solely towards peaceful purposes and is in conform- ity with the required guarantees. "Those who use this argument know that ther- monuclear materials falling outside the guarantees would also be made available to South Africa at the same time. Nuclear materials obtained from abroad would thus be used as part of a programme of ar- maments as South Africa prepares for its own nuclear tests ... ". ~ 87. That is what we said last year. This year we have seen that our warnings had their foundation on fact. Re- cent reports indicate that there was a nuclear explosion by South Africa on 22 September last. While this was a shock to all of us, it was not unexpected because, in our view, it was the natural outcome of the nuclear co- operation to which we have already alluded and against which we have already issued warnings. 88. What is South Africa's objective in trying to ac- quire nuclear capability? The answer is very clear: South Africa wants to preserve and perpetuate its racist domination, and any threat to that domination will be met with an even stronger threat, that of the use of nuclear weapons. It means, in other words, that South Africa will use its nuclear capability as a means of threatening Africa and the whole world so as to force 89. The fight against apartheid cannot be restricted to the humanitarian sphere; it must be waged in the political sphere as well. The racist regime of Pretoria, in collaboration with the racists of Salisbury, is striving to dominate the whole region of southern Africa and to sti- fle the legitimate aspirations of the people's of Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa, thus perpetuating the ex- ploitation and pillaging of the natural and human resources of that vast region for the benefit of the white minority. The support given by certain Western States to these regimes in various fields confirms the apprehen- sions of the peoples of Africa, who fear that this strengthening of apartheid is part of a conspiracy aimed at perpetuating colonial domination through the racist regimes, with the aim of preserving for the latter the benefits of the region and enabling the white minority to continue to exercise its domination over southern Africa. 90. Consequently, the regime of Pretoria is pursuing its manoeuvres for the implementation of its plans of apartheid, which started years ago, with the granting of independence to its lackeys in the so-called bantustans. The third of these is Venda, the independence of which was announced by Pretoria on 13 September 1979, al- though the international community has refused to recognize the bantustans and the Security Council has condemned their establishment. We are all aware that this sinister plan is designed to redistribute the black in- digenous peoples of South Africa, who represent 80 per cent of its population, and to settle them in 10 ball- tustans that would occupy only 15 per cent of the ter- ritory of the country. That 15 per cent is in regions that are arid and very poor in natural resources; the whites, on the other hand, who represent 20 per cent of the population, would continue to control the remainder of the land, which contains the major part of the wealth, natural resources and industry of the area. The ban- tustans are isolated regions in which blacks are segregated from whites; they are reservoirs of very cheap black labour which is being odiously exploited by the white racists. The Africans who live in these ban- tustans also lose their citizenship, and the final aim is that there should be no blacks at all with South African citizenship. In this way, South Africa will become the exclusive property of the white man. 91. In order to be able to continue to implement this sinister plan, the Pretoria regime uses brutal oppression against the people of Azania, who are struggling against this conspiracy to defend their identity, freedom and human dignity. 92. There are hundreds of people in prison, including women and children below the age of 16, all of whom are subjected to inhuman treatment, including torture, not to mention those condemned to death, despite the indignation expressed by the international community. The blood of the martyrs Steve Biko and Solomon Mahlangu, and of their companions struggling for freedom, is on the hands of the apartheid hangmen. 94. If the international community has unanimously condemned the policy of apartheid and considered it to be a shame for humanity for generations to come, how can weallow the continuance of this state of affairs? We meet every year to reiterate condemnations and adopt resolutions, while the racist regimes pursue the im- plementation of their plan. Has not the time come for the Western States to heed the voice of conscience and the voice of reason? Has not the time come for them to abandon their selfish interests and try to save the people who are suffering in southern Africa and whose blood and sweat are shed to quench the thirst of the apartheid gang? Will those States, and particularly those who have the right of veto in the Security Council, continue to hinder the adoption by the Security Council of a resolution that would impose comprehensive sanctions against South Africa, in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter? 95. These sanctions have become an urgent necessity and must be applied before it is too late and before they are rendered ineffective, as has happened with the arms embargo and has also occurred when the Western States and Israel refused to halt their nuclear co-operation with the Pretoria regime. The catastrophe is not too far away, and unless we take effective and decisive measures, it will become an unavoidable reality. 96. In these conditions, and in the light of the recent dangerous developments, our duty is, more than ever, to intensify our support and our help to the peoples of southern Africa and the national liberation movements, and to see to it that all other bodies, specialized agencies and other international organizations redouble their ef- forts to provide more assistance to these liberation movements so that these peoples can finally feel that.the international community is supporting them and is try- ing to help them in their struggle to make it possible for them to enjoy the fulfilment of their legitimate aspira- tions to human rights, independence, dignity and freedom. 97. Egypt, despite the economic difficulties which it is experiencing, is prepared, as it has always been, to pro- vide all help and assistance to the peoples of this region, and it shall continue to give its support to their struggle for liberation with all the material and moral means at its disposal until final victory is achieved. 98. In conclusion, my delegation wishes to express its warm congratulations and its thanks to the Special Committee against Apartheid for the noble t'~1< which it has undertaken and discharged and for the efforts it is exerting, and we are certain that it will continue its mis- sion with the same dynamic devotion under the chair- manship of that illustrious son of Nigeria, or rather son of Africa, Mr. Clark.

On addressing the General Assembly on the same issue last year," I ex- 100. Although minor corrections and improvements have been effected, the basic concept of the inhuman systemof apartheid, on which the precarious supremacy of a minority is based, remains unchanged. . 101. We are all aware of the many facets of this system and its political, economic and human rights angles. We have deplored tl.ern and discussed them in this forum over many years. In fact, we should be aware of the danger that this annual debate is becoming more and more repetitious and is failing to move our common endeavour forward, although the international com- munity speaks with a unanimous voiceon practically all the basic issues connected with this debate. Suffice it therefore to repeat, once again, that Austria regards the apartheid system as a profound violation of the basic principles of human rights, a violation of all ideas of personal freedom and the rights to resoect and dignity. It does not provide the basis for a viable society. It has furthermore seriouslyjeopardized the endeavours of the international community to. bring about peaceful change in Namibia and Southern Rhodesia and con- tinuously destabilizes the political situation in southern Africa. Should all these initiatives really be doomed to final failure, the danger of a racial war in southern Africa seems more imminent than ever. 102. So far, all efforts at persuasion and the use of logical arguments have proved unsuccessful in bringing about peaceful change in South Africa. Today, South Africa rests assured on the fallacious assumption that no action will be taken against it. South Africa will, however, have to accept the fact that the stability of the regionas a whole, and the prospectsof the future genera- tions to be born into that continent, will finally prove to be more important considerations. It seems today that peaceful change in South Africa willcome only as a con- sequence of peaceful pressure on the South African Government. The mandatory arms embargo established under Security Council resolution 418 (1977) constituted a very important step in this direction. One will have to consider supplementing it by other meaningful measures as envisaged by the relevant provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, which are conducive to effecting changes in South African policy. For this reason, Austria has given its support to last year's General Assembly resolution 33/183 0 concerning the cessation of foreign investments in and financial loans to South Africa. 104. Let me, in conclusion, commend briefly the Spe- cial Committee against Apartheid under the distinguish- ed leadership of Ambassador Clark for its untiring ef- forts in the struggle against apartheid and the very creditable way in which the Committee deals with a heavy workload. It is largelydue to the SpecialCommit- tee's active role that international support for the strug- gle against apartheid, as well as sympathy and active solidarity with the opponents of the apartheid system, have intensified. It also servesas a proof that the United Nations continues to play the key role in our common efforts to bring about peaceful and rapid change by in- creasing the necessary pressure on the South African regime and by supporting the forces instrumental in such change. 105. The South African journalist Donald Woods, himself a victim of apartheid, wrote in an article published in Foreign Affairs: "What the West is really saying to Pretoria, what Africa is saying to Pretoria, and what most South Africans are saying to Pretoria is: 'Talk to your own people. Negotiate with the rea! leaders chosen by your country's blacks. Determine your own future by peaceful negotiation with your own black majority. If you begin to do this, and stop imprisoning them, banning them, detaining them and killingthem, there will be no more talk of sanctions, ostracism and pressure."'7 106. There is still time for the South African Govern- ment to embark on the way leading towards an in- tegrated, multiracial, open and modern society, which could win international respect.

Trinidad and Tobago considers it an insult to its membership in this Organization to be standing here at this podium once more to affirm its abhorrence of the apartheid policies and practices of the racist regime of South Africa. It is an insult which should be felt by all members of this Assembly, for each and everyone has from this podium condemned apartheid and resolved to eradicate it. And yet here we are today, three decades later, still considering measures to bring about the elimination of this inhuman and degrading system ('f racial discrimination and domination from its arch pro- ponent, SOlHh Africa. 108. There are those who have sought to impress upon us the need to maintain contacts of all sorts with the Pretoria regime as a means of bringing about a change in the situation of the vast majority of oppressed black people. These apologist supporters of South Africa have 7 Donald Woods, "South Africa's Face to the World", Foreign Af· fairs, Vol. 56, No.3, p, 527 (April 1978), 109. The continuing ruthlessness of the apartheid system in South Africa can perhaps best be seen when one examines the plight of children under apartheid in this International Year of the Child. The International seminar on Children under Apartheid, held at UNESCO headquarters in Paris from 18 to 20 June 1979, found [see A/34/512, annex] that black children in South Africa are deprived of equality of educational opportunity; live under conditions of extreme poverty and starvation resulting in high infant mortality rates; are forcibly separated from their families and thus denied a normal family life; have been subjected to long terms of detention and imprisonment, torture and in- discriminate shooting for their unarmed resistance to the policies of racial segregation and white minority domination. This is the reality of the situation today that cries out for relief, for the despair and frustration that grips the hearts and minds of black children and their parents in South Africa will not be dissipated until a more humane society, based on the inherent dignity and worth of the human being, is realized. 110. The reality of the situation today can equally be seen in the continued implementation by the racist regime of the homelands policy, the most recent manifestation being the granting of so-called in- dependence to Venda. The creation of this latest ban- tustan serves only to confirm the determination of the Pretoria regime to reinforce ethnic and tribal dif- ferences as a means of controlling its black majority population, and does nothing to alter the grossly unjust allocation of 87 per cent of the land to the white minor- ity. Moreover, as part of the ongoing policy of ban- . tustanization, more and more rural resettlement camps are being established in which so-called surplus labour, forcibly removed from the urban areas, is dumped and left to eke out a precarious existence. Given that these areas invariably consist of stony scrubland unsuited to any type of agriculture and lack any of the basic serv- ices, such as clean water or transportation, it is no wonder that malnutrition is rampant, particularly among children, resulting on occasion in death. III. This is the prospect that faces the black majority population as tue racist regime of South Africa carries out its reprehensible policy of denying to them political participation and representation in the country to which they belong and depriving them of enjoying any of the wealth of the country to which they have made, and continue to make, a significant contribution. My Government has repeatedly rejected and condemned the bantustanization being carried out by the racist apart- heid regime and fully supports the decision of this Assembly not to grant recognition to any of these en- tities, including the latest creation, Venda. 113. Only a few days ago, the South African armed forces launched an attack on the neighbouring State of Angola. MyGovernment condemns this latest in a series of premeditated armed invasions of Angola. It is a mat- ter of regret to my delegation that, despite the clear evidence of aggression by South Africa launched from the international territory of Namibia against the Peo- ple's Republic of Angola in violation of the sovereignty, air space and territorial integrity of that country, the Western countries in the Security Council were unable to join in the decision of the Council condemning this wanton act of aggression against the People's Republic of Angola. Their failure to support this decision will no doubt be seen by South Africa as further evidence of their diplomatic and political support, and thus will aid and abet the racist apartheid regimein the conduct of its terroristic activities against the peace-loving and freedom-loving peoples of southern Africa. 114. South Africa's military arrogance and its unre- sponsiveness to the legitimatedemands of its people for change derive in large measure from the role of foreign transnational corporations, which have developed and financed the military industrial complex in South Africa. South Africa boasts that, as a result of the development of its industrial infrastructure, it can pro- duce some 75 per cent of its military needs locally, albeit with some imported parts and materials. Notwithstand- ing the foregoing, the remaining 25 per cent, though small in itself, represents a significant qualitative factor as it consists of vital military machinery and equipment which South Africa's industry cannot produce. For this reason, efforts by the international community to rein- force and strengthen the international mandatory arms embargo against South Africa should also focus 0/1 this aspect of domestic armaments production in South 115. But the military and the industrial complex of South Africa cannot provide the sustenance for the apartheid regime without the direct assistance of the in- ternational banking community, nor can it function without the crucial energy factor. A study commis- sioned by the Special Committee against Apartheid documents, notwithstanding widespread resort to the shield of "client confidentiality", the extent of con- tinued economic collaboration with South Africa by financial and banking institutions of Western Europe and North America. In a seven-year period, 1972-1978, South Africa was able to obtain on the international capital markets loans and credits totalling some $5.5 billion, and this figure excludes loans made by banks in individual countries, trade financing and interbank lending. All of these capital aid flows are vital to the functioning of the apartheid system and must be halted. It is a matter of considerable regret to my delegation that major financial institutions in the Federal Republic of Germany,... the United States, the United Kingdom, France and Switzerland, in bankrolling apartheid, are buttressing the racist apartheid regime as it engages in the suppression of basic human rights in that country. Their economic involvement also demonstrates a total disregard for the life and well-being of the oppressed blacks in southern Africa. My delegation would there- fore urge the General Assembly to call once again upon all States, without exception, to halt all loans to South Africa by banks and financial institutions under their jurisdiction. To ensure that loans are not granted under clandestine conditions, it will also be necessary to adopt appropriate regulations that would require such institu- tions to report publicly any financial dealings with the racist apartheid regime. 116. Similarly, energy-and in particular the importa- tion of oil-is of strategic importance to the South African military-industrial machine, requiring as it does a daily consumption of 400,000 barrels of crude and 15,000 barrels of refined oil products. My delegation ac- cordingly welcomes the decision by the Islamic Republic of Iran to cut off oil supplies to the racist apartheid regime, and has also noted the action by the Govern- ment of Nigeria relating to tankers that have been in contact with South Africa. Both these actions have pro- duced a qualitatively new situation in South Africa leading the racist apartheid regime to' take further measures to restrict the publication ot mtorrnanon relating to the oil industry in South Africa. 117. In the light of these developments, as well as of the fact that there are now no members of the Organiza- tion of Petroleum Exporting Countries openly selling oil directly to South Africa, it would seem propitious for the international community to intensify its efforts towards imposing a total oil embargo against South Africa. Since South Africa continues to obtain supplies either directly from smaller oil producers or in the spot market, we would urge the General Assembly, in this connexion, also to call upon oil producers and exporters to include in their contracts clauses prohibiting tht sale of their oil to South Africa, either directly or indirectly. 118. Without direct foreign investment and trade, 119. In conclusion, my delegation reaffirms its un- wavering support for the peoples of South Africa and their national liberation movements in their struggle to free their country from racial oppression and to build a just and fair society providing equal opportunities for all. We shall continue in militant solidarity with the peo- ple of South Africa to provide moral and material assistance to them in their valiant battle against the forces of repression and oppression.

The fact that the General Assembly is once again compelled to consider the policy of apartheid of the South African Government after so many years of debate within our Organization, as well as in other forums, sufficiently emphasizes the stake which this represents for the dignity of man, as well as for international peace and security. 121. Today all peoples and countries throughout the world that cherish peace, justice and independence are following with profound concern the evolution of the present situation in southern Africa and are wondering about the outcome of a conflict which opposes t:1e valiant peoples of southern Africa, with the support of the international community, to the racist regimes and apartheid systems of Salisbury and Pretoria. 122. It is obvious to all that neither the peoples of South Africa, Zimbabwe or Namibia, which are hero- ically waging a just struggle to recover their in- dependence, freedom and dignity, nor other peace- loving and justice-loving peoples elsewhere, can accept the further perpetuation of that colonial and racist domination in southern Africa. All clearly realize the gravity of an explosive situation which runs the risk of becoming irreversible for peace and security in the region, insofar as the situation is allowed to deteriorate further. 123. Hence, the recent announcement of a nuclear ex- plosion in South Africa, if confirmed, would be of historic significance in the sense that it would be in- imical to international peace and security. In that case, the racist and apartheid regimes in Southern Africa will bear full responsibility before history. 124. For decades, the peoples of southern Africa, in particular the people of South Africa, have been strug- gling indomitably for the right to live in freedom and in- dependence like all peoples in the world and particularly those in Africa. Despite the difficulties inherent in the struggle for national liberation, their just combat has 125. However, we should emphasize here the arro- gance with which these racist and apartheid regimes continue to ignore any relevant United Nations resolu- tions; that is to say, to defy international public opin- ion. That fact in itself shows the determination of Pretoria and Salisbury to continue at all costs their criminal policy of colonial domination and exploitation in southern Africa. Confronted with this stand, the United Nations has the duty to take the measures nec- essary to bring these regimes to respect the will of the international community and to abandon their policy of apartheid and of colonial domination. It is time to apply against them the sanctions provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter. Likewise, the international community has the duty to strengthen and develop its support for the political, diplomatic, military and economic battle being waged by the peoples of southern Africa. 126. The people and Government of Democratic Kam- puchea have always supported the just struggle of the peoples of southern Africa and have followed with ad- miration and sympathy the victorious progress of that struggle. They have always denounced and condemned the crimes of apartheid as crimes against mankind. 127. In the present stage of the struggle of the peoples of southern Africa, we reaffirm our unwavering solidar- ity and support and express our profound conviction that, under the leadership of the Patriotic Front in Zimbabwe, SWAPO and its liberation movement in South Africa, the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa will certainly accede to their sacred na- tional rights to independence and freedom. 128. At the same time, we reaffirm our complete solidarity with the front-line States and condemn the 129. Finally, Democratic Kampuchea fully supports the conclusions and recommendations in the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid [see A/34/22, paras. 212-331] and congratulates it and its Chairman for the efforts made and the important results achieved, particularly in the campaign of international mobiliza- tion against apartheid.

It is unfo.tunate that we must once again address ourselves to a problem that has for so long engaged our energies. The system of apartheid in South Africa stands out as one of the few racial injustices of this era that has not yet been done away with. The international community's efforts over the past year to eradicate apartheid have made some small inroads, but we are still short of our total goal. We do not lack resolve, however, and I am sure that we shall all continue our striving. 131. On behalf of my delegation, I should like to pay a tribute to the Special Committee against Apartheid which, under the capable chairmanship of Ambassador Clark of Nigeria, has issued a report which brings vivid- ly to light the problems we face in our efforts and the ac- tivities we must yet undertake to eradicate apartheid. I should like also to pay a tribute to the Ad Hoc Commit- tee on the Drafting of an International Convention against Apartheid in Sports which, under the capable chairmanship of Ambassador Sebastian Chale of the United Republic of Tanzania, has been making substan- tial progress in preparing a draft convention [A/34/36]. Finally, let me take this opportunity to give recognition to the Centre against Apartheid which, under the direc- torship of Mr. Enuga Reddy, has provided its services to our efforts at combating apartheid. 132. My delegation is pleased to see that the Special Committee against Apartheid, in response to t~e deci- sion of the General Assembly, has launched an interna- tional mobilization of efforts to eradicate apartheid. My delegation is particularly pleased to note the Commit- tee's greater efforts to mobilize the mass media on behalf of the struggle. This is an appropriate aim, since we must seek to change the hearts of men so that we can make public opinion receptive to the idea of waging the struggle. That struggle must, however, have the support of ali States and my delegation appeals for all ap- propriate support to be readily forthcoming from the in- ternational community. In particular, we appeal to all States which collaborate with South Africa in the political, economic, military and other fields to abide by the prevailing sentiment of the conscience of mankind and to comply strictly with all relevant United Nations resolutions aimed at eliminating apartheid. Further- more, it is important that the internal forces combine their efforts in the struggle against apartheid so that they can benefit each other and hasten the inevitable day of freedom. 133. My delegation, as a member of the Special Com- mittee against Apartheid, pledges to continue its efforts to support the people of South Africa in their legitimate struggle against apartheid, and will lend its support to the international mobilization efforts of the Committee. As a result, my Government supports the general policy 134. The Government of Indonesia has actively pur- sued a policy of isolation by shunning all relations with South Africa and by refusing to participate in sports events and beauty pageants where South Africa is represented. The Indonesian Government also refuses to issue visas to anyone holding a South African passport. The latest case involved the refusal to grant visas to two holders of South African passports who had wished to attend the meeting of the Council of the International Badminton Federation at Djakarta a few months ago. 135. My Government also supports all internationally declared sanctions and appeals to all other States strictly to comply with them. In this regard we also appeal to the Security Council to consider the situation in South Africa without further delay, with a view to imposing mandatory sanctions against the apartheid regime under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. 136. In the struggle against apartheid it is important that the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa be supported fully so that it can continue its valuable work. We appeal to the international community to enlarge its contributions to this Fund, as well as to the United Nations Educational and Training Programme for South- ern Africa, so that both can continue their work. Let me take this opportunity to reaffirm my delegation's con- tinued support for these programmes and commend them on their past and future meritorious service to the people of South Africa. 137. The struggle against apartheid is only one of the challenges the international community faces in south- ern Africa. The illegal presence of Pretoria in Namibia and the illegal Government in Zimbabwe must be re- moved so that the people of those Territories can enjoy freedom and independence.. If we do not undertake a concerted effort to eradicate these problems, we leave the area fertile for an expanded conflict which will in turn escalate and spread to the international arena. Therefore, in strengthening international mobilization against apartheid, we must also incorporate the pursuit of the legitimate goals of the people of Namibia and Zimbabwe into our efforts. 138. In conclusion, let me take this opportunity to ex- press my delegation's appreciation for the struggle and sacrifice of the front-line States on behalf of the op- pressed peoples of southern Africa. Despite suffering economic losses and being subjected to acts of aggres- sion by South Africa, these States continue to sacrifice themselves in order that the people of southern Africa may realize true independence and freedom. The inter- national community's efforts on behalf of the people of southern Africa must also therefore take into considera- tion the needs of those front-line States.

This world Organization, ever since its very establishment, has been continually obliged to confront South Africa's racist policies of apartheid. 140. If I may be permitted to strike a personal note, I vividly recall that in 1956, the year that Japan was ad- mitted to the United Nations, I, as a young member of 141. South Africa's policies of apartheid trample on the most basic of principles contained in the United Nations Charter: the respect for the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all, without racial discrimi- nation. The policies of apartheid are nothing more than blatant, institutionalized racial discrimination. The people and Government of Japan have consistently condemned such practices and insist that they be abol- ished once and for all. 142. My delegation is fully aware of the feeling prevailing in some quarters that the steady stream of resolutions adopted by the General Assembly has failed to result in any meaningful changes in the lives of the overwhelming majority of the South African people. We believe, however, that our deliberations have been effective in awakening world opinion and, although it must seem distressingly slow from the viewpoint of the people directly involved, progress is undeniably being made. We are confident that if conscious efforts by the world community are maintained and intensified, the pressure exerted by world opinion will inevitably lead to the abolition of apartheid in South Africa. My delega- tion therefore consistently ur ges that violence be shunned as a means for achieving .iur goals. It is essen- tial that we continue to exert maximum pressure on the Government of South Africa through our unified sup- port of peaceful and progressive movements in South Africa. 143. The ultimate goal of the common efforts of the international community must be to induce the South African Government to abandon the practice of apart- heid. For its part, my Government is faithfully fulfilling its obligations to this end. Japan maintains no dip- lomatic relations with South Africa, nor does it recog- nize the so-called independence of Transkei, Bophuthatswana and Venda. Japan in principle does not issue visas to, .. .h Africans for cultural and educa- tional exchanges or sporting activities. 144. Regarding military collaboration with South Africr Japan has long adhered to the three principles of the arms embargo and has accordingly prohibited the supplying of arms and related equipment to South Africa by any Japanese nationals or organizations. Although there are no licensing arrangements between Japan and South Africa for the manufacture of arms, the Government of Japan has, since April 1978, taken all necessary measures to ensure the complete im- plementation of Security Council resolution 418 (1977) and to secure legal control of technical assistance relating to the manufacture of arms. Consequently there has been absolutely no military co-operation between Japan and South Africa, nor will such co-operation be approved by the Government of Japan in the future. 146. It is on the basis of these facts that, in my letter to the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apart- heid, dated 11 August 1979,8 my Government protested reference to Japan in the report of the United Nations Seminar on Nuclear Collaboration with South Africa contained in Security Council document Sf13157.9 This letter will be circulated as a United Nations document in due course. 147. Finally, the Government of Japan has strictly upheld its policy of not permitting direct investment, such as the establishment of local corporations, in South Africa by Japanese nationals or corporate bodies under its jurisdiction. This policy is maintained in spite of Japan's general policy of maximum liberalization of direct investment abroad. 148. In April of this year, the Centre against Apart- heid received from Corporate Data Exchange, Inc. a report entitled "Bank Loans to South Africa, 1972··1978" which included some references to Japanese involvement with regard to loans to South Africa. My delegation's detailed comments on the misleading infor- mation contained in that report will be presented to the General Assembly very soon. 149. The Japanese people have consistently supported movements in South Africa for the abolition of apart- heid. My Government has provided whatever humani- tarian assistance it could to the oppressed people of South Africa through annual contributions to the rele- vant funds of the United Nations. Japan considers it an honour and a privilege to be able to serve as a member of the Advisory Committee to the United Nations Educational and Training Programme for Southern Africa. We shall do our best to accomplish our tasks on behalf of the oppressed people in southern Africa. 150. The Government of Japan remains firmly against the seemingly ubiquitous practice of racial discrimina- tion, and is particularly opposed to the institutionalized racism practised in South Africa. Thus, if the Govern- ment of South Africa continues to defy the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, particularly those of the Security Council which seek the peaceful settlement of the complex problems of southern Africa, the Government of Japan will be forced to reconsider its policy towards the Government of South Africa in the future. 151. Japan has been faithfully and determinedly ful- filling its obligations as a State Member of this Organization and has voluntarily undertaken measures

Towards the end of Alan Paton's novel, Cry, the Beloved Country, the venerable Zulu patriarch Msimangu, "who had nc hate for any man", looks across the Natal hills and says heavily: "I have one great fear in my heart, that one day when they [the whites] turn to loving they will find we are turned to hating." 10 153. The day when the black and other Coloured peoples of South Africa would have given up the dream of racial equality and reconciliation must be very near, if it has not already passed us. 154. Year after year, we have gathered here to con- sider the apartheid policy of the Government of South Africa. We have tried to persuade the Government of South Africa by reason and logic, by moral exhortation and moral censure, to change its ways. It would appear, however, that the leaders of the Government of South Africa are impervious to reason, to logic and to moral censure. I am therefore inclined to share the view of the Permanent Representative of Sweden, Ambassador Anders Thunborg, when he said: "The South African leaders are not likely, as ex- perience teaches us, to be persuaded by logical argu- ments and pleading words. They are founding their sense of security on the existence of a strong police and military apparatus and on the knowledge that South Africa is a major partner in the economic system of the Western world. But these intrinsic links to the outside world are the very tools by which we can bring external pressure to bear on South Africa. They are the tools we must use." [54th meeting, para. 66.] 155. What are the areas in which the international community, especially the Western world, can exert strong and compelling pressures against the Govern- ment of South Africa? 156. I wish to refer briefly to two areas in which such pressures should be exerted. As we all know, the United Nations Security Council has imposed, in accordance with Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, a man- datory arms embargo against South Africa. Security Council resolution 418 (1977), which imposed the arms embargo, is an important landmark in our moral cru- sade against apartheid. It is an important landmark because it represented the first occasion on which all the members of the Security Council accepted the principle that sanctions under Chapter VII should be applied against South Africa. It is important for us to imple- ment scrupulously Security Council resolution 418 (1977). It would be desirable to add another increment 10 Alan Paton, Cry, the Beloved Country (New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1948), p. 276. 157. I have listened attentively to the statement made yesterday [54th meeting] by the permanent represen- tative of Nigeria, Ambassador Akporode Clark, the very able Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid. There is one point in Ambassador Clark's statement to which I wish to make reference. This con- cerns reports suggesting that the Government of South Africa recently exploded a nuclear device in the South Atlantic. 158. The Secretary-General has been requested to report on this matter and we all await his report with an- ticipation. But even before all the facts are known there is one lesson which the international community should learn from the incident. This is that, as long as South Africa is not a party to the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and as long as the fullscope safeguards are not applied to its nuclear pro- gramme, there Is no effective way in which we can pre- vent South Africa from developing nuclear weapons. The Western countries which supply South Africa with nuclear technology and equipment should, in the light of the recent incident, reconsider seriously whether they should continue their nuclear co-operation with South Africa. At the least, those Western countries should in- sist that South Africa should adhere to the Non- Proliferation Treaty or accept the full application of safeguards to its nuclear programme. 159. I have referred to our struggle against apartheid as a moral crusade. It is a moral crusade because apart- heid violates one of the fundamental moral beliefs of our Organization - that no man or woman should be discriminated against because of his or her race or col- our. Apartheid is the clearest, ugliest and most systematic form of racial discrimination practised any- where in the world today. It is not, however, the only instance of racial discrimination, which re- grettably exists in many parts of the world. Because our opposition to apartheid is based upon our opposition to racial discrimination, we must condemn this eviT wherever it occurs, including in our own countries. If we did not do this, if we were to condone racial discrimination in our midst, then we would do a great injury to our moral cru- sade against the evil policy of apartheid.

The fact that the United Nations began consideration of racism in South Africa in 1946 at the request of the Government of India II indicates India's pioneering role in the world movement against apartheid. In October 1946 the United Nations General Assembly was convened for the first time, and there India introduced the issue of the unjust treatment of Indians in South Africa. During that session the General Assembly, at India's insistence, passed a resolution declaring that " . . . it is in the higher interests of humanity to put an immediate end to ... racial persecution and discrimination ... " [resolution /03(/)]. 161. South Africa, however, paid no heed to that United Nations resolution, in pursuance of a practice which it has consistently followed with regard to the world Organization. In 1952 India, together with 12 other States Members of the United Nations, raised the general question of "race conflict in South Africa resulting from the policies of apartheid of the Govern- ment of the Union of South Africa". 12 The numerous requests, recommendations, admonitions and condem- nations by the United Nations failed to deter the South African Government from its set course of racism, and thus in 1962 a draft resolution was submitted by a large number of Member States, including India, 13deploring the failure of the South African Government to comply with United Nations resolutions. The General Assembly adopted resolution 1761 (XVII) urging Member States to take certain diplomatic and economic steps against the Government of South Africa in order to induce it to abandon its racial policies. 162. Indeed, India's abhorrence of apartheid was given expression as early as 75 years ago. The father of our nation, Mahatma Gandhi, played a courageous and pioneering role in that struggle at the turn of the century when he organized and led non-violent resistance in South Africa against the regime's unjust and dis- criminatory laws. Independent India carried the struggle forward by breaking off relations with South Africa in protest against its racist policies. India's first Prime Minister, the late Jawaharlal Nehru, who was honoured last year during International Anti-Apartheid Year, for his outstanding contribution to the international cam- paign against apartheid, made the following remarks about this scourge on humanity: "There are many conflicts which divide the world, and this question of racial conflict in South Africa is as grave as any other issue. There are racial conflicts elsewhere in the world ... but ... in South Africa it is the deliberate, acknowledged and loudly pro- claimed policy of the Government itself to maintain this segregation and racial discrimination. This makes the South African case unique in the world. It is a policy with which obviously no person and no country which believes in the United Nations Charter can ever compromise because it uproots almost every- thing the modern world stands for and considers worth while, whether it is the United Nations Charter or whether it is our ideas of democracy or of human dignity. It is not a question of policy only. I say it is the greatest international immorality for a nation to carryon in that way." 163. Since the time when Mahatma Gandhi raised the banner of revolt against the oppressive and racist regime of South Africa, despite the various steps taken and measures adopted by the international community, the 164. Mahatma Gandhi once said: "What is happening in South Africa involves a loss of dignity of not only those who are the victims of apartheid but also those who are perpetrating it and directly or indirectly encouraging it." 165. Over the years a large majority of the interna- tional community has come to consider the evil practice of apartheid one of the ugliest forms of racism and racial discrimination, verging on a crime against humanity. However, if the illegal South African regime has had the temerity to flout various resolutions of the world Organization in this regard, it has done so because there has been no cessation of economic, diplo- matic and even nuclear collaboration with South Africa on the part of certain affluent industrial countries. The time has come, therefore, for these countries to join the mainstream of the international endeavour to eliminate that blot on our civilization, so that the support which they lend to the cause of human rights, equality and justice in other parts of the world does not have a hollow ring.

Ever since its creation in 1962, the Special Committee against Apartheid has been engaged in a constant review of all aspects of South Africa's apart- heid policy and its international repercussions, studying ways and means of promoting concerted international action to ensure the elimination of apartheid. Such is the spirit of General Assembly resolution 2671 A (XXV), adopted in December 1970. Spain has constant- ly co-operated with the United Nations along these lines in an effort to thwart all discrimination, irrespective of race, colour, ethnic group or any other consideration. 167. Spain has participated fully in the work of the Assembly and on various occasions my Government has voiced its concern, both with the policy of apartheid and with the dangerous repercussions of repression and in- justice which the system entails. Thus, in his address to the plenary Assembly this September, the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs reiterated that: "We are concerned at the situation in South Africa and the persistence of a policy of apartheid and of territorial segregation, which gravely injures human rights and is a challenge to the international com- munity, while it is equally a source of grave tensions which affect peace and security in the area, thwarting reconciliation and a peaceful change which will make possible an orderly coexistence among all the South African communities." [5th meeting, para. 143.] 168. As can be seen from these words, the policy of apartheid is at the root of a whole series of problems that go beyond the boundaries of a single State and, in their multiple ramifications, pose a constant threat to the peoples of other countries of the area. As the "Our aim should be the stable and prosperous future of southern Africa as a whole. This will not be achieved, however, as long as the problem of apart- heid persists." [SeeA/34/l, sect. III.] 169. Indeed, we must not only defend the principles of equality and justice for the oppressed people of South Africa-a goal which itself would be sufficient justifica- tion for international mobilization against apart- heid-we must also attempt to stifle a spark that might ignite convulsions of repression and war throughout the southern African continent. In recent days, the Security Council took up the complaint of Angola over South Africa's acts of aggression. On other occasions that same Council has been called upon to deal with the ar- tificial creation of bantustans by South Africa-a system that has been totally repudiated by the interna- tional community. This and other problems, such as that of South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia, which is also on the agenda of the Assembly at this ses- sion, as well as the repeated border violations andthe innumerable acts of aggression against countries neighbours of the racist regimes, are but repercussions of the apartheid system. 170. For all those reasons, my delegation is of the view that only strict compliance with the measures adopted by the Security Council and with whatever measures it may adopt in response to the universal awareness of the dangers entailed by such a system, and of the obstacles created by apartheid to international coexistence, is likely to convince the practitioners of apartheid of the erratic and dangerous nature of their attitude. The only basis for a just and well-balanced society can be the recognition of human equality. Spain has espoused these principles historically by mixing with all the races of this continent and of the Philippines, engendering a great community with a similar language and culture. 171. The international Anti-Apartheid Year, which concluded in March of this year, has been succeeded with equal impetus by the launching of the international mobilization against apartheid, designed to ensure the speedy elimination of the apartheid system and the liberation of the oppressed peoples of southern Africa. 172. My delegation congratulates the Special Commit- tee on its work and intends to continue endorsing its recommendations - in particular, those relating to assist- ance for peoples oppressed by repressive and dis- criminatory laws, and for countries victims of South African acts of aggression; we shall also continue to support all measures aimed at doing away with repres- sion and at securing the release of political prisoners in South Africa. In this connexion, our delegation wel- comes the progress noted in the report of the Special Committee [A/34/22, paras. 294-298] concerning the intensification of publicity on apartheid through the United Nations Department of Public Information to achieve greater public awareness of this problem. 173. As a great number of delegations have pointed out, the main cause of crisis in southern Africa is racial domination. If the essential goal of our Organization is that of maintaining peace throughout the world, it is

No one today denies the fact that apartheid has become one of our century's greatest challenges to the interna- tional community. It is also a glaring insult to all the human values in which that community believes and it demands from it a radical and relentless confrontation. Apartheid is not just a political phenomenon but an ideology which has its roots in the colonial establish- ment which the world has witnessed for three centuries. It is closely linked to the myth of racial superiority im- posed by Western colonialism in numerous parts of the world subject to its domination. The fact that the peoples of southern Africa remain under the domina- tion of racist regimes and the growing strength of those regimes, particularly of the South African racist system of apartheid, are two matters that we must confront more forcefully in order that these peoples may be able to achieve their independence and rid themselves of the racist regimes forcefully imposed on them. In that way it will be possible to avoid the dangers that threaten not only the peoples of that region but the peoples of the en- tire world as a result of the growing strength of the racist regimes in many spheres. 175. I should like to express my gratitude to the Special Committee against Apartheid for its construc- tive efforts, under the chairmanship of Mr. Clark, to apply the reolutions adopted by the United Nations and so face up to the challenge of the racist regime in South Africa. The reports of the Special Committee against Apartheid [A/34/22 and Add. I] reflect clearly the continued efforts of our Organization to confront this challenge. I must also point out that the dangers to international peace and security resulting from the policy of apartheid of the regime in South Africa are only a part of similar dangers in other parts of the world, particularly those facing us in the Arab world as a result of the racist policies of the Zionist entity. Report A/34122, which I have just cited, refers to this fact in many of its paragraphs, and report A/341221Add.I concentrates on the growing relation- ship between Israel and South Africa. 176. We note with great regret that, as has been said by previous speakers, the efforts of the United Nations to confront racial discrimination and apartheid are countered by the opposing efforts of some Western countries and Israel to entrench that policy. Financial loans, programmes of increasing investment by multina- tional corporations and the transfer of technical exper- tise in the nuclear and military industries received in the South African racist regime from those countries con- travene all the fundamental obligations imposed by the Charter on Member States. The details given in the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid, as well as those we find in the bulletins of the Centre against Apartheid, confirm the growth of South Africa's military and economic power. For instance, we find that the regime is able to manufacture 75 per cent of its requirements in military equipment thanks to the assistance of multinational corporations. Its annual ex- penditure on armaments has risen to nearly $2 billion. I must also refer with appreciation to the efforts of the Centre against Apartheid, which continues to publish documents, data and information which reveal the ac- 177. My delegation fully supports the recommenda- tions and conclusions referred to in the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid. We refer, for ex- ample, to the call to intensify the mobilization of all in- ternational efforts to uproot and eliminate the crime of racist apartheid and to enable the people of South Africa to achieve their independence in accordance with the provisions of General Assembly resolution 33/183 B, as well as to the appeal to lauch an international campaign for the application of sanctions against South Africa in accordance with General Assembly and Security Council resolutions. We consider that there is a logical sequence in these recommendations, based on their importance and efficacy, since they deal with ques- tions to which my delegation attaches special impor- tance. I refer, for instance, to the recommendations on nuclear co-operation with South Africa [see A/34/22, para. 246], on military co-operation with South Africa and the imposition of an arms embargo tibid., para. 254], on an oil embargo [ibid., para. 265] and on the termination of all investments in and loans to South Africa and any increase in the volume of trade with that country iibtd., para. 270]. My delegation warmly welcomes the proposal adopted at the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of OAU, held at Monrovia in July this year, on the subject of the sanc- tions imposed against the racist and apartheid regime in South Africa [see A/34/552, annex I, eM/Res. 734 (XXXIII)], since it is an appeal to continue the efforts under way against apartheid beyond the end of the In- ternational Year against Apartheid on 21 March last. We feel sure that the escalation of the international cam- paign and the joint effort to put an end to the policy of apartheid by all available means, including the use of force, added to the struggle of the people of Azania, constitute the only road enabling the peoples of the region to achieve their freedom and independence. 178. My delegation would like to express its satisfac- tion with the discussions that have taken place in the seminars and symposia which the Special Committee against Apartheid has organized or taken part in and in particular their concentruuon on the danger of the growing military and nuclear strength of the South African regime. 179. Press reports last month on the subject of the first nuclear explosion carried out by South Africa have had a very bad effect throughout the world and have confirmed the reality of the dangers which threaten the African countries and the world as a whole, should the racist regimes possess the nuclear weapon; that would constitute a direct threat to international peace and security. We hope that the Secretary-General will be able to present, with all possible speed, the report re- quested of him by the General Assembly on this subject. 180. In the past years, Iraq has condemned the policy of bantustanization. We repeat once again our condem- nation and denunciation of the continuation of this policy, in pursuance of which the so-called in- dependence of the territory Venda has just been pro- claimed. It is indeed fitting that in September last (he 182. The Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Havana in September last, gave this matter particular impor- tance and called for all possible support and aid of all kinds for the front-line States [see A/34/542, annex, sect. II, paras. 92-95]. We should like to reaffirm that Iraq attaches particular importance to its relations with the African countries and is trying to expand and con- solidate them. We also wish to reaffirm our complete solidarity with the front-line African States in their struggle against the racist regimes and against apart- heid. 183. This is not the first time we have before us a special report on the relations between the two racist regimes, the one in occupied Palestine and the other in South Africa. In document A/34/221Add.l, further proof is given of the development of this relationship and its continuance in the various military, political, economic and cultural fields. The danger of nuclear ar- mament by the racist regimes in occupied Palestine and in South Africa is becoming clear and is increasing day by day, with growing proof of the developing relations between those two regimes in the field of nuclear arma- ment, which is designed to serve the ambitions and the expansionist plans of the two parties. We give warning that the world will see very dangerous and unfortunate developments indeed if our Organization stands with its arms folded in the face of this intensified nuclear and military co-operation between those two regimes and their growing potential in this field. My delegation has called the attention of the Organization to these dangers in past years, in particular by our proposal last year to include an item on "Military and nuclear collaboration with Israel" in the agenda, IS and our proposal this year to include the item entitled "Israeli nuclear armament" [see A/34/142, annex] which is before the First Com- mittee this year. We call for an international campaign against the nuclear armament of the racist regimes in South Africa and in occupied Palestine, and for the adoption of decisive measures to put an end to such ar- mament, otherwise the world will undoubtedly face the danger of a new destructive war.

The United Nations has made a great contribu- tion to the efforts to combat the policy of apartheid and reveal its evil methods. The General Assembly, at its seventeenth session, took a constructive and important step when it set up the Special Committee against Apart- heid. The deliberations of the United Nations have ef- fectively contributed to enlightening world public opin- ion concerning the hateful racist policies of South Africa and achieving the recognition paid to the people of South Africa for their heroic and just struggle and their rejection of the inhuman and immoral practices enforced against them by the racist regime in South Africa. 186. The General Assembly took another constructive step at its twenty-eighth session when it adopted resolu- tion 3068 (XXVIII) by which the International Conven- tion on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid was adopted. Another constructive in- itiative was taken at the twenty-ninth session when the General Assembly invited the liberation movements of South Africa which are recognized by OAU-that is, the African National Congress and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania-to participate as observers in the deliberations of the Special Committee on Apartheid. At the same session, it rejected the credentials of South Africa. The discussion of this item directly in the plenary meetings of the Assembly since the thirty-first session constitutes a positive c"n~ribution in support of the struggle against aparthei 187. Among the other important initiatives taken by the United Nations was Security Council resolution 418 (1977) imposing an arms embargo on South Africa. That resolution reflected the wishes of the international community, which have been made clear in its delibera- tions throughout the years. We believe that the strict ap- plication of that resolution would put an end to the military arrogance of the racist regime in South Africa, and that the Security Council should make further con- structive efforts by applying the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter. 188. These efforts by the United Nations and those of other international organizations to combat the crime of apartheid have undoubtedly encouraged and con- solidated the liberation struggle carried on by the people of South Africa against racism, fascism and imperial- ism. The intensification of this heroic political and military struggle of the people of South Africa, together with the increasing international isolation of the apart- heid system, has led that odious racist regime to perpetrate its barbaric oppressive acts against the na- tionalistic militants in South Africa, and to continue and increase its evil attacks against the front-line States in southern Africa, destroying their economies and their 190. History will not forget those who stand aloof from what is happening in South Africa, to say nothing of those who support South Africa in its violation of the most basic human rights in that area. The international community cannot accept the continued oppression, ex- ploitation and suppression of the indigenous peoples of South Africa who constitute 75 per cent of the popula- tion and who live constantly in bantustans, in an area which comprises only 13 per cent of their total ter- ritories, while the white minority lives on 87 per cent of the land and derives97 per cent of the income. This isan unnatural situation and forces-the local inhabitants to emigrate in order to find work in the factories and mines and on the farmlands owned by the whites. The African is treated as cheap labour and is subjected to the worst type of exploitation. He isdeprived of the enjoyment of the resources of his land and lives as a stranger in his own country, while the intruding white lives at the ex- penseof the African's blood and sweat and grows richer as a result. This inhuman situation has been created by the Pretoria racist regime, through legislation which that regime has imposed to discriminate between peoples on the basis of colour, origin and race. 191. This strange situation continues despite United Nations resolutions, but this would not have happened if some Governments and transnational corporations had not maintained their co-operation with and support for the Pretoria regime. Two weeks ago, the world was appalled to learn that on 22 September last the Pretoria regime hi d carried out its first nuclear explosion. The world expressed great anxiety over the delay in the an- nouncement of that grave happening which was picked up by the American detection system only a few hours after it happened. Weconfirm what the President of the United Nations General Assembly said on 26 October [47th meeting), that if South Africa developed and tested its nuclear arms, a serious threat to international 192. Co-operation by some Western countries with the racist regime in the field of nuclear power, and also co- operation by the ally of that regime, the racist Zionist entity in occupied Palestine, have enabled South Africa to possess nuclear weapons. In 1976 the Zionist entity and the Pretoria regime signed a scientific co-operation agreement, which, as the world knows, has been a cover for co-operation in the development of nuclear weap- ons. Both racist regimes possess nuclear reactors, none of them under international supervision. The explosion which I have mentioned-if it has actually taken place-might be a joint experiment between Israel and South Africa, particularly if we take account of the fact that Israel has no area in which to carry out such an ex- periment alone. 193. It is not enough for the Western countries, which have co-operated in the past with the two racist regimes in the field of nuclear power, to show anxiety at the fact that South Africa and Israel own nuclear weapons, They should take practical steps and exert pressure against the two regimes, by ceasing all assistance to and commercial co-operation with them, They should pre- vent their transnational companies from participating with the racist regimes in the usurpation of the wealth of the peoples of the area. 194. The Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Gov- ernment of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Havana, called on the Security Council to impose comprehensive sanctions on South Africa under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter [see A/34/542, annex, sect. II, para. 87]. The reports drawing attention to the fact that South Africa had exploded a nuclear bomb are evidence of the gravity of the situation. The Conference also called on the present session of the General Assembly to adopt a declaration on solidarity with the liberation struggles of the peoples of southern Africa [ibid., para. 90J and proposed that such declaration should be bind- ing on all countries and should lead them to cease forth- with any direct or indirect military intervention in defence of the apartheid system in South Africa. 195. At its thirty-third ordinary session, held in July last at Monrovia, the Council of Ministers of OAU asked the Secretary-General of OAU and the Special Committee against Apartheid to convenean international conference in 1980, under the joint aegis of OAU and the United Nations, to mobilize world public opinion in support of the effective application of the various sanc- tions against the apartheid system in South Africa [see A/34/552, annex I, CM/Res.734 (XXX/II)], This re- quest was also backed by the Sixth Conference of the Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Coun- tries. We look forward with great interest to the conven- ing of this international conference and will help it to succeed so that it may effectively contribute to interna- tional action against the crime of apartheid. 196. In conclusion, I wish on behalf of my delegation to pay a tribute to the efforts of the Special Committee against Apartheid and to its Chairman, Mr. Clark. My delegation also wishes to pay a tribute to the United 198. But in spite of this great progress in civilization, the international community, acting through various in- ternational organizations, has not had much success in its efforts to put an end to racism and apartheid. 199. The reason for the lack of success of the interna- tional community in its endeavours is neither a secret nor an inexplicable or insoluble mystery, at least not to my delegation, if not to most delegations here. 200. The most important question to be asked before this Assembly is the following: why has the interna- tional community so far been unable to end racial discrimination and apartheid or to eliminate all forms of racism wherever they have arisen, in spite of the in- ternational agreement designed specifically for that pur- pose, at least in appearance? 201. My country, which is one of the oldest members of the Special Committee against Apartheid, is well aware of the great number of studies, research, reports, resolutions and international conferences engendered by the Special Committee, in co-operation with the Centre against Apartheid, in the course of their work dedicated to mobilizing all possible action against apartheid. My delegation appreciates the constant efforts and en- deavours of those two bodies in this field. We do not wish to go into details regarding their reports, research and resolutions; they are already at the disposal of every delegation in the General Assembly and they deserve our special appreciation. 202. Nor do I wish to go into details on the reasons which led me to repeat this year what : '.1~id last year and what I shall regretfully continue to say in the years to come, together with many, if not most, delegations rep- resented in this international Organization. 203. Instead, I shall try to answer the question I put at the beginning of my statement: why has the interna- tional community so far been unable to end racial discrimination and apartheid or to eliminate all forms of racism wherever they may be practised, in spite of in- ternational agreements designed specifically for that reason? I hasten to say that our answer and approach to that question are clear, and they can be summed up as follows. 205. A second feature also clearly applicable to the racist Pretoria regime is the "international hostility" which this regime faces in practically every part of the world, overtly at least. 206. If those two features have been correctly defined, and they certainly have, what then are the reasons for this failure? 207. Once again, my delegation does not think that this is a mystery which wecannot unravel; in fact, in our view, the reasons are crystal clear. 208. Some Western countries and Israel are the open secret behind the continuation of the racist regime in South Africa. The racist Pretoria regime would not, of couse, be able to continue without the many forms of support it receives from those countries which, while condemning the system, are.at the same time supplying it every day with at least enough-and perhaps more than enough-aid, support and expertise in the politi- cal, nuclear, military and economic fields. Were those countries to agree to impose an embargo on that regime and to cease to give it support for a year- or perhaps even less- it would collapse without the loss of the lives of the martyrs in the national liberation movements in South Africa and Namibia, which we consider to be the sole legitimate representatives of their peoples and which we fully support. 209. We know, a priori, the rejected and spurious ex- cuses offered by some Western countries to justify the co-operation of their corporations, institutions and monopolies with the racist regime. There is more than one proof- which we shall not cite here - that the reasons they give are untrue. 210. The only reason for the co-operation of those countries, either official or unofficial, overt or covert, with the racist Pretoria regime is undoubtedly their in- terests and their interests alone, besides their historical enmity towards national liberation movements and pro- gress in the world. 211. As for Israel, in addition to these, it has other, stronger and deeper reasons to increase and expand its co-operation with the racist regimes in Africa. 212. The similarity, organic and racist, between the two regimes does not require any discussion. To make myself clear, let me say briefly that the two systems are in fact an extension and result of the wave of settler im- perialism in the fourth quarter of last century. Both began on the basis of an alien settler minority which seized the territory of the people who were the authentic inhabitants of the area. Both exist in an area and at- mosphere alien and inimical to them, and therefore they follow the same policy towards those around them. 213. As a result, both continue to defy the interna- tional community and the resolutions of the United Nations, and both continue to follow their racist policies which contne all concepts, charters and resolutions of the iT ,""ational community. 215. For all these reasons, my country stands shoulder to shoulder with the peoples and liberation movements of Africa in our joint struggle against a single enemy representing the worst kind of racism, occupation and oppression of this century. 216. My delegation, without hesitation or reservation, fully supports the militant national liberation move- ments of the peoples struggling for the liberation of their territory, and for their unity, independence and sovereignty. 217. Therefore my delegation appeals once again to the General Assembly and in particular to the Security Council to J,e more effective and more serious in their efforts to pet an end to racial discrimination and apart- heid, to eliminate all forms of racism in any part of the world, and to rid modern society of this heinous crime.

Once again we turn our attention to the policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa. This item has been under consideration from the very beginning. There are few items on the agenda of any meeting held under the auspices of this Organization that appear to elicit as great a degree of agreement as does this one. Whenever apartheid is men- tioned delegations from every geographical area speak out loudly and eloquently against that heinous system. The condemnation of the system of apartheid seems vir- tually unanimous. 219. Over the years several decisions have been taken and several resolutions passed with the express aim of bringing the Fascist Government in Pretoria to its senses, if not to its knees, and forcing them to adopt a civilized and humane system of government. 220. But, ironically, the condemnation heaped upon that racist regime and the resolutions calling for the isolation of that despicable Government have met with callous disregard and arrogance. While that illegal minority should be reeling from the concerted strictures and the combined efforts of the civilized members of the international community, it seems instead to be flour- ishing. It is able to inflict ever more harsh and brutal restrictions on the defenceless and undefended majority whose birthright is being so callously usurped. It is able to maintain a fiefdom in Namibia while denying to the inhabitants of that country the dignity of self- determination. It is able to make incursions into the sovereign territories of its neighbours, the brave front- line States, whose only offence lies in having had the courage to stand up for the principles embodied in the Charter of the United Nations. It is able to embark on an arms policy that shows every indication of threaten- ing the security not only of the entire continent of Africa, but beyond. 222. It is the view of my delegation that States Members of this Organization must refrain from active support and contacts which might lead to the deeper en- trenchment of the illegal racist regime. My delegation is also convinced that if all Member States were to adhere to the spirit of the resolutions passed by this Organiza- tion the terrible dragon would soon be laid to rest. 223. In a message to the special-session of the Special Committee against Apartheid, held in Kingston, Jamaica, in May of this year, the Prime Minister of Bar- bados made the following pledge: " ... that the Barbados Government and its peo- ple will continue the struggle and will intensify ef- forts against apartheid and for the liberation of southern Africa, steadfastly supporting the Pro- gramme of Action for the Liberation of Zimbabwe and Namibia and adhering to the plans of action called for in the Lagos Declaration for Action agninst Apartheid and in the Maputo Declaration in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia". 224. In that same message, the Prime Minister com- mitted the Government of Barbados: first, to assist the national liberation movements in southern Africa by continuing to provide Namibians with opportunities for training and education; secondly, to collaborate in the growing effort to impose full economic sanctions against South Africa; and thirdly, to speak out in every international forum against the abominable practice of apartheid. Barbados stands by those commitments. 225. My delegation commends the Special Committee for its efforts during the past year and wishes to extend its congratulations on the excellent report which the Committee was able to produce. My delegation hopes that these efforts will prove fruitful. If they prove fruitless it will be no reflection on the practicability of the Committee's recommendations. Such failure will result once more from the refusal of those who are best able to ensure the success of those recommendations to make any effort to achieve that aim and to live up to their responsibilities. 226. My delegation also wishes to express its apprecia- tion of the spirit of co-operation artd dedication displayed by its colleagues on the AdHoc Committee on the Drafting of an International Convention against Apartheid in Sports. Significant progress has been made during the year: only one article now remains for fur- ther deliberation [see A/34/36, annex). 227. Barbados hopes that all delegations will be per- suaded to support the recommendations of both the Special Committee on Apartheid and the Ad Hoc Com- mittee on the Drafting of an International Convention against Apartheid in Sports. It is our hope that such support will manifest itself in deeds and not die as mere words on the lips of various speakers.

A lot has been written on the question of the apartheid policies of South Africa. The question has'been discuss- ed and debated in numerous forums, and hundreds of resolutions, declarations and decisions have been adopted. Yet the victims of apartheid have had no respite from its evil effects. Instead, the problem has become, in the words of the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid, Ambassador Clark, a "tragic and explosive potential for a race war of continental proportions." [54th meeting. para. 20.] 230. This is clear evidence that discussions are not enough; that resolutions and declarations are not enough. What we need is action; of course, there has been action from several quarters, as in the case of the Governments of Nigeria, the United Republic of Tan- zania, Norway and Sweden, which have taken various actions in respect of transnational corporations. But to be effective as an international organization, we need concerted action motivated by political will. 231. Why else would South Africa consistently defy the rest of the world unless it knows that the world is divided? Part of that divided world depends on South Africa for profitable returns on its economic and other interests there, and South Africa knows that. The United Nations has repeatedly asserted that foreign economic and other interests have been responsible for the perpetuation of apartheid and racial discrimination. It has called on Governments to take measures to dis- courage companies and bodies corporate under their jurisdiction from investing in South Africa, as that is detrimental to the indigenous population. 232. We have heard explanations from Governments concerned that constitutional constraints prevent them from doing that. Yet we know of instances where, for one reason or another, Governments' ve effectively imposed sanctions against other Governments, 233. The recent Declaration of the International Sem- inar on the Role of Transnational Corporations in South Africa, organized by the British Anti-Apartheid Movement in co-operation with the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid, held in London from 2 to 4 November 1979 [see A/34/655, annex], has most brilliantly summed up the negative aspects of economic interests which the United Nations has repeatedly condemned. 234. The participants expressed their conviction that: the transnational corporations bear a major share of responsibility for the maintenance of the system of apartheid, for the strengthening of the repressive and military power of the racist regime and for the under- mining of international action to promote freedom and human dignity in South Africa; the transnational cor- 235. The question of human rights has become very important these days. OAU, for example, is preparing a charter on human rights; the latest meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries, held at Lusaka from 1 to 7 August 1979, discussed human rights and adopted a Declaration on Racism and Racial Prejudice [see A/34/439-S/13515, annex, para. 5]; some Governments have tied the granting of foreign aid to human rights questions in the receiving countries. My delegation is positive that in many of the latter cases the question has been mainly the violation of political rights. Where else in the world is the entire range of human rights violated more than in apartheid South Africa? For apartheid as we know it is not only institu- tionalized racial discrimination but a total denial of all human rights. Yet huge financial aid and investments keep pouring into South Africa. 236. Recent events have shown that Governments which support repressive regimes merely for financial gain have often become the object of hate and hostile reaction once those repressive regimes have been over- thrown. 237. This is yet another reason why concerted interna- tional action against the apartheid regime is necessary. In this connexion, my delegation supports the oft- repeated call for mandatory sanctions against South Africa and the full implementation of Security Council resolutions 418 (1977) and 421 (1977) and General Assembly resolutions 32/105 and 33/183 E. 238. Concerted international action is also needed in the area of the dissemination of information on apart- heid, in the face of the nefarious propaganda of the racist regime of South Africa, with the assistance of transnational corporations and racist groups in other countries. In this connexion, we urge the international community to contribute generously to the Trust Fund for Publicity against Apartheid. 239. We should like to express our gratitude to anti- apartheid groups everywhere, to trade unions, political parties, parliamentarians, religious and legal bodies, student and youth groups and others in countries col- laborating with the apartheid regime for their activities in enlightening public opinion and in launching public campaigns for disengagement from South Africa. 241. The first word in the Charter of the United Na- tions is the collective pronoun "We". This is an indica- tion of the awareness of the authors of the Charter of the collective responsibility of the Members of this Organization. Part of the opening lines of the Charter reads: "We the peoples of the United Nations determined " 242. Let us therefore live up to our responsibility and collectively work to eradicate from the face of the earth the policies of apartheid, which we have all condemned and have defined as a crime against humanity.