A/34/PV.60 General Assembly

The apartheid policy practised by the South African regime, and the pursuance of that policy despite international condemnation and the peace efforts made by the international community in the United Nations and in other international bodies, leave only one alternative to this Organization - namely, application of the sanc- tions provided for in the Charter. 2. In our view, this question calls for a collective solu- tion on the part of the international community. That solntion will be brought about only through the com- bined efforts of all countries that sincerely believe in the right of all peoples to freedom and dignity, without distinction as to colour. We agree with previous speakers who have said that all Member States, and especially the Western States, should undertake to im- plement the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Council in order to isolate that regime, and to apply economic and political sane- nons that would be effective and positive and replace declarations of intent by practical measures of dissua- sion. 3. The barbaric policies practised by the racist regime in Pretoria, in Rhodesia and in occupied Palestine are the vestiges of colonial thinking and represent one of the worst forms of exploitation of man by man in our time. 4. The United Nations Charter is very clear on this subject. Its legislators established therein respect for 10. My Government pays tribute to the Government human rights and the fundamental freedoms of all of Sweden, which has enacted a law prohibiting all 1159 NEW YORK peoples, without distinction as to race, language or religion. 5. The inhuman conditions of life and health that are the lot of the majority of the population in southern Africa living under the yoke of foreigri occupation and oppression, and especially the freedom fighters who are in prisons or in concentration camps, are a disgrace to all the racist regimes and their allies, and they unveil the mask behind which those regimes seek to conceal their r~a! intentions. The continu~d flouting by the racist regime of the Charter and international conventions calls-for urgent decisions and measures by the United Nations, in order that the right of South Africa to self- determination be affirmed and in order to ensure that all peoples fighting for independencemay achieve it. 6. C?eneral ;\ssembly resolution 1514 (XV), on the granting of mdependence to colonial countries and peoples, compels us to give some thought to the number of Members of the United Nations at the time the resolution was adopted and to the present size of the membership. The difference in those figures shows the extent of the invincible will of peoples to achieve in- dependence, self-determination and sovereignty. 7. This increase in the membership of the United Na- tions shows that small peoples are able to defend their sovereignty and freedom and, at the same time, to par- ticipate, in a positive manner, in the elaboration of inter- national relations on democratic bases. It is for that reason that we reaffirm our conviction that the ex- perience of most of the peoples who acceded to in- dependence will no doubt be shared by the people of southern Africa, and that will put an end to all racist colonial regimes. 8. The Pretoria Government continues daily its direct acts ~f aggression against Botswana and Mozambique, and It recently conducted a nuclear explosion, which represents a danger not only to the security and sovereignty of neighbouring countries but also to the in- dependence of the African continent and its security as well as to world peace and security. With that explosi~n the r,acist Government in Pretoria has sought to sho~ that It can practise hegemony on the African continent and it has thus continued to flout the United Nation~ Charter, international conventions and United Nations resolutions. 9. The Yemen Arab Republic asks all States that still maintain relations with the racist regime to respect the boycott de~ision and it asks all States. to continue to ap- ply resolutIon 418 (1977) of the Security Council concer- ning an arms embargo. We are convinced that applica- tion of such sanctions weald suffice to put an end to the practice of apartheid. 11. In this connexion, we wish to refer to the claims made by the representative of the Zionist entity in his statement yesterday [58th meeting] concerning the trade of gold and oil with the South African regime. That statement does not deserve an answer. The history of relations between the Tel Aviv and Pretoria regimes is well known and has been thoroughly documented by the United Nations. The agreement signed between the two racist regimes on the question of scientific-co-operation and the development of nuclear weapons is the greatest proof that the claims of the Zionist representative were untrue. We are convinced that our Assembly will not be deceived by the desperate attempts of the representative of Israel to sow discord. This Assembly has already clearly given its views in its resolution condemning zionism as a form of racism. 12. The Arab States, whether oil producers or not, firmly maintain their position of support for United Na- tions resolutions condemning racial discrimination, in- cluding zionism, and we should like to refer now to the resolution, adopted by the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, prohibiting the sale or export of oil to South Africa. 13. The efforts made by members of this Organization to isolate those racist regimes and to apply sanctions against them will expedite the downfall of those regimes, but only if such efforts are intensified. 14. The continuance and the very existence of racist regimes in southern Africa constitute an affront to human conscience. The occupation of Namibia and the continuance of the unlawful regime in Rhodesia con- stitute the facets of the struggle between the nationalist forces fighting for national independence and the col- onialist regimes that seek to repress and destroy the freedom of peoples. 15. In conclusion, we wish to pay tribute to the memory of the martyrs who have fallen in the cause of freedom, justice and a better future for their countries and their neighbours.

The position of Jamaica on the evil and inhuman system of apartheid, and our strong condemnation of the racist regime of South Africa, have been stated and reaffirmed on many occa- sions before the General Assembly. We continue to hold that the elimination of apartheid and the liberation of the oppressed majority in South Africa constitute the greatest and most pressing challenge facing the United Nations. This challenge can only be met by resolute and united international action and an effective campaign to isolate the apartheid regime. But the tide of the verbal opposition to apartheid, which has been expressed year after year at the General Assembly, has not been match- ed by action to bring about the desired results. The apartheid regime not only has continued to exist, but it has continued to flourish in mockery of our principles. This situation is caused by the continued collaboration of certain Member States, particularly Western coun- tries, with the racist regime of South Africa. The conse- quences of such collaboration in strengthening the hand 17. Developments over the past year have dem- onstrated anew the dangerous consequences of col- laboration in all its forms. The recent investigations, which resulted in the so-called information scandal in South Africa, have revealed significant elements of South Africa's overseas strategy. They reveal a well organized and well financed programme of covert operations in Western countries to spread racist prop- aganda through infiltration of the mass media, and to encourage and provide financial support for racist groups and organizations in these countries. What has been revealed publicly is only the tip of the iceberg, but it is clear from that alone that South Africa is using its remaining overseas contacts to promote its own ideology of racism by covert operations. 18. Recent reports have also indicated the dangerous results of collaboration in the nuclear field. Despite the numerous warnings and appeals issued on the subject, the persistence of nuclear collaboration with South Africa has now yielded its bitter fruit. It is now widely acknowledged that South Africa has acquired nuclear capability and evidence has been brought to our atten- tion that South Africa may have exploded a nuclear device on 22 September. The dangerous implications of South Africa's acquisition of the nuclear bomb can hardly be exaggerated, and those whose assistance con- tributed to this result must bear the responsibility for all its consequences. Jamaica continues to urge, even at this late stage, the complete cessation of nuclear co- operation with South Africa, in particular the termina- tion of all exports of nuclear material and technology and an end to the exchange of scientists and scientific data in the nuclear field. This should be achieved by broadening the.terms of Security Council resolution 418 (1977) to prohibit all nuclear co-operation with South Africa. 19. Further action is also necessary to terminate col- laboration in other areas. South Africa has continued to step up its brutal repression of the black majority in South Africa and has continued to launch criminal acts of aggression against black African States, particularly against Angola and Zambia. These criminal acts not on- ly are to be condemned, they have to be stopped. Jamaica believes that the international community should bring its full pressure to bear by terminating all forms of economic collaboration with the apartheid system. Further investment in South Africa should be halted and existing investments withdrawn. We are en- couraged by recent developments that have increased the effectiveness of the oil embargo against South Africa, especially the decision by the Government of Iran to cease oil shipments to South Africa. We also urge that measures be adopted to ensure the cutting off of all sources of trans-shipment of oil to South Africa. 20. My delegation has examined the report of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an International Convention against Apartheid in Sports [A/34/36], and we have taken note of the significant progress the Ad Hoc Committee has made in the drafting of that con- vention. We believe that the conclusion of such a con- vention would be a valuable contribution to the overall campaign against apartheid, and it is our earnest hope • 21. Finally, Jamaica supports the proposal for an in- ternational conference on sanctions against South Africa that has been put before this Assembly. We believe that such a conference, action-oriented and focusing on the kind of action that is now urgently need- ed, will be an important contribution to the interna- tional campaign against apartheid that must now be in- tensified.

Since the debate on this item of our agenda has been going on for the past few days, and since the subject has been so adequately covered by previous speakers, I shall be very brief. 23. My delegation has studied the reports on the policies of apartheid [A/34/22 and Add.i] and on the recent developments in South Africa that were so ably presented to this Assembly by the Rapporteur and the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid. It is therefore with a profound and renewed sense of in- dignation and outrage thai my delegation takes the floor to express very briefly the full support and solidarity of the Government and people of Ethiopia with the victims of the abhorrent policy of apartheid and the concerted efforts aimed at its complete eradication. 24. Mankind has throughout the ages endured op- pressive social systems, ranging from the crudest forms of slavery to the most sophisticated forms of exploita- tion, and has continuously struggled to break the chains of bondage. In this broad spectrum of man's fight for freedom, the saga of the oppressed people of South Africa is indeed one of the most tragic. These are people that are held in bondage by a regime that has skillfully combined all the worst elements of the most inhuman systems of oppression and exploitation ever devised by man into a diabolic system based on the repugnant con- cept of racial superiority and pursued by a psychopathic white majority, aided and abetted by international im- perialism. 25. The plight of the African masses under apart- heid has no parallel in history. The systematic persecu- tion, repression and torture of innocent people, murder and destruction, inhumanly uprooting and dispossess- ingpeople of their land, liberty and life, are what apart- heid thrives on. In short, apartheid is one word and system combining the oppressive and exploitative characteristics of slavery, feudalism, despotism, oligar- chy and fascism. 26. Having perfected its oppressive apparatus in South Africa itself, the apartheid regime of Pretoria embarked on a frantic campaign aimed at extending its odious policy to other territories in the region. It has illegally occupied Namibia and is incessantly engaged in manoeuvres aimed at obstructing the decolonization of Zimbabwe. It has, with arrogance and impunity, breached the peace by violating the territorial integrity of independent African States and committing acts of aggression against the front-line States. 27. That is not all. The apartheid regime is today at- tempting to threaten and to blackmail the entire conti- 28. All this has taken place despite our best efforts. We have individually and collectively in this Assembly rejected and condemned apartheid as an affront to the international community. We have condemned it as a blot on the conscience of mankind. We have condemned it as an insult to our dignity as human beings, we have condemned it as a crime against humanity and as a threat to peace and security, Wr have all agreed on the imperative necessity of its immediate and complete eradication from the face of the earth. Yet, far from be- ing eradicated, the architects of apartheid are becoming more and more entrenched. In utter disregard of inter- national public opinion, they continue to molest millions of Africans, to plague our conscience and to threaten the world with a race war of ominous propor- tions. 29. Where does the fault lie? Is itIn our perception of the dangers posed by this evil system? No. The issue is crystal clear and the remedies have been prescribed time and again by this Assembly and others. Therefore, I need not elaborate on this. What is seriously lacking is the commitment by those who have chosen to put pro- fits before principles and morality. The fault lies in the failure of the major Western Powers to translate into action the principles they so eloquently enunciate here. 30. The main culprits are the transnational corpora- tions of Britain, the United States, the Federal Republic of Germany, France and other Western countries, who pump funds in the form of new investments and con- tinue to rip off windfall profits at the expense of the vast majority of people in southern Africa. The major responsibility for the demise of the African people - and the dire consequences which the continuation of apart- heid would entail for international peace and security - therefore lies with the Governments of the major Western Powers. Those who have made South Africa an integral part of their economy by investments, by trade, by loans and export credit guarantees, are the ones who could take effective action to prevent the im- pending racial holocaust. 31. Their military assitance and nuclear collaboration with South Africa should not only be stopped forth- with, but must also be immediately outlawed. 32. To this end, my delegation joins all those who have lent their support to the measures outlined in the reports submitted to this Assembly by the Special Com- mittee against Apartheid. 33. Mr. MacKAY (Canada): Once again, we, in this Assembly, are faced with the question of apartheid. My Government deeply regrets the continued existence of that abhorrent system. Apartheid is an anathema. It is an affront to all mankind. Its existence belies the pretence to civilized conduct and respect for basic human rights in the Republic of South Africa. 34. The litany of abusive legislation now in place and of the degrading treatment being meted out to South Africa's majority population does not become any 35. The inevitability of change in the situation in South Africa must have some effect on the fortress men- tality of the South African Government. The pressures exerted by the international community through debates in this Assembly, and through such activities as those of the Special Committee against Apartheid, do appear to have had some effect. Steps are being taken by the Government in South Africa towards the alleviation of some of the more overt strains of petty apartheid. Although, of course, the theory and practice still con- tinue, we must acknowledge these as positive steps, however small. At the same time we realize all too clear- ly that they are only minor steps in the essential journey of change that is required. 36. In Namibia, there has been a response to clear in- ternational pressures, as may be seen from the removal of the statutory basis for discrimination on racial grounds. Yesterday it was reported in South Africa that the opposition Progressive Federal Party, which is anti- apartheid, won a by-election in the Johannesburg suburb of Edenvale. The addition of one voice in Parlia- ment to the anti-apartheid movement should not be dismissed as insignificant for it is a clear indication of growing support amongst the voting population for meaningful change. 37. The fundamental change now long overdue in South Africa will occur not so much as a result of any comment or action on our part, but in direct response to the pressures which exist within South African society. The role of the internationl community in that change will be subsidiary to that of the people of South Africa. We can and shall continue to give them our moral sup- port. We shall, furthermore, continue to evaluate possibilities for international pressures which will give support to those of whatever racial origin in South Africa who seek to bring about change within that socie- ty. We all agree: it is inevitable that change will occur. The question is how and when it will be accomplished, whether through peaceful means, on the initiative of all groups in South Africa working together to define a new system, or by the violence which will result if the aspira- tions of the majority are met with continued intran- sigence and repression. 38. Ever-increasing pressures must continue against the fundamental violation of human rights which apart- heid represents. However, it is equally evident that direct threats have led to increased South African in- transigence and, in some cases, to repression. The Cana- dian Government is under no illusion as to the magnitude of the task of bringing about the eradication of apartheid but it should be recognized that change in the South African racial situation must ultimately come from within the Republic of South Africa itself. The question of how that change can be achieved is very 39. Demands for extreme measures, including the call for violence, have been heard in the General Assembly and are born of frustration and fatigue with the struggle against South African intransigence. Such demands are to a certain extent understandable but should be resisted in favour of constructive action directed to making the Government of South Africa and all of its people realize and give concrete recognition to the need for change. 40. In closing, let me say that our discussions and the measures we take must be as practical and objective as possible. We must work with deliberation towards the ultimate goal of the eradication of apartheid. Canada remains totally opposed to apartheid and joins the inter- national community in its efforts to establish full and equal participation in society for the total population of South Africa. All elements of tnat society must be in- volved in a meaningful manner in the process of change. With the encouragement of the international communi- ty, that will be accomplished.

The delegation of Ecuador congratulates the authors of the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid and associates itself with its programme of work. The Committee has done much to provide infor- mation about this grave problem of our time, and the vigorous and overwhelming reaction by public opinion against the crime of apartheid is the best proof that the Committee is needed and that it is on the right track. 42. Ecuador's unswerving policy has been to condemn the shameful offence to human dignity represented by apartheid. It has done so since the question was first considered in the General Assembly, even before the establishment of the Special Committee against Apart- heid in 1962. Since then, our country has given its con- stant support to all resolutions, conclusions and recorn- mendations adopted in this field at the United Nations. 43. As far as Ecuador is concerned, apartheid, typical and reprehensible conduct of a regime which is in open rebellion against the world Organization, is a crime and practice alien to the psychology and to the way of life of our people in which there is no place- nor will there ever be- for any distinction based on race; our people is proud of its blend of age-old indigenous races mingled with the influx of races from other continents which, in turn, have made their own valuable contribution through their many cultural influences. 45. We believe that the true source of power resides in the people and that it can be expressed or tested only through the full exercise of the right to vote in free and democratic elections. If this rule had been followed in South Africa, the problems of the region would have been solved long ago. 46. Ecuador was one of the first countries to ratify the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid [resolution 3068 (XXVIII), annex]. Furthermore, our political Constitu- tion prohibits " ... any discrimination for reasons of race, col- our, sex, language, religion, affiliation, political or other opinions, social origin, economic position or birth". '" With full respect for the Committee on the Elimina- tion of Racial Discrimination, we have submitted to it our fifth periodic report. We have also taken into account the text of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimina- tion [resolution 2106 A (XX), annex], under the pro- visions of which anyone in Ecuador who "by whatever means, disseminates ideas of racial superiority or hatred or encourages discrimination" is liable to imprisonment. 47. Thus, while we have incorporated in our legisla- tion the principles which have emerged from the debates and resolutions of the United Nations, South Africa has turned its back on international law and the recommen- dations of this Organization, which form part of that law. 48. But the determination that human rights be recognized is spreading to all parts of the world. Repres- sion by a government cannot but bring us closer to an ir- reversible future in which human rights will be respected and we shall have overcome that shameful stage in the evolution of mankind represented by the criminal prac- tice of apartheid. 49. Me. BEDJAOUI (Algeria) (interpretation from French): Among the very varied tasks with which the United Nations deals each year, the consideration at the level of the General Assembly of the question of apart- heid is undoubtedly of special importance. ~O. In fact, while the quest for solutions to the numerous problems with which the international com- munity is confronted often permits us to nurture hopes of solutions that will be in keeping with the ideas of justice and progress, the case of South Africa con- stitutes in itself a challenge to the universal conscience, a crime against humanity, a symbol-if not the most sinister symbol-of racism in its most horrifying expres- sion, the most cynical example of continued aggression 52. This year again, consideration of the question of the policy of apartheid of the South African Govern- ment is taking place in a climate of latent crisis, as pointed out by numerous speakers and, more specifical- ly, by the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid at our 54th meeting. 53. The Algerian delegation wishes to take this oppor- tunity to pay a highly deserved tribute to that Special Committee whose action, which is firmly committed to the total eradication of the scourge of apartheid, is guaranteed by the dedication of all its members and of its Chairman, Mr. Clark of Nigeria, who struggle for the advent of freedom and justice in that southern part of the African continent. 54. It would be superfluous to recall here all the ac- tions carried out by that important United Nations Committee to mobilize international public opinion and the community of States in the struggle against apart- heid. All those actions are in fact mentioned in the ex- cellent report of the Special Committee against Apart- heid although that document, despite its many qualities, could never really do justice to the total sum of effort, courage and commitment required of the members of that Special Committee for the implementation of United Nations resolutions and the isolation and con- demnation of the South African regime. 55. It is not difficult to show clearly the full anachronism of the regime of apartheid by presenting it from the angle of the defence of human rights. For its part, my country prefers to situate the South African problem in its most complete and enlightening context: namely, the quest of a whole people for its freedom, the quest of an African country to join the community of other indepen- dent African nations, the quest of a continent for its total liberation, which will then enable it, with the settle- ment of other outstanding colonial issues, to turn the page of the colonial era, once and for all. 56. The international mobilization in the fight against apartheid has made it possible in the last few years to bring to the attention of world public opinion the multiplicity and seriousness of the racist practices of the white minority against the oppressed South African people, through the most formidable political and social system ever known to mankind. 57. South African blacks are oppressed, exploited, tortured and often physically eliminated to glorify the myth of ethnic superiority, which draws its philosophy from a primary and abject racism, the historic example of which is undoubtedly the Nazi doctrine. But, above all, the South African blacks are captives of the threads of the hateful spider's web of apartheid, with its ignoble practices, its inhuman rules, its discriminatory legisla- tion, its infamous behaviour and its machinery of terror 59. World public opinion is sufficiently well informed in this connexion, thanks to the valuable activities of the anti-apartheid and anti-racist organizations that exist throughout the world, of the oppressive measures of every kind developed by the South African regime to control and tame the black majority in the country. I refer in particular to punitive operations, o : -ditious measures, massiveinternments, the organizat. )f fake trials on the basis of special procedures, and other ex- treme measures such as the summary execution of patriots or their final disappearance somewhere in the bush. 60. These South African practices, now known to the outside world, move the consciences of all men and pro- vide further motivation for the neighbouring countries of that enormous concentration fortress to courageous- ly express opposition to the apartheid regime by their active solidarity with the South Africa liberation move- ment, despite the threat which their proximity to an ag- gressive South Africa represents for them. 61. We know that, by way of reaction, Pretoria in re- cent years has intensified the planned aggression against those countries, in particular Angola, a country that has been the target of the South African regime since it ac- ceded to independence in 1975. 62. The nerarious action of South Africa is not con- fined merely to oppressing the South African people within its frontiers, and externally attacking African neighbouring countries. That action is also expressed in the intolerable and provocative interference with the ef- forts now being made to settle peacefully the question of the independence of Zimbabwe and to bring about the liberation of Namibia, unlawfully occupied by the racist regime itself in total scorn of all the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. 63. In Zimbabwe, the present efforts in London to reach a true solution of government by the majority have shown the line of thought in the dialogue and negotiations of the leaders of the Patriotic Front who are striving, despite all the difficulties, to do nothing that might compromise the possibility of reaching a political agreement; the intrusion of South Africa, on the other hand, has been revealed through the bias of the various political manoeuvres and the increase in armed aggression against the front-line countries in an 64. South Africa's blockage of any genuine solution to the Namibian problem undoubtedly shows South Africa's will to provoke the United Nations and t.he overwhelming majority of the States of the world. I do not wish to recall all the factors in this affair, which my country follows with the greatest attention, but my delegation wishesthe United Nations to solemnly tell all those who take part in the true implementation of the plan for peaceful settlement in Namibia mentioned in Security Council resolution 435 (1978) that it is high time to draw the obvious lessons from the delays and evasions of Pretoria and to embark with the African countries on the course of the implementation of man- datory sanctions against the South Africa regime, in conformity with Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. 65. In the opinion of the Algerian delegation, this is our last resort, and it is only by embarking on such a course that the community of nations will be able to compel the South African regime no longer to defy with impunity the whole of mankind. 66. By the same token, we wish to reiterate our con- demnation of all those countries that directly or in- directly encourage South Africa and help to consolidate the criminal conduct of the Pretoria racists, thus strengthening their dangerous illusion of invincibility.

The President of the present session of the General Assembly, Mr. Salim, is a man who has entirely devoted himself to the noble task of decolonization. He has heard in this forum, in the course of the discussion on the question of apartheid, many bitter truths concerning the inhuman policy and practice pursued by the racist rulers of the Republic of South Africa in regard to 20 million people in southern Africa and to the peoples of neighbouring countries. 68. This overwhelming truth, enunciated in speeches made at this rostrum, has been heard by representatives in this Assembly. 69. The specific circumstances of the situation in southern Africa justifiably cause alarm to all honest people throughout the world. Such a massive, flagrant and cruel violation of human dignity affecting many millions of people is incompatible with the level of mankind's social development. People everywhere, with concern and alarm, are trying to examine the conse- quences of the terrible growing threat to peace and security in Africa and the world as a whole, resulting from the increase in the military potential of South Africa, especially in the sphere of nuclear weapons. 70. The situation in southern Africa is clear to all those present in this Assembly. The Salisbury racists are unwilling and do not intend to put an end to their col- onial and racial domination in Zimbabwe. Who is help- ing them? First of all, the rulers of the Republic of 71. In this highly dangerous situation, it is insufficient merely to resolutely discuss and condemn the anti- human activities of the racist rulers in southern Africa. The Republic of South Africa is a typical Fascist State in which the official ideology, policy and practice is apart- heid. Anyone who would wish to see what kind of a world the Fascists would like to create, no matter how they may disguise it, should examine carefully the situa- tion in the Republic of South Africa, for it is precisely that country which is the axis and stronghold of the Fascist, racist preserve in southern Africa and, until an end is put to apartheid and racism in southern Africa, the problem of decolonization, as already pointed out by many previous speakers, cannot be solved totally and for good. 72. The United Nations and its Security Council and General Assembly are in a position to adopt measures which might pjn an end to apartheid. Only in that way would it be possible to achieve a more or less peaceful solution to the problem of the decolonization of that region of the African continent. 73. As has already been pointed out here, the ideology of apartheid is a typically Fascist doctrine, and there is really no need to elaborate on this. It is an ideology that rejects the inalienable and natural right of the individual to freedom and political equality, irrespective of race, sex, language or religion. Behind every phrase which has been uttered from this lofty rostrum in the General Assembly, concerning the policies and practices of Pretoria, there is pain, suffering, misery and the humiliation of the millions upon millions of indigenous people of South Africa. In the Republic of South Africa, typically Fascist methods of repression are ap- plied to those who are dissatisfield with the prevailing policy. Such is the terrible day-to-day plight of the in- digenous population of South Africa. 74. In the struggle for independence and basic human rights, many of the finest representatives of all racial and national groups have ginn their lives or are languishing in the dungeons of South African prisons. Throughout the entire world and here in the United Na- tions as well, we have become all too familiar with the names of Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeke and many other patriots and martyred fighters, for freedom and basic human rights whom the racists have incarcerated on Robben Island and condemned to life sentences, only because they wished to live like human beings and fought for the freedom of their peo- ple. 75. I shall not cite here the numerous statements of re- cent and present rules of the Republic of South Africa: that would be too much of an honour for them. They do not recognize the right of the non-white population to live like people in their own country. By their savage practices, the rulers of Pretoria, as was stated on a number of occasions by the late representative of Saudi Arabia, Mr. Baroody, will only succeed in fanning the 76. In conjunction with the policy of apartheid, there is also the practice of bantustanization, which is a fur- ther splitting of the races and the transfer of millions of Africans into special regions set aside for them, established on the basis of existing reservations. To the two already created bantustans-Transkei and Bophuthatswana-in September 1979 the Republic of South Africa added Venda. And now the situation is such that Namibia may likewise become a bantustan, with the false label of an independent State. 77. 1he policy of proclaiming the so-called in- dependence of bantustans in fact means the automatic deprivation of the population of those bantustans of even the minimal rights of the inhabitants in the Republic of South Africa. By that means the racist authorities of Pretoria are trying to rid themselves of Africans as citizens, and to make them foreigners in their own country. The regions set aside by Pretoria for bantustans are absolutely unsuitable, from the economic point of view, for providing even the most basic living conditions for their inhabitants. The populations of the bantustans - which because of racist laws are not even considered to be residents with limited rights of the Republic of South Africa - have already been obliged to seek work in "white regions". Ban- tustanization is thus intended to create a cheap labour market, so as to ensure the most favourable conditions for the maximum exploitation of the Indigenous popula- tion, in the interests of profit for the racist and foreign monopolistic capital. 78. The United Nations has not been ignoring the many problems in southern Africa, such as that of ban- tustanization, which the Organization has often con- demned. The General Assembly and the Security Coun- cil have called for a cessation of this policy and the acts of the Republic of South Africa have been declared null and void. The proclamation of so-called "independent" bantustans, as is quite clear to all, is aimed also at split- ting the African people, at depriving it of property, and at legitimizing the existence of subject and dependent territories, deprived of any rights. 79. In connexion with the establishment of the ban- tustan of Venda in September of this year, the Security Council again warned Pretoria I that such an action would further worsen the situation in the region, and called on all Governments to reject any form of recogni- tion of the so-called independent bantustans and to refrain from all contact with them. 80. As has already been observed, Pretoria has carried out its apartheid policy in the unlawfully occupied ter- ritory of Namibia. In disregard of Security Council and General Assembly decisions concerning a cessation of the occupation of Namibia, Pretoria is expanding its acts of mass repression against the Namibians and against·" '" sole legitimate representative of the Namib- ian peop , the South West Africa People's Organiza- tion [SWAPO). 82. In unlawfully occupying Namibia, the Republic of South Africa is using that territory as a military bridge- head for aggression against the independent African States. In their fear of the inevitable collapse of apart- heid, racism and colonialism under the blows of the na- tional liberation movements in southern Africa, the racist regimes are constantly committing aggressive at- tacks upon the neighbouring African States of Angola, Zambia, Mozambique, Botswana and others. For what purpose? As has been indicated, the purpose of such at- tacks is to intimidate the peoples of the neighbouring countries, and to instil in them the thought that in future they will continue to suffer attacks by the Republic of South Africa if they do not cease to provide assistance to the national liberation movements in Namibia, Zimbabwe and the Republic of South Africa itself. 83. The Security Council has, indeed, frequently dealt with the question of the aggressive actions of the Republic of South Africa against neighbouring African States. The Republic of South Africa has been strongly condemned in the United Nations for these aggressive actions. In the resolutions of the Security Council these actions have been described as a flagrant violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of African coun- tries and a grave threat to international peace and security. Moreover, the Security Council has warned South Africa that if it in future persists in its aggressive policies, the Council would take more effective action against it. 84. Yet only a few days ago, the Security Council was again compelled to deal with the question of an aggres- sion by the Republic of South Africa against the People's Republic of Angola. In the course of the meeting of the Security Council- it was pointed out that the aggressive actions of the Republic of South Africa against Angola were undertaken on a large scale, with the use of regular army units and extensive utilization of various types of offensive military technology. 85. Everybody knows also about the direct economic, military and political support that is being provided by 87. The conclusions from all this are easy to draw. They are clear to all. The threat to international peace and security from the Republic of South Africa must be eliminated. The policy of apartheid must be ended. The occupation of Namibia must be immediately and uncon- ditionally ended, and the authority in that country must be handed over to the Namibian people in the person of its only lawful representative, namely, SWAPO. The aggression of the racists in the Republic of South Africa and of the unlawful regime of Southern Rhodesia against independent African States must once and for all he stopped. The people of South Africa must be liberated from colonialist and racist oppression. 88. These conclusions are natural, and I am not stating anything new. They are contained in the deci- sions of the United Nations and in those of OAU and of the non-aligned movement. They are contained in the demands of the whole of peace-loving and progressive mankind. Therefore the task now resides in the im- plementation of those decisions, and this has been refer- red to by numerous speakers here. The logic of the historical development of human society will inevitably lead to precisely that. It is only a question of whether this is going to take place with a large or a small number of victims. That is the only issue involved. Furthermore, there is no doubt that these decisions would already have been implemented long ago if the racist regimes in southern Africa, and in the first instance the rulersof the Republic of South Africa, did not have the support of the imperialist circles of the West, and this has been very convincingly stated here by many speakers before me. 90. The occupation of Namibia by the racists of Pretoria has long been recognized as unlawful. Never- theless, certain Western Powers still continue to "forget" about this. The same Pretoria, which has neither a legal nor a moral right to Namibia is now com- ing forward, th: ough the efforts of these countries, as a principal "party" in a settlement of the Namibian ques- tion. It sets its "conditions" and is putting forward "claims". It is leading everybody by the nose and is gaining time for the strengthening of its domination there, under a renovated shingle. When we are told, "Please be patient; do not be in so much of a hurry, wait and see how things are going to develop in South Africa", let us not delude ourselves. Never will the Republic of South Africa voluntarily leave Namibia, never will the rulers of South Africa give up the policy of apartheid, unless they are obliged to do so. The fuss about the talks and negotiations is increasingly turning into a smoke-screen under which Pretoria and its pro- tectors from the transnational monopolies are trying to drag along and legitimize the neo-colonialist solution of the Namibian question, and to create, under the label of an independent State, a new bantustan in Namibia. 91. While the talks about elections under the supervi- sion of the United Nations were going on, the racists managed to carry out fake elections and pulled out a handful of puppets from the so-called Turnhalle Democratic Alliance. When the question of preventing that unlawful step by Pretoria arose in the Security Council, the Western countries that are members of the Security Council not only failed to do anything in this connexion, but in fact provided support to the racists of the Republic of South Africa by abstaining from the vote on the resolution on that question. Now it is quite clear to all that the talks are being utilized by Pretoria to gain time, to establish conditions in which it would be impossible for the patriotic forces, that is, the only gen- uine representative of the Namibian people, SWAPO, to come to power in Namibia. 92. A similar policy is being carried out in regard to another unlawful racist regime in southern Africa, the Salisbury regime. 93. In this connexion, the policy of certain Western countries of conniving with the racist regimes in southern Africa places the genuine representatives of the people of Namibia and Zimbabwe - the national patriotic forces - in the most impossible conditions. They are confronted with the choice: either to agree with the proposals that emerge from Pretoria and Salisbury, or to find themselves outside the negotia- 94. The reasons for the support that the Western countries are providing to the South African and Southern Rhodesian racists are well known to all. In the first instance, that support represents an attempt to con- tinue to preserve the economic and military strategic in- terests of the West; then, it arises out of the great con- cern that Western transnational monopolies may con- tinue their exploitation of Namibia and Rhodesia and retain the colossal profits they derive from their ex- ploitation of the populations of South Africa, Rhodesia and Namibia. The United Nations, have more than enough factual material concerning the close interweav- ing of the economic and strategic interests of South Africa with the interests of a number of States of the North Atlantic military bloc. 95. Without being aided and abetted by the West, and primarily by the countries of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NA TO) and without their comprehensive assistance, the Republic of South Africa would have been unable to disregard the will of the United Nations and to issue its challenge to the authority and prestige of the Security Council and the General Assembly. 96. Appeals to the racists and attempts to persuade them will not change them into humanitarian persons, nor will they change the reactionary essence of the policy of apartheid. Condoning the racist regimes and conniving with the aggressor will not lead to anything good. In order to compel South Africa to forgo its shameful and inhuman system of apartheid and in order to compel it to implement the decisions of the United Nations, what is needed is not words but concrete ac- tions. 97. In speaking, at this session of the General Assembly, of the problem of the ending r: c .lecoloniza- tion, the Minister for Foreign Affai-r ~' ur country, Mr. A. Gromyko, stated: "By adopting in 1960 the Dec.aration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 15/4 (XV)) -one of the most significant acts of the United Nations - the world community acknowledged the indisputable fact that the hour of colonialism had struck. Since then an overwhelming majority of peoples have cast off the yoke of colonialism. But humanity's conscience con- tinues to revolt against the fact that the shackles of colonialism and racism have not yet been completely broken. And it is above all of southern Africa that we should be talking here. "For many years now the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia have been waging a selfless struggle for their freedom and independence. The Soviet Union is entirely on the side of their noble cause. We have raised and shall continue to raise our voice in their support, and we shall co-operate with those States, especially African States, which adhere to the posi- tions of justice, of upholding the inalienable rights of those peoples. All kinds of combinations, no matter how superficially clever, which are aimed at preserv- ing the domination of racists and colonialists with the help of hastily formed puppet regimes should be resolutely rejected. 98. The delegation of the Soviet Union considers that the basis for the solution of the question of the policy of apartheid of the Republic of South Africa, and the basis for actions that have to be undertaken against the Pretoria regime in order to put an end to apartheid so that Namibia may at last become a genuinely free coun- try and southern Africa may cease to be a bastion of co- lonialism and racism, is to be found in the resolutions of the United Nations and OAU, in the proposals of the Committee against Apartheid, the proposals of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, and other bodies. In the view of the delegation of the Soviet Union, the only reliable way to implement those resolu- tions is by scrupulous compliance with the sanctions against the racist Pretoria regime that have already been adopted by the Security Council and the adoption by the Council of f. rther practical steps to ensure the total isolation and boycotting of the Republic of South Africa on the basis of the establishment of sanctions against it in economic, trade, financial and all other spheres, in full implementation of Article 41 of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. 99. Many have already mentioned this. Nevertheless, I should like to remind the Assembly of the specific word- ing of Article 41: "The Security Council may decide what measures not involving the use of armed force are to be employed to give effect to its decisions, and it may call upon the Members of the United Nations to ap- ply such measures. These may include complete or partial interruption of economic relations and of rail, sea, air, postal, telegraphic, radio, and other means of communication, and the severance of diplomatic relations." It is an excellent Article. If it were to be applied in fact, I cannot say for sure, but I think that the Republic of South Africa would be talking with the patriotic movements, with neighbouring States and with the United Nations itself in an entirely different way. 100. In congratulating the peoples and States of southern Africa on African Liberation Day, on 25 May of this year, the General Secretary of the Central Com- mittee of the Communist Party, and President of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Mr. L. I. Brezhnev, stated: "The Soviet Union is steadfastly in favour of the speedy implementation of the inalienable right of the peoples of southern Africa to self-determination and 101. The time has come for firm action. Any pro- crastination in this respect is inadmissible. To slow down the liquidation of apartheid and racism would have a negative effect on the fate of the peoples of southern Africa and would increase the threat to inter- national peace and general security. One cannot yield to the racists; one cannot condone them any longer. 102. We firmly believe in the victory of the just strug- gle of the peoples of southern Africa. It is a matter of honour for the United Nations to assist them in this respect and to accelerate the coming of the day of freedom.

The delegation of Costa Rica has studied with the care and attention they deserve the reports of the Special Committee against Apartheid [A/34/22 and Add. I] and the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an International Convention against Apartheid in Sports [A/34/36]. 104. By reason of our humanitarian philosophy, which is part and parcel of our Costa Rican national ideals, both Committees are very dear to us, in par- ticular the Special Committee against Apartheid, which we helped to found and of which for many years our former Permanent Representative to the United Na- tions, Mr. Gonzalo Ortiz, was a very active member. As is well known, he identified fully with the struggle to restore the attributes of human dignity to those who had been unjustly deprived of them. 105. Despite our profound confidence in the mission of the United Nations, and our firm conviction that since its inception a better future for all human beings has been ensured, we cannot fail to recognize that the perusal of the first of the reports I have mentioned and our knowledge of other facts disseminated by the mass media, have left us with a feeling of great disenchant- ment and frustration. For not only has no progress been achieved in the Republic of South Africa with regard to humane treatment for the vast majority of its popula- tion, but rather, on the contrary, discriminatory and degrading measures against that majority have been in- tensified. 106. Everything led us to believe that, given the level of universal awareness of the need to respect the human person, the Government of Pretoria would reconsider its position and seek to redeem itself by entering on a new course more in harmony with the present times, which are propitious for the affirmation of the at- tributes of human dignity. 108. The state of affairs created by the Government of South Africa could degenerate into a conflict with un- foreseeable consequences to which the United Nations is obligated to put a stop, all the more so if numerous reports which have been spread to the effect that the Pretoria regime has detonated a nuclear device are true. 109. This, combined with its continued opposition to reiterated United Nations resolutions condemning the ignominious conditions in which the great majority of the country's population is kept by the South African Government, constitutes a grave precedent for similar conduct which, if it were to be adopted, would un- doubtedly signal the beginning of the end of this Organization which, as declared by the Costa Rican Minister for Foreign Relations in this very hal! in his statement of last September, is the last hope for the sur- vival of mankind [see 19th meeting. para. 349]. 110. Compliance with United Nations resolutions is the most important requirement in fact and law not only for the fulfilment of the purposes and principles that were invoked for the establishment of the new interna- tional order, but also for the stability of world peace. This leads us to the conclusion that if it has not been possible to persuade the Government of South Africa to put an end to its policy of apartheid, this Organization has no alternative but to resort to the application of Chapter VII of the Charter to the full extent of its provi- sions. III. From no point of view can the United Nations shrink from the challenge of any of the Governments which form the international community, and this is all the more true when the issue is the protection of the dignity of man and his fundamental rights. 112. This is all the more true since the Government of Pretoria has been guilty of the unspeakable crime of ag- gression against neighbouring countries. 113. Costa Rica, which, on the basis of its own ex- perience, has arrived at the conviction that there can be no peace without the practice of justice, once again con- demns, with all the strength of its spirit and its centuries-old traditions, the heinous racist policy of the Government of South Africa and the continual acts of aggression it commits against the front-line States. We reaffirm our resolve to continue the struggle to put an end, as quickly as possible, to the humiliating, inhuman treatment to which the white minority regime of South Africa, flouting the international order, continues to subject large groups of brother Africans. 114. In conclusion, permit me, on behalf of my delegation, to thank the members of the Special Com- mittee against Apartheid and the AdHoc Committee on the Drafting of an International Convention against Apartheid in Sports for their efforts to provide us with detailed information about events which have occurred in this field during the recent period and which are con- nected with the obdurate refusal of the Government of 116. The greatest case of our century unquestionably remains the one which our Organization has been press- ing for more than 30 years against South Africa and its apartheid regime. Indeed, our times run the risk of seeming one day, if they do not seem so already, to be the era of contempt. It has been said from this rostrum that never in the history of our world Organization, or in all of modern history, has there been any question capable of martialling such unanimity and constancy in reprobation and condemnation as the question of apart- heid and the regime which is its most quintessential ex- pression. But it has also been observed that never has universal condemnation been followed with so little ac- tion. In fact, the gap which we can all see between this fine unanimity and the powerlessness to which it has paradoxically given rise over the past 30 years is simply the indication of a tragic and genuine disagreement within our Organization. This impotence, both of the General Assembly and the Security Council, can only be explained by what we must call the complicity of certain Western Powers which continue to provide financial, diplomatic and military support for the apartheid regime and whose multinational corporations reap im- mense profits thereby. The price of this duplicity, resulting from the complicity of certain Western Powers, is revealed by statistics on their trade with South Africa and by the resultant plunder and exploita- tion of the wealth of the southern African countries under racist white domination. 117. The point is that the situation prevailing in southern Africa is a colonial situation of a particular type, whose victims are no longer counted in scores, but in thousands. It is no secret to anyone that since the odious massacre at Sharpeville in 1960, the arrogance of South Africa, fed on violence, has continued to grow. The massacres at Soweto, the unspeakable murders of Steve Biko and Solomon Mahlangu and so many other South African martyrs, daily swell the list of South African crimes. 118. In addition to witnessing the crushing of the black population in South Africa, we are also witnessing a frenzied policy of bantustanization, a policy that has been condemned by the international community and that is aimed at creating a belt of satellite, buffer micro- States intended to act as a shield for the racist regime of Pretoria. 119. Each day, another tribunal hands down sentences against blacks, and summary executions and mass im- prisonments are carried out, not to mention the black 121. In July 1976, following the aggression against Zambia carried out by the South African soldiery at Sialola, the apartheid regime solemnly stated its deter- mination to invade any African country giving aid to national liberation movements. Such a declaration of war - which my delegation vigorously denounced at the time - deserves greater attention today. At the time, ironical statements were made when my country issued its solemn warning of the ever-growing power of South Africa. Today, no one can deny that South Africa has become a nuclear Power. 122. The Special Committee against Apartheid has issued reports from several seminars and conferences in- dicating the nuclear collaboration that exists between South Africa and certain Western countries, on the one hand, and between Israel and South Africa, on the other. Despite the tenth special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, and despite evidence gathered by anti-apartheid organizations throughout the world, the warnings contained in these reports have never been taken seriously. 123. Despite such evidence, the idea that no nuclear threat whatsoever exists in southern Africa has con- tinued to be perpetuated, and attempts have been made to convince public opinion that no solidarity exists be- tween the white minorities that might lead the racist Pretoria regime to intervene in Rhodesia. But only four days after the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly began its work, South Africa celebrated its triumphant entry into the atomic club, challenging the entire international community. 124. The South African nuclear explosion is a challenge, an unbearable challenge. Such a challenge is not created by that explosion alone - the very existence of the apartheid regime itself is a challenge. 125. For some time, we have been hearing talk of human rights. It is true that the defence of human rights is just and legitimate, but why are those crusaders for human rights hesitating to raise their banners in the heart of the citadel of apartheid? Is there a better or more pressing opportunity for the Western Powers to evidence their determination to ensure respect for those human rights that the white 'racist minority has been 126. Today, the game is obvious. The support South Africa is giving to the Ian Smith-Muzorewa clique rests on the same logic: South Africa is fated to expand the geographical spread of white racist hegemony in southern Africa. This explains clearly the intensification of the attacks against Angola aimed at annihilating SWAPO and at establishing in Namibia a Rhodesia- type situation, despite all the warnings of the United Nations. 127. There are some challenges that we mustaccept or we will perish. The challenge issued to the United Na- tions by the racist minorities of southern Africa and their allies must be answered. For the peoples cannot be misled about the plots being fomented against Africa and the world, menaced by threats of war. 128. The challenge of South Africa exists because that racist State derives its power from the differences that divide the African States and all in southern Africa who are struggling against the apartheid regime. For more than 30 years, we have been acting aimlessly, and we now have proof that we must seek elsewhere for ways to meet that challenge, and that we must give priority to a different approach to the problem of the apartheid regime. It is not that my delegation underestimates the capability of the United Nations to stop this crime. We are bound to recognize, however, that to achieve success in the struggle against the apartheid regime, we must begin at the beginning. And in this case, the beginning is tantamount to what Mr. Ahmed Sekou Toure, Presi- dent of the Revolutionary People's Republic of Guinea, has been proposing at every meeting of the OAU. This can be summed up in two points: first, the liquidation of the contradictions that prevail. in southern Africa among all who are determined to achieve the liberation of their countries by strengthening their unity, their organization and their ability to struggle, including armed struggle; secondly, a unity of views on the strategy and tactics to be adopted by the African States in lending as a matter of priority political, financial, diplomatic and military support to the legitimate strug- gle of the peoples of southern Africa. 129. When these two conditions have been met, then the first great and historic victory over the apartheid regime will be within our reach. The assistar ,; that the international community has constantly given and will continue to give will be an added bonus. This is the pro- per path that the Guinean Head of State has consistently proposed. Conditions are perhaps not yet ripe for enter- ing onto this perilous path. But one day, we will have to begin at the beginning. That is the only way we can ac- quire the essential means to respond to the challenge, in- cluding the nuclear challenge. 130. In the meanwhile, the Council of Ministers of OAU, which met at Monrovia from 6 to 20 July 1979, appealed to the Western countries and to Israel to cease providing South Africa with technical equipment and technology that can enable it to acquire a nuclear capability [see A/34/552, annex I, eM/Res. 718 (XXX- III)]. 132. The Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-aligned Countries, held at Havana from 3 to 9 September 1979, declared southern Africa to be the theatre in which the fundamental question was that of apartheid. Freedom and peace, security and pro- gress in southern Africa and in the world cannot be achieved without the total eradication of the apartheid regime [see A/34/542, annex, sect. IV, para 78]. 133. There are dozens of pertinent resolutions of the General Assembly and of the Security Council, and yet the only change has been the increase in the arrogance of South Africa, brought about by the complicity of those who speak to us of peaceful settlement, at the same time as t-hey supply Pretoria with sophisticated techniques and technology accompanied by increased financial aid so that it can arm itself further against the African peoples. 134. My country, Guinea, a member of the Special Committee against Apartheid, strongly supports the recommendations in the report made by Mr. Clark, of Nigeria. My delegation hails the courageous struggle of all the peoples of southern Africa against the white racist minorities. It sees the certain pledge of their vic- tory in the unity of all the adversaries of apartheid, who, supported by the whole of Africa, will in the end triumph over apartheid. It also salutes all the States and forces throughout the world that have given concrete help, not just empty words, to the invincible partisans (If the overthrow of the dictatorship of the white racist minority. . 135. My delegation subscribes to the programme pro- posed by the Special Committee with a view to improv- ing the means of fighting against apartheid and appeals to the international community to convene an interna- tional conference on sanctions against South Africa. It is firmly convinced that during that conference the peoples of the world would be able to find a definitive solution to the grave problem of apartheid.

The Special Commit- tee against Apartheid, under the able chairmanship of Ambassador Clark, of Nigeria, deserves special com- mendation for the excellent work it has performed in the crusade against apartheid, as indicated in documents A/34122 and A/341221Add.I, now before the General Assembly. I wish also to pay a special tribute to Am- bassador Leslie Harriman for his dedicated and outstanding contribution to the work of the Special Committee during the time he was its Chairman. 137. The report that the South African Fascist, racist regime has detonated a nuclear device puts into special focus the findings and recommendations of the United Nations International Seminar on Nuclear Collabora- tion with South Africa, held in London on 24 and 25 138. The Government and people of Uganda fully support the people of South Africa in their legitimate struggle for dignity, freedom and justice. We have sup- ported and will continue to support publicity aimed at exposing the evils of apartheid. In this regard, we urge all States Members of this Organization to give generous material support to the voluntary Trust Fund for Publicity against Apartheid. 139. Our colleges and institutions of higher learning in Uganda will continue to offer places and scholarships to the unfortunate victims of apartheid who find their way out of that Fascist State. We shall endeavour, within the limits of our ability, to provide shelter and employment opportunities to refugees fleeing from the South African racist regime's campaign of terror and torture. 140. My delegation would like to thank those coun- tries which have responded positively to the various resolutions of this Organization on stopping economic collaboration with the South African Fascist regime. For, as various studies and most recently the conclu- sions of the recent International Seminar on the Role of Transnational Corporations in South Africa [A/34/655] have shown, these economic activities do sustain the system of apartheid. The multinationals which invest in South Africa have demonstrated that they are interested in securing quick and excessive profits by exploiting the cheap labour and the abundant natural resources of the indigenous people of South Africa, rather than in pro- moting the welfare and political rights of all the peoples of the area. We are particularly concerned about those multinational companies which are investing in research, on behalf of the South African regime, on alternative sources of energy. The Fluor Corporation of California has already been singled out for its $4 billion investment in that field. A global arms embargo must be imposed urgently on the South African regime before it becomes independent in energy resources. In this 141. The courageous nationalists engaged in a legitimate struggle for the attainment of their fun- damental freedoms and human rights in South Africa must, at worst, be treated as prisoners of war when ar- rested. When we remember the death of Steven Biko through torture, we ask ourselves why the Fascists had to kill him. Many more have died the same way in South Africa, without publicity. How much longer must we stand by and let this humiliating, barbarous brutality continue? Where are freedom fighters like Solomon Mahlangu and David Sibeko who have since died in the struggle? The regime has to face the inevitable fact that the death of a freedom fighter such as David Sibeko must inevitably have fired the resolve of Elizabeth Sibeko to carryon the struggle and that through her children, and her grandchildren if necessary, the strug- gle will continue. Furthermore, the truth of the matter is that there are too many Steve Bikos, too many David Sibekos, too many African States and peoples in the continent of the black race for a Jamestown-type massacre and suicide, in company with a bunch of self- destructive racists, to be possible. Africa will never allow itself to be indoctrinated or lulled into submission by such racists so that it drinks the poisonous potion of apartheid, as the disciples of the Reverend Mr. Jones drank the poison in Guyana. When will the racist regime realize that its policy is doomed to fail and be exorcised from the face of this planet? It took two decades for Hitler and Mussolini and eight years for Amin to be re- jected for their fascism. But since '948, when Malan concocted apartheid as a policy, we have had to put up with it for 31 years, and to some of us those 31 years have been as long, as painful and as humiliating as any three decades in Hades could be. We have cried out for that "beloved country", to use Alan Paton's immortal phrase, and that cry has been swelled and made louder by the united force of more than 50 members of OAU and the majority of the Members represented here in the United Nations. 142. Those cries are not wasted, those deaths will not be forgotten, Robben Island cannot be forgotten and the Mandelas are not forsaken. The Sharpeville, Guguletu and Soweto massacres are not fiction. To us they rate the same as Treblinka, Dachau and Auschwitz because, in the minds of all African freedom fighters, they are rated not so much for the massacres associated with them as for what they reveal of the inhumanity and brutality that is latent in and has been associated with many European societies. That brutal and inhuman policy has spread and, like a cancer, now afflicts a por- tion of the continent of Africa. That cancer, if not treated in time, will doom mankind to inevitable self- destruction. If this racist disease was conceived in Europe - and I say "if"- then we can look hopefully to Europe to help us find some antidote for it and call upon its inhabitants to help us to eradicate it from our continent by using the same dose as they have used on their own Fascist societies wherever they have erupted into existence. To those who wish to continue to support fascism and the Fascist apartheid regime in South Africa because of economic gains, we say: Africa's wealth is for Africans, but where we have to share its ex- 143. We do not wish ever to see the phoenix rising from the ashes of the holocaust that would be the fate of our continent if we in Africa eventually rushed to arm ourselves with nuclear weapons and used them to settle what could be settled peacefully. We shall not succumb to terror. On the contrary, because of this inhumanity in the form of the apartheid regime, we are resolved to carryon the struggle until victory is achieved. 144. We express solidarity with the front-line States which, by refusing to be intimidated and silenced, have become victims of aggression at the hands of that South African Fascist regime. 145. The total solidarity of this Organization with the front-line States is necessary if we are to overcome apartheid. The sacrifices being made by the front-line States are fully appreciated by us, and we appeal to the world community to give material support to the front- line States and to strengthen their security in the face of constant aggression. 146. My delegation believes in the total isolation of South Africa as long as it continues the hated policies of apartheid. That isolation should take the form of an economic embargo, with the severing of sports, com- munication and educational links. 147. The struggle against apartheid has now reached a crucial stage. The writing is on the wall. My delegation is convinced more than ever before that many of us may live to see victory in that part of the world. We are not underestimating the enemy; the struggle is going to be hard and bitter. Once again, my delegation calls upon all to pool all their political, economic and material resources for the sake of the struggle for peace, human dignity and justice. 148. In conclusion, my delegation endorses the recom- mendation of the Special Committee against Apartheid that missions be sent to the Governments of arms- exporting countries in an effort to strengthen the arms embargo against the South African regime. We also support the sending of missions to countries members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries and to other countries in which the transnational oil cor- porations have their headquarters, to try to make the oil embargo more effective. .

Once again, Member States are considering in the Assembly the policies of apartheid of South Africa's ruling white clique. We must admit that since we did so in this forum one year ago there have been no significant changes in the life of the system that has been universally condemned and for the dismantling of which the Assembly has consistently called. In fact, instead of change, there has been further deterioration. The report of the Special Cc.nmittee against Apartheid notes that the situation in southern Africa has been aggravated in the past year by the policy of apartheid. The sad plight of the blacks subjected to brutal treatment in South Africa continues to represent the gravest affront to the conscience of civilized mankind. Meanwhile, despite all our protestations and condemnation, South Africa's friends in the West and 150. In these circumstances, we must guard against the cynicism that can so easily overtake us at seeing this ex- ercise as an annual ritual and apartheid as an issue which will remain with us for ever. The delegation of Guyana certainly will not give way to such cynicism. As the Apostle Paul said, we "remember them that are in bonds" as if we, too, were "bound with them" [Epistle of Paul to Hebrews, 13:3]. The General Assembly has an obligation to the black people of South Africa to bring pressure to bear on the Pretoria regime to free them from those chains, and for my delegation this obligation will always remain in the forefront of our consideration of the question of apartheid. 151. The Member States of this Organization have bound themselves together under a Charter founded on the brotherhood of man and on human solidarity, regardless of Face, for achieving the common good. In fact, where in Article lour Charter speaks of race, it is to marginalize it, to make it of no significance; to subor- dinate it to the broad goal of promoting respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. Yet, in only a matter of years, the Assembly was to declare racism a crime against humanity, and today, after 34 years in the life of that Charter, the Assembly is still waging war against the institutionalized racism of apartheid. This battle is being waged with not as much success as we should like to see, for the effectiveness of our struggle is compromised by those among us who still refuse to cast their lot fully with us in that struggle. 152. The reasons for this refusal may not be difficult to find. For a start, let us turn our minds to a hypothetical situation. ~et us suppose that the ruling minority in Pretoria were black and the majority over which it ruled were white. Would this debate be taking place now in 1979- a debate which started over 30 years ago? Would a problem of apartheid have been allowed to develop in the first place? Would the countries of the West and Israel sell arms-or for that matter nuclear technology - to that black minority regime? Suppose the children of that hypothetical white majority were to rise up one day in a place called Soweto demanding freedom and were to be shot down by black policemen of that black minority regime? Would the West and Israel continue to sell arms to that regime? Suppose the boot were on the other foot? 153. These are all hypothetical questions, but my delegation believes that, if only as questions, they are useful and relevant in our consideration of this question of apartheid, whose inhumanity no longer requires any elaboration, for it has been exposed and universally condemned over and over again. 154. In fact, just when we thought we had seen every manifestation of the nightmare of apartheid, there came recent reports of a nuclear explosion by South Africa, which must certainly be a source of the gravest concern to us all. For South Africa has shown such contempt for every norm, every precept, every standard of interna- 155. We must remember that this is the system which perpetuates a regime of unspeakable violence against the black population of South Africa. Sharpeville and Soweto are synonymous in our time with the most despicable and callous atrocities committed against black men, women and -lest we forget - children, as they peacefully attempted to assert their dignity and worth. This is the system which has insanely embarked on continued military adventurism against the neighbouring States of Angola and Zambia, an adven- turism myopically impelled by the futile attempt to con- struct a cordon sanitaire of acquiescent States around itself. This is the system which has defied international opinion, and continues daily to challenge this venerable world Organization and the peoples of the world in its illegal occupation of Namibia and its extension of the infamous apartheid system, to that territory. 156. It therefore behooves us to be resolute in our determination to get to the heart of this report of a nuclear explosion by South Africa with all its implica- tions for the peace and security not only of continental Africa but of our world in general. We must not allow obfuscations and the sowing of doubts, whatever their source, to dampen our zeal to get to the truth, and our Organization must necessarily take an active role in this regard. My delegation therefore considered it a duty to support the decision taken in the General Assembly on 26 October last [decision 34/404] requesting the Secretary-General to investigate this development urgently ~nd to report thereon to the Assembly. 157. We have all at one time or another expressed our condemnation of the racist regime in Pretoria and the inhuman policy of apartheid which it practises - some more honestly than others, some with greater commit- ment than others. There is, in fact, a moral consensus among civilized nations of the world that rejects out of hand the hateful policy of apartheid. Some of us, within the constraints of our resources, have married our moral and diplomatic rejection of the apartheid regime with material assistance to the freedom fighters within South Africa and Namibia. 158. But our efforts are being increasingly frustrated by the comfort and succour being provided to the discredited regime in South Africa by certain Western nations and economic interests - support which serves only to fortify the practitioners of apartheid in their refusal to heed international opinion and to make a mockery of international law, of the Charter of our Organization and of the resolutions and decisions which we adopt. 159. This is an aspect which is of particular significance to small States like Guyana. which look to international law and to the Charter as their most effective guarantee of survival. J60. Members of our Organization are eloquent in their indignation in cases of violations of conventions and resolutions, particularly where they consider their own interests to be at stake. But the ovewhelming black majority of South Africa are perpetual victims of organized State terrorism on the part of the Pretoria 161. The point I am making is that we cannot be selec- tive in our condemnation of international lawlessness or in the resolve with which we confront it. We cannot, I insist, place ourselves on the side of international law just when it suits us, or when we feel our national in- terests stand to gain, while taking refuge in verbal gym- nastics when we see that those interests would be af- fected by action consistent with a commitment to legali- ty. 162. Here I address myself particularly to South Africa's major trading partners, especially the members of the Security Council among them, whose privileged positions in the international decision-making process impose certain grave responsibilities in respect of the decisions taken by this Organization with regard to South Africa. When they themselves prevent the Securi- ty Council from taking against South Africa the action prescribed in the Charter of our Organization, or when they and others in Western Europe, and Israel also, col- laborate with South Africa contrary to the decisions of our Organization, then the credibility of the United Na- tions itself becomes a casualty, like so many of the vic- tims of apartheid who look to this august body for justice, and no amount of pious-sounding condemna- tions will alter this fact. 163. We have heard enough of the rhetoric of condem- nation. Nowhere is it envisaged in the Charter or in the Assembly's decisions that part of humanity should stand aside smiting its breast while another part con- tinues to be victims of racist bigotry. 164. For all our impassioned condemnation of apart- heid, what meaning does the International Year of the Child have to the millions of black children in South Africa growing up under apartheid? What does the United Nations Decade for Women mean to the women living under apartheid? What does even the effort for the creation of the New International Economic Order mean to the victims of apartheid who are killed or im- prisoned when they demand a new national order? 165. Our decisions have always called for positive ac- tion. My delegation would therefore like to pay a special tribute to the Government of Iran for its decision to ter- minate oil sales to South Africa, and to the Government of Nigeria for the indication given as recently as three days ago in this forum that it will continue to judge its relations with other States in the light of the wider in- terest of Africa. [54th meeting, para. 44]. That is the kind of firm decisive action that needs to be taken in respect of apartheid South Africa, and my delegation sincerely hopes that these examples will serve as an in- spiration to other States that are not yet able to place principle before profit. 166. My delegation would also like to pay a tribute to the Special Committee against Apartheid, under the wise and dedicated leadership of Ambassador Clark of 167. To the concerned citizens, non-governmental organizations and other individual Member States of the United Nations, which have also played their part - and continue to play their part - in helping to lay bare the true dimensions of apartheid and to isolate the Pretoria regime, my delegation reserves a word of sincerest appreciation for what is a service to humanity and to international peace and security. 168. As it has always done in the past, the non-aligned movement continues to give its support to OAU and the Special Committee against Apartheid. This support was reaffirmed at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Havana last September, when they declared that southern Africa as a whole constituted one single theatre of operations in which apartheid South Africa was the central strategic issue, and called for strict implementation of all United Nations resolutions on South Africa. 169. Another very important collective expression of concern and support vas made at Lusaka last August at the meeting of the I-'Jads of Government of Common- wealth countries. That meeting issued a Declaration on Racism and Racial Prejudice which, among other things, rejected as inhuman and intolerable all policies de- signed to perpetuate apartheid [see A/34/439-S//35/5, annex]. 170. South Africa has so completely and callously disregarded the principles of international law and of civilized behaviour, that it is difficult to imagine what it must do next in order for its collaborators to respond to the demands of history and of all mankind to cease their collaboration with apartheid. The moment is grave enough already. My delegation sincerely hopes that these demands will be heeded before that next action.

Once again, the General Assembly is concluding its debate on the policies of apartheid of the white racist minority regime in South Africa. The debate shows, once again, that racism and racial discrimination in the institutionalized form of apartheid flourish in the climate of terror and continued repression perfected by the apartheid regime in South Africa. 172. I have come back from Manila to join, and share the privilege of closing, the debate on this question in solidarity with the oppressed black people of South Africa and their national liberation movements. I have come back because the Philippines, as a founding Member of this Organization and also a founding member of the Special Committee against Apartheid, firmly believes that the time has come for the United Nations to assert its authority with finality over a Member State which is guilty of a deliberate pattern of gross and massive violations of human rights, and of ag- gression against its neighbours. 173. The past several years have shown that there is a continual flouting by South Africa of every resolution or decision of the General Assembly or of the Security Council on this issue; every declaration or programme 174. Several years ago, the General Assembly launched the International Anti-Apartheid Year and the international mobilization against apartheid. None of their objectives has been achieved. Instead, South Africa not only maintains its apartheid policies - it seeks to strengthen all of them by increasing its ar- maments and by committing aggression against the front-line States of Angola, Mozambique, Botswana, the United Republic of Tanzania and Zambia. 175. Recently, we received word of an ominous event: it is reported that South Africa exploded a nuclear device in September 1979, and my delegation wishes to thank Ambassador B. Akporode Clark of Nigeria, Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid, for having quickly alerted the General Assembly to this fateful and unfortunate development. I do not have to tell representatives that this event bodes ill not only for the region of South Africa, but for the peace and securi- ty of all nations. For this reason, the Philippines sup- ports the Assembly's decision to request the Secretary- General to carry out an investigation, and also supports the appeal of the non-aligned movement to the nuclear- weapons States to co-operate with, and lend their sup- port to, the Secretary-General in this inquiry. 176. For several years the General Assembly, the Special Committee against Apartheid and various non- governmental organizations, including the British Anti- Apartheid Movement and the NGO Sub-Committee on Racism, Racial Discrimination, Apartheid and Decolonization as well as various international con- ferences, have issued warnings about nuclear ex- periments being carried out by South Africa in the Kalahari Desert. These warnings were consistently ig- nored. If indeed South Africa has exploded a nuclear bomb, we are all threatened, and apartheid may become a perpetual bomb amongst us: unless concerted and massive international action is brought to bear on this defiant regime immediately. 177. We are all aware of how South Africa has, by other means, manoeuvred to escape the onus of apart- heid by spurious schemes to set up what it claims to be independent bantustans, and of how we all saw through these schemes, as in the case of the Transkei. In sheer defiance of General Assembly resolutions on the sub- ject, South Africa continues to set up more bantustans. 178. The international community has reiterated its will, as reflected in the debate just concluded on this item. The Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid, Ambassador Clark of Nigeria, in his in- troductory statement on Tuesday morning last, in- dicated to the General Assembly the elements of con- certed international action against apartheid if what he calls' 'such tragic and explosive potential for a race war of continental proportions" arising from South Africa's intransigence and aggressive policies is to be averted [see 54th meeting, para. 20]. 179. There is general agreement that concerted inter- national action must be taken for the total elimination or apartheid; that the apartheid regime must be isolated; 180. Is it not a bending of the truth when South Africa claims, in pursuit of its apartheid policies, that it is the vanguardof Western civilization in southern Africa and that therefore it needs the assistance and support of the Western Powers? The representative of Sweden, Mr. Thunborg, ably refuted in effect the fallacy of such a claim when he articulated Sweden's call in this very hall on 6 November [54th meeting] for the cessation of fur- ther foreign investments and loans to South Africa and suggested a total cut-off of all nuclear co-operation as part of a programme of economic sanctions by the Security Council. 181. In the light of the present grave situation in the southern African region, brought about by short- sighted South African policies, there has developed a consensus in the General Assembly for the convening of an international conference on sanctions against South Africa in 1980, in co-operation with OAU. The Philip- pines supports this proposal of the Special Committee against Apartheid. We also support the proposal that the arms embargo must be strengthened and nuclear col- laboration with South Africa must cease. 182. There must be no form of recognition of or deal- ings with the so-called independent bantustans, as the General Assembly has declared them totally invalid. 183. In the context of events in South Africa, a man- datory embargo on the supply of petroleum and petroleum products to South Africa, under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, has become an urgent necessity. The Philippines, as a prospective member of the Security Council, will support such an initiative in the Council. It notes with satisfaction that the Islamic Republic of Iran has taken a unilateral step in instituting an oil embargo against South Africa. We can also sup- port the appointment of a small group of experts to prepare a report with proposals on means to enforce an effective oil embargo against South Africa. 184. The Assembly must demand abrogation of the bans on anti-apartheid organizations and news media opposed to apartheid and encourage the International Committee of the Red Cross to obtain access to political prisoners and detainees in South Africa. 185. In this Decade for Women and in the Interna- tional Year of the Child, as well as in the second half of the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, it behoves the international community 186. For its part, the Philippines has consistently sup- ported the peoples of South Africa and southern Africa through United Nations humanitarian funds. If the martyrdom of the freedom fighters in Sharpeville in 1960 and in Soweto in 1976, as well as the martyrdom of Steve Biko and Solomon Mahlangu in more recent times, is to have any meaning, Member States must con- tribute generously in this struggle for human dignity and equality. 187. However, beyond this, the objective, as the ma- jority of speakers in the debate has shown, must be the total isolation of South Africa in all fields - diplomatic, political, military, economic, cultural and sports. 188. Meanwhile the United Nations and the Member States must counter the propaganda efforts of South Africa and continue to support the Trust Fund for Publicity against Apartheid. In this international earn- paign, we recognize the important role of non- governmental organizations, specialized agencies, and institutions within the United Nations system, the Department of Public Information and the Centre against Apartheid. 189. Indeed, if the United Nations and the interna- tional community are to be true to the special respon- sibility towards the oppressed people of South Africa and their national liberation movement that they assum- ed under General Assembly resolution 3411 C (XXX), then all Member States, without exception whatsoever, must begin to implement numerous resolutions of the United Nations and sever all relations with South Africa. 190. Some Member States, unfortunately, have de- luded themselves into thinking that a dialogue with South Africa is still possible at this late stage and have taken the situation in South Africa more casually than they sb'uld. They have regarded South Africa's intran- sigel' :;; a temporary phenomenon. For some reason or another, they have somehow been blind to the calculated effort of the regime to perpetuate apartheid, unmindful that their collaboration in fact strengthens the racist regime and encourages it to persist in its anachronistic and aggressive policies. Thus, such Member States suffer from a grievous illusion. At this late date only a shock can bring that nation to its senses. By its actions South Africa not only defies the United "faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small," whenever we invoke the aim "to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom, and for these ends to prac- tice tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbours," we must not forget- and let South Africa remember that it was a South African who, 34 years ago, be- queathed to mankind these noble sentiments. Jan Smuts wrote those passages - and I was a witness when he wrote them - not as a South African, but as a citizen of all nations, a man among men. Now it appears that the country of his birth never intended to honour those words, certainly never to honour him. Indeed, everything that South Africa has done for the past 34 years to enforce apartheid has been a betrayal of that noble person and his ideals. 192. On the shoulders of Member States which exert influence over South Africa rests the burden of rescuing that nation from that supreme irony. There may be a faint glimmer of hope. South Africa still has the oppor- tunity to return to the ranks of civilized nations which it has all but abandoned, to reaffirm its allegiance to the principles its illustrious son helped to give mankind, and to abide by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the logical outcome of those principles enumerated in the Preamble, and by so doing resolve this intolerable situation once and for all. This is a test that the United Nations must not fail; it is a test that South Africa can- not afford to fail.