A/34/PV.64 General Assembly

Before calling on the first speaker, I wish to inform the meeting that in order that voting may take place on Wednesday afternoon, I pro- pose that any draft resolution or amendment on this item be submitted before 5 p.m. today. If there is no ob- jection, it will be so decided. 2. Mr. Vanden HEUVEL (United States of America): The situation in Kampuchea confronts this Assembly with humanitarian and political problems of grave con- sequence to Kampuchea, to the countries of the region and indeed to the world. Only one week ago, represen- tatives of the concerned nations of the world met hereto give their firm support to the international relief effort in Kampuchea. Their objective was to save the Khmer people, who have far too long suffered from brutal and barbaric treatment at the hands of their own rulers, and who have been devastated by a war which has brought terrible famine and disease. The Pledging Conference for Emergency Humanitarian Relief to the People of Kampuchea, called by the Secretary-General, has shown the profound concern and compassion within the inter- national community for the Khmer people. 3. The States Members of the United Nations are now aware that immediate action must be taken to alleviate that tremendous human suffering. That Pledging Con- ference resulted in an outpouring of humanitarian responses. While much more must be done, the interna- tional community and the agencies involved in the relief effort are ready now to provide rapid assistance to the hungry, sick and dying throughout Kampuchea as soon as they are allowed to do so by those who control the country and its people. 4. We take this opportunity to salute those interna- tional public servants who, once more, have shown in- credible qualities of courage and commitment, and whoseefforts may save the people of Kampuchea from annihilation. NEW YORK 5. Secretaryof'State Vanceset forth my Government's views on the urgencyof the humanitarian reliefeffort in his statement to the Pledging Conference on 5 No- vember.! He asked that calculations of political and military advantage be put aside by the authorities in Kampuchea, so that the overwhelming human issue could be addressed. He urged that everymeansavailable be employed to deliver supplies to the international agencies which should be allowed to distribute them to everyone in need. And he gave the full and determined support of the United States for the international relief effort in Kampuchea. I reiterate that appeal for co- operation and that expressionof support today. 6. QUi' concentration on meeting immediate human needs and our insistence that no impediment be placed in the way of the relief effort must not deter this Assembly from addressing the underlying causes of the tragic situation in Kampuchea and the dangerous threat to peace and security that it represents for other States in the region. We are meeting here to determine what further steps can and should be taken to deal with the situation. 7. The Charter of the United Nations sets forth the principles by which the United Nations is to be guided. The Charter establishes as the primary purpose of our Organization the maintenance of international peace and security and speaks of respect for fundamental human rights and for international obligations and law. It requires all Members to settle their differences by peaceful means and to refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political in- dependence of any State. 8. Tragically, in the Kampuchean situation everyone of these principles- everysingle one of them- has been violated. For years the brutal regimeof Pol Pot violated the human rights of the Khmer people with impunity. Time and time again, my Government made clear its abhorrence of this regime and its actions. The United States was in the forefront of those Governments urging that the violence being done to the innocent people of Kampuchea be stopped. The human rights institutions of the United Nations did nothing because the Soviet Union and other Communist countries opposed even the condemnation that should have been the leastof our efforts. How ironic it is to seethese same countries now join us in denouncing the excesses of Pol Pot for whom they were the shield. 9. To compound this disregard for internationally ac- cepted principles of human rights, Viet Nam, supplied and supported by the Soviet Union, took it upon itself to solve its disputes with Kampuchea by force, contrary to statements by Viet Nam that it would resolve peace- fully any differences it might have with other States in the region. Viet Nam invaded its neighbour with some 200,000 troops and created a puppet regime which re- 10. Nothing justifies the act of invasion which con- tinues today. Viet Nam's obligation was to seek a solu- tion to its dispute by peaceful means and, if necessary, to turn to the United Nations for assistance, It is equally clear that Viet Nam's motives in invading Kampuchea had little to do with concern for human rights. To the contrary, the Vietnamese occupation of Kampuchea has made even more bitter the tragedy of the Khmer people. That occupation has been responsible for immense suf- fering and loss of lives among the Khmer civilian population. Famine and disease have been compounded by the effects of continuing military conflict. The Viet- namese aggression is a violent affront to the conscience of mankind. It has escalated the destruction of life and property which it pretended to combat. II. We are especially concerned by the implication of the increasing Vietnamese offensive in western Kampuchea for humanitarian relief efforts both in Kampuchea and among refugee populations along the Thai-Khmer border. The increased fighting prevents relief efforts from reaching large parts of the country, threatens the lives of the international relief staff and others in the field, and forces into Thailand thousands of innocent Kampucheans who have neither a role nor an interest in the battle. This effect already threatens to overwhelm refugee assistance efforts in Thailand and creates further instability in the area. 12. We are also profoundly concerned that recent in- cidents along the Thailand-Kampuchea border suggest that Vietnam's actions in Kampuchea could have even graver and more widespread consequences for the peace and stability of the region. Vietnamese military forces have, on a number of occasions, made incursions into Thai territory. The danger of incidents in the border area is at a critical stage and is likely to remain so as long as Viet Nam pursues its military objectives. T~e United Nations must express its concern about this threat to the security of Thailand. 13. No nation, no matter how far aw.ay from ~nd?­ China can remain unconcerned at what IS happeningin Kamp~chea today. For if yiet Nam is, ~llow~d to 10- vade to occupy and to Impose a regime 10 Kam- puch~a - no matter how this is. rationalized - what country can feel certain that a dispute With a more powerful neighbour will be resolved not by forc.e, but.by peaceful means? What is .at s!ake in.our c0t:tslderatlon of the Kampuchea situation IS the ~~ternatlonal com- munity's commitment to peace, stability, order and the rule of law and its insistence that States carry out the obligations'they have undertaken it:t signing the United Nations Charter. The challenge which confronts the 10- ternational community is how to prevent the spread of the conflict and to restore a situation of peace and stability in Kampuchea. 14. With these considerations in mind, my Govern- 16. There must first be stability along the Thai- Kampuchean border. The dispatch by the Secretary- General of a fact-finding mission to the border area is an important step in this process. In this initial and im- portant response to Thailand's request, we trust that the Secretary-General's representative will make recom- mendations on how the United Nations can best assist in stabilizing the border situation, ensuring that the fighting does not spread and insulating the relief efforts from combat. This must be done urgently, even while efforts are under way to expand the relief effort ~nd tackle the basic problems of Kampuchea. Such United Nations presence and activity along the Vietnamese Kampuchean border last year at this time might have forestalled the tragedy that ensued. Let us not take that same risk again. 17. Foreign forces must begin to withdraw. The con- tending political forces in Kampuchea should not seek to gain advantage from that withdrawal; rather, efforts towards political accommodation must proceed simul- taneously. The fighting must be brought to an end. 18. Our goal should be an independent Kampuchea, at peace with its neighbours, whose Government reflects the aspirations of the Khmer people and respects their human rights. This goal is a prerequisite for peace and security in the region and for the well-being of the peo- ple of Kampuchea. Any eventual solution must also provide guarantees to neighbouring States, including Viet Nam, that their legitimate security concerns will be taken into account. We believe that the United Nations has an important role to play in promoting progress towards these goals. 19. We believe that draft resolution A/34/L.13/Rev.1 sponsored by the States of the Association South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN] and by a number of other na- tions meets the criteria. Its adoption would advance our common purpose by imparting an unambiguous mes- sage to Viet Nam and its supporters: that military ag- gression and intervention are unacceptable. Above all, its implementation would allow the United Nations to play an even more active role in the relief effort and, through the Secretary-General's good offices, to begin to move towards the peaceful settlement of the Kam- puchean situation. We urge its adoption and its im- plementation. 20. We have noted other specific proposals involving the convening of an international conference on Kampuchea. We are in principle prepared to give such a suggestion careful consideration. At a certain state, it may be that a carefully prepared and broadly based con- ference could contribute to a political solution. With the 21. Finally, let me say a word about the broader threat to peace that the situation in Kampuchea represents. For over a year my Government and others have warned of the consequences of Viet Nam's actions in Kampuchea. In the Security Council and in public statements we have pointed out the considerable danger of wider conflict in the region and internationally as well. The relevance of our concerns was demonstrated by the Chinese retaliation against Viet Nam early in the year, which weopposed. Viet Nam's continuing attempt to dominate Kampuchea by military means and its indif- ference to the weight of international opinion can only heighten these concerns, increase tensions and promote further instability. We call upon each Member of this Organization to use whatever means of influence it com- mands to reverse this situation so that peace and stabili- ty can be brought to South-East Asia. No more urgent or important task faces the United Nations today.

The Polish delegation has asked to be allowed to speak at this stage to express its solidarity with the Kampuchean people and to reiterate Poland's full support for that country's authentic and legal Government, represented by the People's Revolutionary Council and headed by its Chairman, Heng Samrin. Poland is linked by sincere friendship with the people of Kampuchea and is par- ticularly devoted to the cause of peace and stabilization in Indo-China, as indeed in all of South-East Asia. We have given practical expression of that commitment in the course of our long-standing participation in the In- ternational Control Commissions in the States of Indo- China, including Kampuchea; we continue our involve- ment by developing all-round relations of co-operation with all the countries in the region. 23. Our position has always proceeded from the prin- ciple of respect for the sovereign rights of nations to decide their destinies and choose the form of social system and government that suits them best. That is why, we so resolutely supported the heroic struggle of the three nations of Indo-China against colonialism and imperialist aggression, against foreign expansionism and hegemonism, a struggle for their sovereign right to independence and self-determination. The peoples of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea, linked as they have been by their common history and struggle for national liberation, have a devoted and well-tested friend in the people of Poland. 24. True to the principles of its foreign policy, my country declares itself in favour of further strengthening peace and stability in South-East Asia on the basis of full respect for the sovereign rights of nations, recogni- tion of the existing political realities and non-inter- ference in the affairs of the Indo-Chinese States. That last principle also applies to the General Assembly of the United Nations. Hence, the inclusion in the agenda of the current session of an item entitled "The situation in Kampuchea" should be treated solely as a demonstra- tion of readiness on the part of the international com- munity to give support to the people of Kampuchea at a difficult period of its recovery from the bloody and genocidal rule of the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique. 26. At the beginning of this year, basic changes took place in Kampuchea, changes that are in the interest both of that country and of peace and stabilization in South-East Asia. Entangled as it had become in an armed conflict of its own making with neighbouring Viet Nam, the genocidal regime was overthrown by its own people. The People's Republic of Kampuchea came into being and its People's Revolutionary Council pro- claimed a policy aimed at national reconstruction, restoration of democracy, good neighbourly relations, co-operation with all countries irrespective of dif- ferences in their socio-political systems: a policy of peace and non-alignment. The internal changes effected in Kampuchea not only conform to the right of the Kampuchean people to self-determination, but also are in accord with the binding principles of the comity of nations, as embodied in the Charter of the United Na- tions. 27. The genocidal and anti-national regime has been abolished. Between 1975 and 1978 it murdered in cold blood some 3 million of its own people. The Secretary- General of the United Nations made it abundantly clear, in his press briefing of 19 October 1979, that Kampuchea must have "lost up to one half of its entire population." But that information requires some ex- planation as to what segments of the population were killed and what categories of Kampuchea's citizens had been doomed to extermination. On the basis of such in- contestable evidence of the crimes perpetrated by the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique as mass graves, on the basis of the testimony of many witnesses, including that given during the trial before the People's Revolutionary Tribunal in Phnom Penh [A/34/568J, and the evidence included in the report prepared by a delegation of the International Association of Democratic Lawyers [A/34/559] it is absolutely certain that the Pol Pot clique, in the first place, sought with premeditation to destroy the most vital forces of the people: the in- telligentsia, the educated people, teachers, physicians, engineers, public servants, students, clergymen of all faiths and others. Under Pol Pot, the entire population had been deported from the towns, some being annihi- lated and some turned into slaves. Cultural institutions, hospitals and schools had been destroyed. Indeed, it is sadly ironical that one of the better-known schools in the country's capital should have been converted into the most cruel of gaols, a place of torture and an execu- tion site. The entire social fabric and economic structure 29. With its own bitter experiences of the Second World War and a gigantic network of monuments to martyrdom on its soil, the most conspicuous of which is Oswiecim-Auschwitz e- a fact worth recalling on the for- tieth anniversary of the outbreak of the Second World War-the people of Poland can properly assess the suf- ferings which the torturers of Pol Pot and Ieng Sary in- flicted on the Kampuchean people. They had nothing in common with their own people; they were a criminal gang formed by outside forces, in keeping with the hegemonistic ideology, quite possibly in the image of another gang in a certain big Power, so well known in international parlance as the "Gang of Four". 30. After all, it is hardly a secret that the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique could have survived only thanks to the political and military assistance provided by that big Power, advisers and instructors from which were, inter alia, in charge of the extermination of the people of Kampuchea. Owing to those advisers, the Pol Pot regime confined its co-operation to that big Power, hav- ing separated itself from the rest of the world with a bar- rier of self-isolation. Access to Phnom Penh was possi- ble only through an airline from Peking. [Beijing]. Ironically enough, representatives of the discredited clique were not brought to the United Nations until this year, following the revolutionary transformations in Kampuchea and the establishment of the People's Republic of Kampuchea. 31. Parallel to the genocide in its internal policies, in external affairs the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary regime embarked on the road of provocation and conflict vis-a-vis the neighbouring countries, first and foremost with regard to Viet Nam, although it did not spare Thailand either. By launching an armed aggression against Viet Nam, the Pol Pot regime was pursuing foreign objectives and determined to destroy the traditions of combat solidari- ty, friendship and mutual assistance linking the Viet- namese and Kampuchean peoples and intent on provok- ing international tensions on a broader scale. That is why the overthrow of the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary regime has not only saved the people of Kampuchea from total an- nihilation, but has also helped to avert a serious interna- tional conflict in South-East Asia. 32. The legacy of the bloody Pol Pot-Ieng Sary dic- tatorship is appalling. Kampuchea is in real need of ge- nuine humanitarian assistance from the outside. Next to its devastated economy, the lack of qualified personnel poses the most difficult problem. Only a few educated people survived, largely because they managed to pose as illiterates. It was an unspeakable and unprecedented act of perfidy on the part of the Ieng Sary to have ap- pealed in 1975to Khmers living abroad to return to their 33. The Polish People's Republic maintains normal diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of Kampuchea. The Polish Embassy in Phnom Penh, the capital of Kampuchea, has been functioning now for the last several months. The movement of persons between Kampuchea and Poland is normal. Polish journalists, film producers and telev~sion crews have lately often visited Kampuchea. Hence the Polish delegation is in a position today to declare in this United Nations forum that the overthrow of the genocidal Pol Pot-Ieng Sary regime has revived the faith of that harassed nation in its strength, its opportunities and a' better future. 34. The People's Revolutionary Council, led by Chair- man Heng Samrin, exercises sovereign and effective authority and is pursuing a fruitful policy of normaliza- tion of the situation and reconstruction of the country. The balance-sheet of the last 10 months of the existence of the People's Republic of Kampuchea is indeed visible and positive. The revolutionary administration has been engaged in distributing food and other much needed goods, in organizing orphanages and schools and in set- ting in motion work enterprises. There is progress in the resettlement of towns. Smiles have reappeared on the faces of the children. Roads all over the country are filled with people who are either returning to their homes or searching for their closest relatives. 35. T~e achievements and tasks of the People's Republic of Kampuchea to date have been discussed in greater detail in Chairman Heng Samrin's report, cir- culated as document A/341560 of 10October 1979 and in the report contained in document A/34/602 of 19 Oc- tober 1979. 36. In the light of the facts that I have just presented my delegation cannot but deeply deplore the Assembly'~ 37. The~e can be only one answer to those queries. The support given to Pol Pot's representatives, the inclusion of the item YThe situation in Kampuchea" in the agen- da of this session and the statements made by a number of delegations merely reaffirm that there is a desire to wreak vengeance for the progressive social transforma- ti~ns in the countries of Indo-China, which won a grand victory over the forces of colonialism and imperialism and have established an effective barrier against expan- sion and hegemonism. 38. The interests of peace, economic development and properly conceived human rights call for the establish- ment of good neighbourly co-operation between all the countries of South-East Asia, for the interests of the na- tions in that region lie not in confrontation but in mutually advantageous co-operation and good relations based on recognition of the political realities and respect f~r the sovereign rights of one's partners, including the right to conclude agreements of mutual assistance and co-operation between States, like the one concluded be" tween the People's Republic of Kampuchea and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam.! on the basis of which Yietnamese force~ ar~ temporarily assisting Kampuchea I~ the defence of Its Independence and security. Condi- tions for the development of such relations have emerged precisely with the proclamation of the People's Republic of Kampuchea. 39. The non-recognition by certain States of the new realities in Kampuchea cannot and will not change the Situation. It.tends only to create an artificial problem, thereby playing into the hands of forces interested in ex- acerbating international relations and maintaining ten- sions. 40. Poland, which maintains good relations with all the countries of South-East Asia, is vitally interested in a durable peace and stabilization in that region. 41. For all. the foregoing reasons, Poland supports draft resolution A/34/L.7/Rev.l, as it is also in keeping 3 Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Co-operation between the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the People's Republic of Kam- puchea, signed at Phnom Penh on 18 February 1979. 42. On the other hand, guided precisely by the same considerations of principle, we resolutely oppose draft resolution A/34/L.13/Rev.l, which is based on false and tendentious premises, and is biased and harmful to the cause of stabilization and peace in South-East Asia. 43. As far as concerns draft resolution A/34/L.38 which was introduced at the preceding meeting by th~ representative of India, we are giving it careful con- sideration. We reserve our right to, comment on it at a later stage.

My delegation does not in- tend to conceal the fact that the consideration by the General Assembly of such an agenda item as the one be- ing discussed at the present time does give rise to certain doubts. My delegation believes that the discussion of this subject entails the risk of having an unfavourable effect on the United Nations and its authority. One can- not fail to observe that a discussion like this verges on a violation of a principle of international relations en- shrined in the United Nations Charter: the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of one of the States Members of the United Nations. 45. If one looks at draft resolution A/34/L.13/Rev.l, these misgivings grow. Reference is made here to an armed conflict inside Kampuchea, not to a military con- flic~ betwee!1 States in relation to which, no doubt, the Umted Nations Charter could reasonably be applied. All the parties to the conflict are called upon to cease military activities, regardless of the fact that the legitimate Government in Kampuchea exercises control over the whole country and has to fight against armed gangs which receive support from outside.This draft resolution embodies an attempt to instruct the people of Kampuchea in which way they should exercise their right to self-determination. 46. Kampuchea is not being treated as a sovereign Member of our Organization, but, rather, as if it were a colony. Draft resolution A/34/L.13/Rev.1 is in practice aiming at compelling the Secretary-General of the United Nations to intervene in the internal affairs of the Kampuchean people. My delegation regards the demand for us to deal with the internal situation in Kampuchea once again at the thirty-fifth session as a violation of the United Nations Charter. Furthermore, we should like with the utmost earnestness to direct your attention to the fact that it is inadmissible to discuss questions relating to a given State without giving the legitimate r~J?resen~ative of that State an opportunity to par- ncipate In the debate. Therefore, the delegation of the German Democratic Republic categorically opposes the draft resolution in both its original and its revised form. 47. The actual state of affairs in Kampuchea has been clearly depicted in the numerous statements of the legitimate Government of the country, the People's Revolutionary Council of the People's Republic of Kampuchea. These statements have also been circulated as documents of the United Nations. In his message to the President of the General Assembly and the Secretary-General, dated 7 September 1979, the 48. From the various documents and studies, it is clear that the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique, which usurped power in 1975 with foreign assistance, abused its power and committed the most abominable crimes. As a result of the systematic destruction of whole segments of the population, almost 3 million people - of a total popula- tion of 7 million - perished. In the years of tyranny in Kampuchea, not only was the whole political, economic, financial, cultural, spiritual and religious life of the country paralyzed, but also traditional family ties were destroyed. The forcible so-called resettlement of about 2 million inhabitants of Phnom Penh and other major towns in the country led to the death of many thousands of old people, invalids, children, and women, including pregnant women. The herding of people into so-called "communes", which in actual fact were more like concentration camps, in which all, including the children, were forced to do work beyond their powers, led to the physical destruction of a large part of the population.Of the 28,000 people who were driven into the so-called Paroi Lovia commune, in the province of Takeo, it was possible to rescue only 5,000 in January of this year. As is clear from the documents of the trial by the People's Revolutionary Tribunal of the ringleaders - and this is just one of numerous ex- amples-of 'xnit 1,000 of those who were engaged in intellectua. (1'k and who, during the domination of Pol Pot, returned to Kampuchea from abroad, only 85 survived. All the 2,800 pagodas and churches and also 114 Islamic mosques were destroyed. Irreplaceable spiritual and cultural objects were destroyed, including the Angkor temples, which were a symbol of the Kam- puchean culture. 49. The documents from the trial just mentioned which contain hundreds of similar examples, make it clear oeyond a doubt that Pol Pot and leng Sary were guilty of these extremely grave crimes. The fact that one of those guilty of Ieng Sary's crimes of genocide was given the opportunity to speak from this tribune, is a black page in the history of our Organization, par- ticularly since the condemnation of the crimes revealed was unanimously endorsed, I believe, in this forum. 50. The people of Kampuchea could not resign themselves to the adventurist policy of Pol Pot and leng Sary. The uprising of the Kampuchean people - which broke out in 1976, continued almost uninterrupted until the regime was finally overthrown, and ultimately spread to all parts of the country - was an expression of 51. As a result of the barbaric policy of the former regime and the resulting total destruction of the economy of the country, the Karnpuchean people have to undergo innumerable sufferings and still today have to overcome considerable difficulties. The People's Revolutionary Council of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, headed by its Chairman, Heng Samrin, is making every effort to eliminate hunger and poverty and to satisfy the most basic needs of the people of the country. 52. However, the consequences of so many years of systematic destruction of the very foundations of the life of the people by the Pol Pot regime are something that cannot be eliminated in the course of just a few months, particularly since up to the present various forces are still at work attempting to take advantage of the disastrous situation in the country in order to in- tervene in the internal affairs of the Kampuchean people. 53. We are delighted to be able to state here that under these conditions, it has been possible to ensure the cultivation of rice on more than 500,000 hectares of land, as mentioned in the political report of the second national congress of the National United Front for the Salvation of Kampuchea. More than 40 factories have resumed production, in spite of severe shortages of raw materials and energy. Twenty-five hospitals and more than 100 medical centres have been opened. Railway operations have been resumed in various parts of the railway system. These initial successes have been pos- sible thanks to the international solidarity manifested to the people of Kampuchea. For example, the socialist countries, particularly the Soviet Union and Viet Nam, have supplied Kampuchea with more than 200,000 tons of food. 54. Among the States that have been giving selfless assistance to the Kampuchean people is the German Democratic Republic. Cargoes of material assistance from the German Democratic Republic began as early as 21 March this year to be air-lifted into the capital of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, Phnom Penh. On the basis of bilateral agreements between my country and the People's Republic of Kampuchea, the German Democratic Republic is supplying the most necessary materials. My country is also doing its best to help the Kampuchean people to achieve a stable level of produc- tion through the development of their own national eCOII 11lY. We are convinced that the Kampuchean peo- ;J!:- ',ill solve its own problems and will itself build its own future. 55. The national armed forces and the alliance with the Socialist Republic of Viet JI'-'IT. are successfully pro- tecting the peaceful construe. > labour of the Kam- puchean people against fore.gn intervention. The assistance of Viet Nam in the struggle for a new Kam- puchea was primarily a humanitarian matter. It rescued 56. The international community has taken note of the solemn assurance contained in the joint declaration of Viet Nam and Kampuchea, dated 25 August this year, that detachments of the Vietnamese army would return to Viet Nam " . . .when the Peking expansionists and the im- perialist and reactionary forces cease threatening Kampuchea's. independence and territorial lntesritv and the peacefullifethere ... "[A/34/446-S/13522, annex, p. 5]. 57. Peace and security in South-East Asia are not threatened by the internal situation in Kampuchea. The danger derives from those who, since 1975, have been using Kampuchea as an experimental field for their hegemonistic designs and have been urging the Pol Pot- leng Sary clique to undertake adventurist aggression against the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam that, by means of military aggression from the south and the north, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam may be caught by a pincer movement and made the victim of far-reaching great-Power ambitions. As representatives know, pursuit of this aim led to outright aggression against the Vietnamese people, which, after a to-year defensive struggle against foreign occupiers and major natural disasters, is striving towards the achievement of nothing 'nit peace, security and the restoration of nor- mal conditions of life in the country, 58. Peace and security in South-East Asia are threat- ened, not by current developments in Kampuchea, which are irreversible and cannot be turned back since it is the Kampuchean people that are responsible for them, but by the policy which supports the remnants of the Pol Pot regime and equips the latter with weapons with which to continue the struggle against the legitimate Government of Kampuchea which has been recognized by more than 30 Governments. 59. Those who wish to teach a lesson to other peoples and, what is worse, actually boast about such a policy, arc playing a dangerous game. All those who are in- clined to supply those forces with modern military technology and armaments should be aware that they will ultimately bear responsibility for all the conse- quences of such an act. In this regard I should like to draw the Assembly's attention tc an extremely il- luminating document, A/34/648- SI 13606. 60. The foreign policy proclaimed by the People's Republic of Kampuchea is one of independence, peace, non-alignment and good-neighbourly relations with all the States of the area. As far as the Socialist Reputlic of Viet Nam is concerned, its r~~:'~sentative to the United Nations, Comrade Ha Van Lau, at the thirty-fourth ses- sion of the General Assembly [62nd meeting] most con- vincingly confirmed those same goals. I wish particular- ly to welcome the constructive will that has been ex- pressed to create a zone of peace, freedom, neutrality and stability in South-East Asia. The delegation of the 61. The thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly would be rendering a major service to the cause of peace and security in South-East Asia were it to oppose any at- tempts to increase tension and to support efforts de- signed to prevail upon the South-East Asian States to come to agreements with each other, without foreign in- terference in their internal affairs.

Bangladesh sup- ported the inscription of this item on our agenda. It has also sponsored draft resolution A/34/L.13/Rev.l, which was so ably introduced yesterday [62nd meeting] by the Permanent Representative of Malaysia. We have done so in our firm conviction that developments in Kampuchea not only have raised crucial questions affecting fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations, but also have been accompanied by col- ossal humanitarian consequences of an unprecedented nature. The two components of the problem, political and humanitarian, are indivisible. 63. There are occasions in the history of civilization when we are faced with human tragedy so vast that it defies description and so grim that it defeats rhetoric. Such a situation obtains in Kampuchea today. The peo- ple of Kampuchea has been the captive of a decade of cruel war, the victim of geo-political strife outside its control and beyond its comprehension, the object of near genocidal fury in the imposition of uncompromis- ing political systems. It is a people that has been inex- orably driven to the edge of total deprivation and the ir- reducible margin of survival. 64. The facts are stark, overwhelming in their intensi- ty, brutal in their consequences. According to objective sources, the best estimates indicate a toll of 2.5 million persons, out of a total of 7 million Kampucheans, killed by execution, disease and malnutrition prior to the events of this year. Countless others have died since. Half the remaining population is now feared to be in peril of extinction from famine iil the next six months since less than one sixth of the cultivable land has been planted in time for harvest. Disease is rampant and of epidemic proportions. Hospitals are overflowing. Medicine and drugs, not to mention doctors, are scarce to the point of non-existence. Eighty to 90 per cent of the children are threatened by malnutrition, and the growth of those alive under the age of five is abnormally stunted. The stream of refugees across the borders has now become a flood-tide. Meanwhile, conflict is raging out of control in a man-made disaster of epic proper- tions. The world community is witnessing the decima- tion of a nation. Survival is at a premium. It cannot await the niceties and the timing of political conven- ience. The call for action is paramount. 65. I seize this opportunity to pay a tribute to the Secretary Oeneral and the representatives of the organizations of the United Nations family concerned, 66. While it is humanitarian consideration above all that deserves the immediate attention of the world com- munity in the tragedy of Kampuchea, this can in no way downgrade the importance of the political settlement of the problem and the imperative need to pursue all avenues to achieve this end. 67. Bangladesh believes that certain truths are self- evident. For almost a year the international community has been closely studying the evolving political and military situation, which has been aptly categorized "cyclical", where violence begets violence. It is a situa- tion that has led inevitably to a vicious circle of action, reaction and counter reaction in South-East Asia, with the potential of eventually drawing into the vortex of turmoil and war all the countries of the region and of the world. It is also recognized that this situation not only has its roots in the events of the past year but is the consequence of internal, regional and geo-political strife spanning decades. It is now undeniable that this situa- tion threatens peace and stability in South-East Asia and beyond. It is therefore vital that the international community call urgently for and facilitate the process of adjustment and co-operation among all parties in the search for a lasting and permanent peace. 68. The first priority is to find a settlement in confor- mity with the principles of the United Nations Charter, in particular, respect for the territorial integrity and political independence of all States, non-interference in the internal affairs of States, the non-use of force or of threat of use of force and the peaceful settlement of disputes. The immediate necessity is to put an end to all hostilities and all military operations in the entire region, with genuine respect for the political in- dependence of all States involved; the withdrawal of all foreign forces from the territories of other States; and the exercise of maximum restraint by all parties as regards any action that could increase tension or further widen the conflict. 69. We believe that the heart of the matter, the key to the solution of this problem, lies in enabling the people of Kampuchea to decide their own future and destiny and to choose their own Government democratically and free from outside interference of any kind what- soever, while at the same time scrupulously respecting the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of Kampuchea. 70. This is the thrust of the draft resolution that we have sponsored. It is comprehensive, encompassing the need for both immediate humanitarian and long-term political remedies. It is non-discriminatory, eschews

The Arab Republic of Egypt has been following with considerable concern the deterioration of the situation in Kampuchea and the sufferings of its people, which are the result of the intervention of a foreign Power in an attempt to impose a certain regime on the people of that country, which has suffered for so many years from many destructive wars. Without that intervention, this people could have enjoyed a true peace which would have enabled it to reconstruct, in tranquillity and security, all that had been destroyed during many bloody conflicts in South-East Asia. 72. The developments that followed this intervention in the internal affairs of Kampuchea have led to a deplorable situation within Kampuchea and in neighbouring countries. In its own country, the Kam- puchean people has undergone unprecedented hardships and is suffering from a famine which is threatening to destroy it. The continuing mass exodus of Karn- pucheans to neighbouring countries is causing the latter serious problems. The possibility that the present con- flict may extend to those countries is a serious threat to peace and stability in South-East Asia. Current ac- tivities of foreign interference in Kampuchea represent a grave violation of paragraph 4 of Article 2 of the United Nations Charter according to which States Members of the United Nations undertake to refrain in their interna- tional relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State. 73. Furthermore, such activities contradict the com- mitment of States to respect the principle of non- intervention in the internal affairs of other countries, as stipulated in the Charter of the United Nations and in the Declaration on Principles of International Law con- cerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Na- tions [resolution 2625 (XXV), annex]. 74. Egypt believes firmly in the principles of the United Nations Charter and the right of peoples to determine their own future without outside interference. We have always rejected acts of aggression against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of any State, as well as any attempt to impose ideologies on other States. We call for the total withdrawal of all foreign troops from Kampuchea so that its people may exercise its legitimate right to self-determination in complete freedom from foreign interference, on the basis of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of that country. This, in our view, is the only way of saving the friendly people of Kampuchea from annihilation and preventing the present conflict from spreading to neighbouring countries, so that that region of the world may enjoy peace and security, and stability. In conclusion, I must not fail to thank the Secretary-General of the United Nations for his initiative in holding the Pledging Con- ference for Emergency Humanitarian Relief to the Peo-

The question before us is not whether the Pol Pot regime is guilty of genocide and is in fact a regime of assassins, or whether the regime of Heng Samrin is made up of little angels come down from heaven on a mission to save or redeem the human race. 76. Those who tackle this problem cunningly from that point of view are deliberately departing from the spirit and the letter of agenda item 123 under discussion, both in their statements and in the draft resolutions they have submitted. 77. In the view of the delegation of Zaire, the question posed is that of the flagrant violation of the principles of non-interference in the internal and external affairs of States, of non-recourse to force - especially armed military intetvention in the settlement of disputes among States - and of the right to self-determination of the Kampuchean people. That violation is at the root of the untold suffering, the horrors of every kind and the forced exodus of populations that the international community condemns; that violation is the cause of the aggravation of tension in that region and of the conti- nuance of the threat to peace and international security. 78. We long to be spared these long tirades on human rights in Kampuchea. Human rights are also violated in South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe; vicious murders and genocide have been practised there for very many years in the name of State interests or policy. 79. How is it that this situation does not move to an equal degree the lion-hearted knights. protectors of peoples and universal avengers? Why do they not storm the racist minority regimes of southern Africa? Why do they not brandish the sword of the avenger over the citadel of apartheid? 80. Are human lives and human rights of less value in southern Africa than elsewhere? Is it more acceptable morally to deprive a person of food, so that he will die a slow death, than to cut off his head or kill him by the sword? Are human rights and social rights incompati- ble? We believe that there are many ways of violating human rights and we in the southern hemisphere know how our rights are violated and how we are constantly subjected to violence. 8I. What lies, what hypocrisy, what vile designs in the name of human rights! It is a tragi-comedy which dishonours our era. On repeated occasions, the Republic of Zaire has stated that it approaches this problem of Kampuchea from the angle of principle, and principle alone. 82. In our consideration of this question, we must always bear in mind the provisions of the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, as well as those of the Charter itself relating to non-interference in the 83. We consider that the recognition of a State, a Government or a regime is an individual act of sovereignty and we therefore refuse to associate ourselves with subtle attempts to make us recognize a Government or regime through a decision or resolution of the General Assembly. 84. The support of a people for its Government, a Government's legitimacy-which is the affair of its people-the effective exercise of power or control over territory, are among the criteria which each Govern- ment individually must be allowed to take into con- sideration when granting or refusing in its sovereignty, its recognition to another Government. 85. Certainly, we also favour the defence and protec- tion of human rights; this stems from our profound respect for human beings. However, we categorically refuse to accept that certain States, because they are powerful, should take advantage of the question of human rights to arrogate to themselves the right to take unilateral measures against other States or to censure them. 86. It is regrettable that the question of human rights should be used more and more often for political pro- paganda in the service of hegemonistic, mean and selfish interests and Machiavellian designs for destabilization in the world. There are many States within these walls - and we are among them - which did not contribute to the overthrow of the legal regime in Cambodia for the benefit of another. There are many States in this hall- and we are among them - which did not contribute to putting the Pol Pot regime in power. There are States in this hall which would not even think of overthrowing or contributing to the overthrow of the Pol Pot regime in favour of another for the mere reason that they do not concur in the political views, or the policies, of that regime. 87. It is time for those of us who engage in this type of activitity to understand that they are placing immense difficulties in the way of international co-operation and peaceful coexistence between differing social regimes.. 88. When the shameful acts of destabilization they commit finally bring results contrary to those they ex- pected, today's international destabilizers tend more and more to make the international community share responsibility for the dangers resulting from their acts. We do not accept this, because we consider ourselves free men. 89. In our humble view, this is the heart of the pro- blem, and it relates to the behaviour of the great Powers, both of the East and of the West. The interna- tional community must adopt all the necessary nor- mative and other measures to protect the small States, the weaker States, against the stronger States if we want to help to create a climate of peace, international securi- ty and co-operation. 91. The delegation of Zaire, a sponsor of draft resolu- tion A/34/L.13/Rev.l associates itself with the state-