A/34/PV.65 General Assembly
THIRTY-FOURTH SESSION
OfficialRecords
Page
123. The situation in Kampuchea I. Sir Anthony PARSONS (United Kingdom): The situation in Kampuchea is one of the most terrible with which the world has been faced for many years. An en- tire people is threatened by the famine and disease which ravage its country. And not only by famine and disease: Kampuchea is still ravaged by the fighting which continues between the Vietnamese invasion army and various Kampuchean armed groups. 2. The United Kingdom Government was among the first to draw attention to the sickening brutality of the Pol Pot regime towards the people of Kampuchea. We tried, with other like-minded countries, to persuade the international community to do something about it. It is interesting that some delegations which now belatedly criticize the deplorable human-rights record of the Pol Pot regime were among its staunchest defenders when we raised the matter in the Commission on Human Rights last year. At that time, the British Parliament and people, indignant and horrified at the news of the ghastly acts perpetrated under Pol Pot's reign of terror, were urging the Commission on Human Rights to un- dertake an investigation. I But it was said that the mat- ter was being raised purely for political ends and that the reports provided by my delegation and others were unreliable. The curious proposition was advanced that Governments were responsible for what happened in their countries and the Commission should apply to them for information; it should not take on itself the role of international policeman. But we all know that tyrannical Governments do not constitute the most reliable sources of information on their own evil deeds. As my Minister of State, Mr. Neil Marten, pointed out at the Pledging Conference for Emergency Human- itarian Relief to the People of Kampuchea last week: "Had the United Nations been permitted to act more decisively at the time, many thousands of lives might have been saved."? NEW YORK 3. We now all know the sequel. A few months later, Kampuchea was invaded by Viet Nam, another country whose human-rights record is deplorable and whose tyranny has driven hundreds of thousands of its own citizens to risk perilous journeys in unseaworthy craft to escape from it. Great numbers of them died in the at- tempt. The Vietnamese invasion of Kampuchea was in total contravention of the United Nations Charter. But a virtually unanimous resolution, submitted by the non- aligned countries to the Security Council, 3 calling for an immediate cease-fire and a withdrawal of foreign forces from Kampuchea, was defeated by the negative vote of a permanent member. We know that a so-called regime in Phnom Penh has been installed by foreign arms and is controlled by the invading Power; we know that the local population has been given no opportunity to establish a government of its own choice. We know the way in which the Vietnamese Government and the Heng Samrin regime have tied themselves into knots over the question of the famine which is' devastating Kampuchea. Delegates, reading through the mass of documentation circulated to the General Assembly at the request of the Ambassador of Viet Nam, will have noticed the contradictions: how on 28 September Heng Samrin said that the result of Pol Pot's rule "was a famine in all parts of Kampuchea which now threatens more than 4 million persons", and, five days later, his SPK Information Agency said in Phnom Penh that "Statements about 'a terrible famine', which is 'threatening the lives of millions of people', are ac- tually part of the manoeuvres conducted by the Peking [Beijing] expansionists, the American im- perialists and international reactionaries against the Kampuchean people." In the light of the grave concern expressed by so many of us at the Pledging Conference last week, one might ask what sort of leaders, surrounded by the wreck of their country and conscious of the desperate needs of their people, could bring themselves to say this sort of thing. 4. My delegation has studied the two draft resolutions before us with great care. We endorse the draft in docu- ment A/34/L,13/Rev.l, proposed by the five countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN] and 22 other States, and will vote in its favour. I will not comment in detail on individual paragraphs, since this task has already been ably per- formed by the representative of Malaysia, when he in- troduced the draft resolution yesterday [62nd meeting). My Government believes that it sets out in logical se- quence the various steps which need to be taken to restore to the people of Kampuchea the conditions of peace, economic viability and political independence which they once enjoyed. We believe that, if this draft 5. I would now like to say a few words about the draft resolution in document A/34/L.7/Rev.1. It is not so much what this resolution contains, but rather what it leaves out. Speaker after speaker, both in the present debate and on earlier occasions, including last week's Pledging Conference, has referred with horror and com- passion to the famine conditions in Kampuchea. We have also all had the opportunity to study recent reports prepared by UNICEF and the International Committee of the Red Cross, based on first-hand observation, which set out Kampuchea's extensive and urgent needs for food, medical care and economic aid. And yet draft resolution A/34/L.7/Rev.l, in contrast to draft resolu- tion A/34/L.13/Rev.l, does not even refer to these con- ditions, let alone call for action to bring relief to the long-suffering people of Kampuchea. Draft resolution A/34/L.7/Rev.I also mentions neither the military in- vasion of Kampuchea nor its continued occupation by the invader. It ignores the fact that a major military campaign is at present taking place, and does not call for the cessation of hostilities- surely one of the first steps that must be taken if an effective relief programme is to be mounted. Nor, of course, does it call for the withdrawal of the foreign invading troops. These glar- ing omissions, in the view of my delegation, make draft resolution AI34/L.7/Rev.I totally unacceptable, and we shall vote against it. 6. My delegation will support draft resolution A/34/L.13/Rev.1. It sets out a number of practical steps which, if adopted, will bring immediate aid to a Member State in desperate need. These steps will also help to establish political conditions in which Kam- pucheans can live in peace under a government of their own choice and free from external threat or inter- ference. A solution on the lines proposed in draft resolution A/34/L.13/Rev.l would, we believe, be in the interest not only of Kampuchea, but also of all the people in the region for, as long as there is no political settlement in Kampuchea, stability and peace in Asia will, I fear, remain a mirage. My delegation, therefore, hopes that draft resolution A/34/L.13/Rev.l will receive overwhelming support. 7. Draft resolution A/34/L.7/Rev.I, on the other hand, is wholly negative. It offers the people of Kam- puchea neither practical help nor political prospects. Its devious purpose would appear to be to sabotage any at- tempt by the international community to take effective action in support of Kampuchea, a small Member State which has been invaded by a powerful neighbour in violation of Article 2, paragraph 4, of the Charter. it is imperative for all of us to uphold the principle of the in- admissibility of the threat or the use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State; otherwise aggressors will take comfort, and peace in South-East Asia and beyond will be at risk. It is clear, therefore, that draft resolution A/34/L.13/Rev.l, which seeks to restore Cambodian territorial integrity and political independence, should be supported, and that draft resolution A/34/L.7/Rev.I, which attempts to whitewash aggression, should be opposed. 9. However, with the open and democratic spirit it has always shown, the delegation of the Lao People's Democratic Republic has decided to participate actively in this debate in the hope that we shall be able, with regard to the situation in Kampuchea, to contribute some clarifying elements to international public opi- nion, and particularly to representatives of peoples and countries that, like the valiant people of Kampuchea, have suffered in the course of their history the dire and pernicious consequences of colonial subjection and of the tyranny of their leaders. 10. In fact, immediately after their great and historic victory over the United States imperialists and their Lon Nol lackeys on 17 April 1975, following a long and ferocious struggle, the heroic people of Kampuchea, in- stead of being.allowed to enjoy their dearly-won peace, freedom and independence, were made to experience one of the most tragic of fates through the treason of the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique that usurped power in Phnom Penh. 11. Having embraced heart and soul the ideology and leadership of Beijing [Peking], the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique, in order to build a new society in Kampuchea, undertook to repeat the sadly celebrated experiment of the Chinese cultural revolution and in the space of less than four years turned Kampuchea into a vast concen- tration and forced-labour camp and the Kampuchean people into a martyred people such as history had never before known, save in the case of Hitler's Germany. 12. The sinister originality of the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique of which the world must learn, however, is- as was pointed out by Mr. Mahomed Hikmet Turkmanie, a barrister at the Court of Appeal of Damascus, Syria, in his pleading on behalf of the party in the civil action before the People's Revolutionary Tribunal sitting in Phnom Penh last August to judge the crime of genocide committed by the Pot Pol-Ieng Sary clique-the fact that this murderous band committed monstrous crimes in time of peace; it cannot, therefore, even invoke the exigencies of war. Moreover, according to Mr. Turkmanie's statement, the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary criminals: " . .. attacked not only foreign victims such as ethnic and religious minorities, but also their own compatriots, who were the main target of their criminal enterprises, and their own country by destroying the economic, financial, social and cultural structures. "Among the revolting crimes against fundamental freedoms which the accused perpetrated, mention should be made of the elimination of religions in general and the complete liquidation of the Islamic religion in Kampuchea by the systematic extermina- tion of Muslims - men, women and children; only those who managed to conceal their adherence to Islam have survived." [See A/34/559, annex II, pp. 15-16.] 13. Every fact and all the testimony prove that Pol Pot and Ieng Sary had long premeditated their crimes and that 'they executed them methodically, according to a well-established plan. And this som.bre plan, as reflected in official documents of the Chinese lackeys Pol Pot- Ieng Sary that were seized by the People's Revolu- tionary Council of Kampuchea and submitted to the People's Revolutionary Tribunal of Kampuchea during the Phnom Penh trial, had two principal objectives: first, to achieve, in line with the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary theories, an egalitarian communal society, with neither rich nor poor, based on a return to the land and, secondly, to conquer and maintain power, for Pol Pot and Ieng Sary, by physically eliminating all military per- sonnel and officials of the former regime, all intellec- tuals, all opponents and those suspected of being op- ponents. 14. The execution of this abject plan, which began i~ mediately after the taking of Phnom Penh on 17 Apnl 1975 led to the forced eviction of all of the capital's in- habitants to the countryside, a population that was at the time according to trustworthy information, nearly 2 million': as well as of all the inhabitants of other towns. This eviction was carried out with unheard of brutality and cruelty, causing the deaths of several t~ousands: women children, old people and the sick. The photog;aphs of the endless human columns marching under the strong sun into the unknown, which were taken by eyewitnesses of the unfortunate event and ap- peared in foreign newspapers and magazines all over the world have given a measure of the truly tragic nature at the st~rt of the "human conditions" to which, for ap- proximately four years, the people of Kampuchea have been subjected. Once they arrived in the country, the people were sent to so-called co-operative centr~s, ac- cording to the importance of the centre, and without any other consideration. This inhuman and cruel treat- ment led to the separation and dispersal throughout the country of many members of the same family - some- times separating husbands and wives, parents and children and sisters and brothers - without any pos- sibility of communicating with one another, even by let- ter. .l.il the centres, the population was subjected to a system of veritable forced labour, having to get up.at 5 a.m. and not being allowed to go back to bed until 11 p.m.: after having spent 12 hours working in the fiel~s and 3 hours being subjected to Maoist theories. This pace of work caused the death of many thousands of people through sheer exhau~t.ion, while several ot,her thousands died from malnutrition or the lack of medical care. Thus, for example, a complaint about the condi- tions of work and the food would immediately lead to a massacre carried out by the young guards of the centre, usually from 14 to 16 years of age, who used the most 15. In the centres each person was very carefully ques- tioned regarding his social origin and his prior activities, in order to be placed in one of the three categories of the population established by the perpetrators of this genocide. The first category consisted of the old popula- tion that had lived in rhe regions under their control before the liberation; the second consisted of the new population that had come from the regions under the administration of the old regime; and the third category comprised the collaborators, in the civilian and military fields, of that administration.
Mr. Ibrahim (Ethiopia), Vice-President, took the Chair.
The General Assembly is once again, in the course of its current session, called upon to consider problems relating to Kampuchea. This time, the Genera. Assembly is called upon to take up item 123 entitled "The situation in Kampuchea", which was inscribed on the agenda at the initiative of the five ASEAN countries [A/34/191].
48. My delegation already had the opportunity, during the discussion of the report of the Credentials Commit- tee [3rd meeting] to express its views on several issues relating to Kampuchea. 'We firmly maintain that the sole legitimate and authentic Government of the People's 'Republic of Kampuchea-the People's Revo- lutio ':ouncil-should be encouraged and assisted, witho.; . "'1 interference in its own affairs, to proceed to the solution of its own problems and to carry out the reconstruction of the country. In our view, it would be an act of justice on the part of the United Nations-and in strict conformity with its Charter and the fundamen- tal principles of contemporary international law-if our Organization were to contribute to the prevention of any deterlora.ion in the political situation in the area, and if it were to promote a constructive approach to the solution of the humanitarian problems, in full co- operation with the legitimate Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea. Any attempts to dis- cuss the situation in Kampuchea in the absence of and against the will of the authentic representatives of the people of Kampuchea would he an interference in the country's domestic affairs and contrary to the principles of the United Nations Charter.
49. It is true that a most profound change in the political situation of Kampuchea took place early this year as a result of the struggle of the Kampuchean peo- ple. Exercising their inalienable right to self-de- termination, the Kampuchean people overthrew the rol Pot-Ieng Sary clique, which had maintained with the aid of Peking [Beijing) a most brutal regime of tyranny and mass extermination. Those who had survived had t:.en subjected to inhuman treatment, causing physical and mental destruction. The Pol Pot-Ieng Sary regime destroyed the economic and social structure, abolished all the political, cultural, educational and other institu-
51. This was the regime which was overthrown by the Kampuchean people. There a~e some who .would ~ow try to undertake the impossible task, using vanous means of propaganda, of minimizing the grave co.nse- quences of the crimes commi~t~~ by the Pol Pot.clique and even shifting the responsibility on to the legitimate Government in Phnom Penh. There have been some at- tempts to use humanitarian aid to the people of Kampuchea as a political,weapon ~gai?st th~ People's Republic of Kampuchea. Such a p~l!cY I.S detnmental to the restoration of peace and stability 10 the area, the normalization of life and the reconstruction of Kampuchea. It leads to the creation of a hotbed of ten- sion and military conflict through tpe atte~pt to revitalizethe ousted Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique, which has been condemned by the international community at large. There are attempts now to ,rresent that .ousted regime as the so-called "other party . Such a policy can lead at best to the incitement of Kampuchea to civil war, if not something worse.
52. There is only one legitimate Government in. Kampuchea, and that is the People's ~evolutionary Council. It is the only competent authority that holds the sovereign power to carry out the domestic and foreign policy of the country.
53. In a very short period of time and in the most dif- ficult conditions, the People's Revolutionary Council has managed to overcome the most serious conse- quences of the policy of genocide of the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique in Kampuchea and the acts of aggression previously carried out against the country, preserve peace and stability in Kampuchea, gradually remove the threat of famine and provide the conditions for effective reconstruction efforts.
54. In the field of foreign policy, the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea has steadfastly upheld the principles of non-alignment, independence, peace and friendship. The Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea has given ~very evidence of ~ts authentic character and ItS capacity to discharge ItS various obligations, and has embarked on a large-scale humanitarian assistance programme for the Karn- puchean people..
55. At the invitation of the Central Committee of the National United Front for the Salavation of Kampuchea and the People's Revolutionary Council, a top-level delegation of the People's Republic of Bulgaria, headed by Todor Zhivkov, First Secretary of the Central Com- mittee of the Bulgarian Communist Party and President of the State Council of the People's Republic of Bulgaria, visited Kampuchea last October and obtained first-hand information about the situation in the coun- try and the efforts of the Government to overcome the consequences of the foreign aggression and the internal chaos left by the Pol Pot regime. So, when we speak of the situation in Kampuchea, our statements art based
"The Bulgarian delegation highly values the ef- forts exerted by the Kampuchean people for the im- plementation of the programme documents of the National United Front for the Salvation of Kam- puchea, aimed at doing away with the painful legacy left by colonialism, imperialism and the criminal regime, at ensuring the democratic rights and freedoms of the population, bringing life back to normal, restoring the economy and building a peaceful, independent, democratic, neutral and non- aligned Kampuchea, embarked upon the road to socialism."
56. The people of Kampuchea has passed through a terrible ordeal. Now that, in exercise of its sacred and unanimously recognized right to self-determination, it has freed itself from its oppressors by way of a truly nation-wide uprising and started a campaign of re- construction, this people deservesand should receivethe full sympathy and support of the international com- munity. The United Nations, which has enshrined among its loftiest goals the maintenance of peace and security, the universal realization of the right of peoples to self-determination and the safeguarding of human life and dignity, should prevent any activity whichcould constitute interference in the internal affairs of the Peo- ple's Republic of Kampuchea. This is of vital interest not only to the Kampuchean people but also for peace and stability in the region of South-East Asia.
57. Therefore, it is of the utmost importance that all States should refrain from any activity which could be detrimental to the exercise of the Kampuchean people's right to self-determination, independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. Whatever problems exist or might arise in that region should be settled peacefully by the peoples of that region on the basis of mutual respect for equality, independence, territorial integrity, non- aggression and non-interference.
58. The peoples of South-East Asia have expressed their strong desire for peace and independence and are pursuing the objective of the establishment of a zone of peace, freedom, neutrality and stability in the region. Their efforts in that direction should be encouraged by the General Assembly, as envisaged in draft resolution A/34/L.7/Rev.l, introduced by the delegation of Laos and sponsored by several other delegations, including my own. I wish to take this opportunity of expressing my delegations's appreciation of the very lucid and con- vincing introduction and presentation of that draft resolution by the representative of Laos.
59. We are of the view that such action on the part of our Organization would be conducive to the spread of international detente in Asia. It would strengthen the prospects for peace and stability in that continent.
60. In this connexion, I wish to point out, on behalf of my delegation, that draft resolution A/34/L.13/Rev.1 does not provide the framework or the basis for the achievement of this aim. I cannot fail to express the view of my delegation that this draft resolution is based on a one-sided, arbitrary evaluation of the situation. It does not comply with the principles of self-deterrni-
61. On the basisof the aforementioned considerations, my delegation would cast a negative vote if this draft resolution were submitted to a vote.
62. We do hope that this Assemblywillnot allow itself to be misled into permitting the United Nations to be used for political schemes which are alien to the pur- poses and principles of its Charter and which run counter to the fundamental rules of international law. We also hope that all States win not only refrain from any activity that may be prejudicial to peace and stabili- ty in the area but will render assistanceto the genuine ef- forts exerted by the People's Republic of Kampuchea in the process of national reconstruction.
63. I should like to reiterate the position of my coun- try in this connexion by referring to the statement made by the President of our State Council on his recent visit to Kampuchea:
"The Bulgarian people supports the constructive positions of the Governments of the People's Repub- lic of Kampuchea, the SocialistRepublicof VietNam and the Lao People's Democratic Republic aimed at the consolidation of peaceand security in South-East Asia and wishes them success in the establishment of relations of good-neighbourly co-operation with the other countries of the region."
There is no graver issue before this Assembly than the question of Kampuchea, which is addressed by draft resolution A/34/L.13/Rev.l, of which New Zealand is a sponsor. That issuepresents a challengeboth to the conscience of the world community and to the basic principles which this Organization was established to uphold and pro- tect. There is, moreover, a danger that conflict in that country could spread beyond its borders to threaten peace and security in the entire South-East Asian region.
65. Our first obligation is to the people of Ka.n- puchea, the innocent victims of wars in which they
66. In the face of these catastrophes the Kampuchean people fled. Economic and social disruption, disease, famine and war left them with no alternative. Wedo not know how many refugees there are or how many Kam- pucheans have survived the executions, the oppression and the starvation and disease of recent times. We do know that the massive exodus of people has imposed heavy burdens on the countries of ASEAN, and especially on Thailand. We know, too, from the reports of representativesof the United Nations and other agen- cies which have visited the warring factions, of the desperate plight of millionsof Kampucheans. The deter- mined and persistent efforts of those representatives, in particular of UNICEF and the International Red Cross, have resulted in the setting up of programmes of relief, to which the international community has demonstrated its willingness to contribute in generous measure. The draft resolution pays a fitting tribute to the efforts of the Secretary-General, of various United Nations bodies and of other humanitarian organizations in persuading the parties involved to put politics aside so that those programmes could be initiated and carried forward, and in mobilizing world-wide support to give those pro- grammes substance.
67. Relief efforts will be needed for a long time to come. They are and will continue to be essential to the welfareand the survivalof the Kampuchean people. But they can only treat the consequences of war and social disruption, not their causes. They cannot resolve the profound conflicts of interest and attitude between the warring parties or put a stop to the ruthless pursuit of selfish political ends which has produced this crisis of such tragic dimensions in Kampuchea. In addition, there continues to be a grave risk that the conflict will escalate and undermine the security of the South-East Asian region, where so much progress has been made in the past two decadesand whereso much is nowat stake. The longer the fighting continues, the greater will be the danger that the big Powers will once more become in- volved.
68. The most pressingand urgent need now is to begin working towards a political settlement that will restore peace and stability to Kampuchea and security to the area. As the New Zealand representative said in the general debate this year [10th meeting], any settlement must be based on the fact that there are three separate countries in Indo-China, each with its own national tradition. Peace can only be restored when the countries of the area-those in Indo-China and their neighbours as well-indicate their willingness to negotiate on the basis of respect for one another's independenceand ter- ritorial integrity. There can be no justification for any Government sending armed forces into another coun- try. Equally, there can be no justification for keeping them there.
70. There can be no peace until the independence of Kampuchea is assured. If we fail to find a political set- tlement, there can be no security in Kampuchea or in the region as a whole. But, above all, without peace and security there can be no future for the Kampuchean peo- ple. What is at stake is their survival. This Organization has no higher obligation than to prevent a human tragedy that would scar mankind's conscience for generations. The draft resolution before us contains the essential elements for a political settlement. Support for this draft resolution would be the first step towards fulfilling our obligation.
71. I should like, if I may, to comment briefly on the two ether draft resolutions before the Assembly, A/34/L.7/Rev.I, introduced by the representative of Viet Nam, and A/34/L.38, introduced by the represen- tative of India. The former draft resolution, in our view, is a misleading text. It suggests, on the one hand, that its sponsors support the fundamental principles of the Charter, but then, on the other, appears to assert that those principles have no application in the case of Kampuchea and will therefore not have to be imple- mented. We cannot accept that approach any more than we can accept the deliberate distortion of history on which it relies. It is essential to any settlement in Kam- puchea that foreign forces be withdrawn from the coun- try. Without that, the people of Kampuchea will not be restored to full enjoyment of their rights, including their right to decide their own future, free from outside in- terference and in peace and security. New Zealand will accordingly vote against that draft resolution.
72. Nor can we support draft resolution A/34/L.38, introduced by India. In its present form, that draft does not really address the problems of Kampuchea, nor does it seek to define the essential elements of a solution. Though described as complementary to draft resolution A/34/L.13/Rev.1 and as passing no judgement, the proposal in fact does make a specific prejudgement on what might be the most useful approach to resolving the problem of Kampuchea and the serious difficulties fac- ing the South-East Asian area. We believe that the form which negotiations should take is best left for further consideration, in close consultation with the States primarily concerned.
Among the many items on the agenda of the current session is one entitled "The situation in Kampuchea". The tense situation which was created this year' in South-East Asia and especially the serious events related to the barbarous aggression unleashed by the Chinese social-imperialists against the Vietnamese
75. We feel that it is the duty of the General Assembly at the present time to examine the real causes of the misfortunes that have befallen the Cambodian people and the other peoples of Indo-China, and that ale a source of danger for all peoples and countries in that zone and for world peace and stability.
76. Past and present history is replete with examples showing that peoples have always paid too dearly for the games played and the intrigues ).arried out at their expense by the imperialist Powers and the various reac- tionary forces, both within and outside their nations. The situation created in Cambodia and in the Indo- Chinese region this year is very clear evidence of this. The sufferings and misfortunes of the peoples of Indo- China today are the continuance of the sufferings and misfortunes that they have endured for years as a result of the aggression of the United States of America. Throughout the whole period of their barbarous aggres- sion against Viet Nam, Cambodia and Laos, the American imperialists used the most sophisticated means of waging war; they burned and destroyed everything, perpetrated abominable crimes and massacres against the civilian population and acted as rabid enemies of man and nature, defying the most elementary standards of law and morality.
77. While the peoples of Viet Nam, Laos and Cam- bodia were heroically fighting against the American ag- gressors and their puppets in Indo-China, the Soviet and Chinese revisionists were bargaining with American im- perialism and striving to derive advantages for their policy, at the expense of the Indo-Chinese peoples.
78. The historic victory of the peoples of Indo-China over American imperialism was a great event in the life of those peoples. But the imperialist super-Powers went to work immediately after that victory in order that the peoples of Indo-China should have neither respite nor peace. Thus it was that, even before binding up the wounds of war, those peoples were once again the target of the plots and intrigues of the imperialist super- Powers, the United States, the Soviet Union and China, of their intervention and their ill-famed imperialist prac- tices, which consisted in setting Indo-Chinese against Indo-Chinese.
79. Like all the other Indo-Chinese peoples, the Cam- bodian people had waged a hard and resolute struggle to recover its freedom and its national independence, sovereignty and dignity. But its enemies within and out- side the country did not allow it to enjoy the fruits of the victory obtained by means of that struggle. And now all the facts show that the grave situation and the course of events in Cambodia, as well as throughout the whole of South-East Asia, are above all the direct consequence of
80. It is to be noted, in particular, that the grave situa- tion in Cambodia is the sorry consequence of Chinese interference in the domestic affairs of that country. The Chinese leaders have by all possible means incited, en- couraged and supported the bloody Pol Pot regime in oppressing the Khmer people and in converting Cam- bodia into a bridge-head for China's hegemonism and expansionism in South-East Asia. The Pol Pot Govern- ment, after coming to power, very rapidly became a group of provocateurs in the service of the imperialist bourgeoisie and, above all, of the Chinese revisionists, whose purpose was to discredit the idea of socialism in the international arena. Acting on the inspiration of the leaders in Beijing [Peking] and with the aid of China, that group instituted Fascist terror in Cambodia and pursued a policy of genocide against the people of that country. The Chinese leaders have also used that group to instigate trouble and conflicts and to undertake warlike actions in South-East Asia in order to promote their hegemonistic designs.
81. After the overthrow of the Pol Pot regime, the ag- gressive activities and the intrigues of the imperialist super-Powers in Indo-China grew in scope. The ruling team in China rushed in with excessive vanity to make public its imperialist doctrine of "giving a lesson", which was followed by the unleashing of armed aggres- sion against the Vietnamese people.
82. That Chinese aggression against Viet Nam was a typical Fascist act and also marked the appearance of Chinese social-imperialism in the international arena. The Chinese social-imperialists have attacked Viet Nam, have burned, massacred and destroyed on Vietnamese soil, in much the same way as the American imperialists did. That is why that aggression was denounced and condemned with determination and a sense of deep outrage by progressive public opinion throughout the world.
83. A grave situation continues to exist in Cambodia. The people of that country continue to endure suffering and privation. The imperialist super-Powers are contin- uing to plot various kinds of intrigues and machina- tions. These are so many reasons for which tension re- mains and the possibility of further complications has not diminished. There is also the danger that the im- perialist super-Powers might further aggravate the situation by provoking new conflicts in order to pit the countries of the region against each other or to get directly involved in those conflicts.
84. The imperialist super-Powers-China, the United States and the Soviet Union-are sparing no effort to dissimulate their genuine intentions and their aggr~ssive and hostile actions against the freedom and inde- pendence of the peoples of Indo-China. They have been trying feverishly, especially since the beginning of this year, to give the impression that they are extremely sad- dened by the misfortunes of the Cambodian people and that they have no concern other than to come to its assistance. In actual fact, everyone is seeing every day that the super-Powers are only thinking of speculating
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86. The American imperialists will likewise be unable to erase from the memory of countries and peoples the barbarous crimes they perpetrated and continue to perpetrate in Indo-China or elsewhere by shedding crocodile tears over the fate of the population of Cambodia or by giving lectures on the rules and prin- ciples of international law, here in the United Nations and in other forums. They rannot escape their share of responsibility for the Chinese aggression against Viet Nam which was planned and prepared in Beijing, but also approved in Washington before being unleashed.
87. It is also in vain that the Soviet social-imperialists attempt to represent themselves as the champions of the right of the people of Cambodia to live freely and in- dependently. Everybody knows very well t.hat the Soviet social-imperialists acted openly against the national liberation struggle of that people when it was fighting American imperialism. The friendship which they are today offering to the Cambodian people differs in no way from the friendship offered by the American im- perialists or by the Chinese social-imperialists, Friend- ship offered by the imperialist super-Powers to the peoples of Indo-China is designed to draw the countries of that region into the orbit of their policies and into their zones of influence.
88. The present situation in Indo-China and the events which are taking place in the region confirm once again how dangerous it is to rely on the "friendship" of one imperialist super-Power in the hope of finding refuge from the hostility of another.
89. The Albanian people and the People's Socialist Republic of Albania have always firmly supported tile struggle that the peoples of Indo-China have been wag- ing against the aggression of American imperialism and the plots concocted against them by the super-Powers and the imperialist Powers. They have supported and continue to support the right of the Vietnamese, Cam- bodian and Lao peoples to live in freedom and in- dependence, to enjoy fully their national sovereignty and to ensure their complete national integrity. We sup- port the right of each of these peoples, as of any other people in the world, to manage their own affairs with- out any external interference. The attitude of Albania was and is that Viet Nam and Cambodia should them- selves resolve their disputes, by means of negotiations, without it being necessary to resort to the use of force.
90. We have condemned and we continue to condemn the interference of foreign Powers in the countries of this region. We have denounced and denounce again the aggressive policy and the expansionist and hegemonistic designs of China, the Soviet Union and the United
92. We have condemned and we continue to condemn the aggression launched by the Chinese social-im- perialists against Viet Nam as well as all other acts of ag- gression of this kind. Peoples have the right and must be free to exercise the right to self-determination without interference of any kind on the part of foreign Powers. "Administering punishments" or "giving lessons" is an imperialist practice which is a threat to peoples.
93. This has been and will be the position of the Alba- nian Government. We accept no other solution to prob- lems of this kind. This is the line of conduct that we have defended and will continue to defend.
The placing on the agen- da of the item on the situation in Kampuchea without the presence in this Assembly of the People's Revoln- tionary Council of Kampuchea, the only authentic and legitimate representative of the Kampuchean people, is a gross interference in the internal aff~~rs of the people of that sovereign State and an infringement of the prin- ciples of international justice and morality.
9S. The Kampuchean people have, since January 1979, established their Government within their ter- ritory. That Government has been afforded full recogni- tion by the People's Revolutionary Government of Grenada, which has satisfied itself that the People's Revolutionary Council meets all the usual requirements of international law and practice.
96. All democratic peace-loving people throughout the world are fully aware of the crimes of genocide carried out by the Pol Pot-IengSary clique against the people of that State before the Kampuchean people, in keeping with their right to self-determination, rose up to rid themselves of that Fascist dictatorship.
97. Genocide is a crime recognized by the United Na- tions and the international community as justiciable in each and every country. What is the evidence of this genocide? It is a documented fact that over 3 million of the citizens of that country were murdered within four years by their own Government, using the most brutal methods, which surpassed even those of Hitler.
98. That doctors, priests, intellectuals, artists, women, workers, youths and students were wiped out on the altars of fascism is a fact beyond dispute. That they were held in concentration camps without food and other basic goods is beyond dispute. That the whole fabric of society of the Kampuchean people was attack- ed and destroyed is beyond dispute. That the Pol Pot- leng Sary clique were put on trial in Phnom Penh in August 1979 for the crime of genocide before a court of
99. There are those who say that the heroic people of Viet Nam invaded Kampuchea and that foreign troops must be withdrawn. The people and Government of Kampuchea, in keeping with their sovereignty and in- dependence, have the right to call upon any friend and together oppose any foe who seeks to reimpose fascism and hegemony within Kampuchea. The history of Viet Nam over the last 30 years, in its struggle for in- dependence, is testimony of its desire for peace, in- dependence and sovereignty.
100. My delegation fully supports the efforts of the Secretary-General in bringing humanitarian relief to the people of Kampuchea. The disaster was caused by the deliberate, insane policies of the former regime and their allies. The national life of the people of Kampuchea is every day being restored, Schools, hospitals, the cities and all aspects of civilization are once again being given an opportunity to flourish. Hand in hand with those nations that desire peace, justice and freedom in the world, the people of Kampuchea will no doubt progre;c along the road of rebuilding their socie- ty.
101. My delegation remains convinced that any prob- lem concerning Kampuchea and other South-East Asian countries must be resolved by dialogue between those countries on the bash' of sovereign equality, mutual respect and non-interference in each other's in- ternal affairs, thus making the region into a zone of peace, friendship and co-operation.
102. My delegation is pleased to spon.or draft resolu- tion A/34/L.7/Rev.1.
Item 123, on the situation in Kampuchea, was included in the agenda of this session of the General Assembly against the will of the Govern- ment of Kampuchea, in spite of the categorical warning given by many MemberStates as to the possible negative consequences of that unlawful step. Moreover, agenda item 123 is being discussed in the absence of the representatives of the People's Revolutionary Council of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, to which the General Assembly has this year, in spite of resistance by many delegations, denied an opportunity to take part in the discussion of questions directly related to the domestic affairs of the People's Republic of Kam- puchea.
104. All this is in total conflict with the political realities and with the basic principles of international law, as is the very fact that the seat of Kampuchea in the United Nations is still being occupied by hired private persons, representatives of the regime that has entered history in such a barbarous and uncivilized way. The countering of reality with fabrications and the desire to draw the General Assembly into attempts to deal with a sovereign State as though it were a colony are not in the interests of our just cause.
lOS, For its part, the Czechoslovak delegation, in its approach to the examination of agenda item 123, is be- ing guided by two basic principles,
107. Secondly, we firmly reject any attempts on the part of certain States demagogically to exploit the situa- tion in Kampuchea, which, for the purpose of serving political ends that are alien to the cause of international peace and security, is being represented in a deliberately distorted manner and depicted as having interrelations which do not exist in fact.
108. In connexion with the situation in Kampuchea we have heard expressed from this rostrum a whole series of thoughts on the legitimacy of a Government, on good and bad Governments, and so on. Speakers have refer- red to international law. We totally agree on the need to comply with the letter and spirit of international law, but we cannot agree with the method of its applica- tion-in regard to the situation in Kampuchea-to which certain delegations have resorted here.
109. Can we call lawful, under international law, a Government that is practising a policy of genocide in relation to its own people?
110. Can we call unlawful, under international law, a movement of national resistance that has come into be- ing as a result of the struggle against such a Govern- ment?
111. Is it unlawful, under international law, when a national resistance movement-which is a national liberation movement in the literal sense-asks for inter- national assistance and receives it? The United Nations itself has, after all, collaborated in such decisions in the past, or at least it has not blocked them.
112. Or do those who lecture this Assembly on inter- national law perhaps believe that its principles would be implemented if the Kampucheans were once again hand- ed over to the mercy of the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary execu- tioners? In what way are their purposes different from the purposes of those who, not all that long ago, tried through resort to medieval methods to "teach lessons" - thus they arrogantly labelled their crimes - to the people of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam?
113. The People of Kampuchea have in the past gone through trials that surely have no analogy in history. The foreign aggression that has been occurring for many years in Indo-China, that has caused incalculable human and material losses to the peoples of Kampuchea and neighbouring Viet Nam, contributed to the establishment of conditions in which Pol Pot and leng Sary, the puppets of hegemonisrn, came to power. They eagerly implemented the perverted, feudal Maoist ex- periment that has claimed millions of Kampucheans as its victims and has led to the total collapse of the coun- try's economic and social life. Overwhelming evidence of the lawlessness of the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique was revealed by the open trial held at Phnom Penh from 15 to 19 August 1979, at which the two principal executors of the policy of genocide against their own people were duly sentenced. The delegation of the International Association of Democratic 'Lawyers, which visited the
114. The Kampuchean people are embarked upon a new course. Having overthrown the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary regime, they have placed at the head of their country the People's Revolutionary Council of the People's Republic of Kampuchea" The Karnpuchean people have thereby created the necessary bases and guarantees for the thorough restoration of the country's life and its full-fledged democratic development. So far, however, the legacy of the past has not been totally eliminated. Millions of human lives have been lost, and the national economy is dislocated. This faces the People's Revolu- tionary Council of the People's Republic of Kampuchea with crucial tasks. The situation is further complicated by efforts made by the enemies of the new course in the history of Kampuchea, whose aim is the reversal of the country's development and its reconversion into a col- ony of hegemonism or an instrument of implementation for the interests of international reaction in South-East Asia.
115. The Government and people of Kampuchea, however, have given a single, unequivocal answer to such attempts. They are conducting a peaceful foreign policy and are striving to establish good-neighbourly relations and friendly ties with all States of the world. In their domestic policy, their principal efforts are aimed at eliminating the terrible burden of the past and at pro- viding for the country's basic and vital needs and a gradual transition towards renewing the normal func- tions of the country's national economy and its further development.
116. The first results achieved by the People's Repub- lic of Kampuchea in its brief period of existence are not so bad. For example under difficult circumstances, they have sown and are about to reap harvests from 570,000 hectares of rice fields, and it will be possible next year to harvest 200,000 additional hectares of inter-seasonal crops. The social, political and organizational structure of the country is being restored. Convincing evidence with regard to the situation in Kampuchea and its causes and international aspects, as well as with regard to the political, economic and social purposes of the People's Revolutionary Council of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, was furnished at the press conference held on 6 November at United Nations Headquarters by the Ambassador of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, Mr. Keo Prasat, empowered by his Government to con- duct negotiations here in New York with representatives of the United Nations and of a number of Member States.
117. The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic and other socialist States are giving the Kampuchean people and the People's Revolutionary Council of the People's Republic of Kampuchea comprehensive, disinterested and still much needed material assistance in their gran- diose task of restoring their country. As my delegation indicated at the Pledging Conference for Emergency
118. The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic is also tak- ing part in the restoration of the economic life of the People's Republic of Kampuchea and, thanks to Czechoslovak assistance, a number of industrial and energy plants will be put into operation once again. With regard to the scale and direction of the assistance socialist States are lending to the people of Kampuchea, eloquent illustration is provided by the fact that these States have already sent to Kampuchea more than 200,000 tons of food-stuffs and other goods. It is necessary to emphasize, in this connexion, that. the Socialist States" assistance to the People's Repubhc of Kampuchea is being offered on a selfless basis, without any political conditions.and in compliance wit~ th~ pr~n ciples of sovereignty, mdependence and terntonal m- tegrity of the People's Rep~blic of. Kampu~hea. yve believe that further international assistance, mcludmg assistance channelled through the United Nations, will be rendered on the same basis. We would wish to believe that this assistance will not be exploited to the detriment of the interests of the people of Kampuchea and that.it will no longer be,utilized in an unworthy manner and m the spirit of a cheap operetta, for the purposes of pre- electoral campaigns in certain countries.
119. In conclusion, I should like to emphasize once more that the sit;'ation in Kampuchea is a matter for the Kampuchean people, and thatin their relations with Kampuchea all States must refrain from any steps that might constitute interference with the domestic affairs of that State and that would be contrary to the lawful right of the Kampuchean people to independence, sov- ereignty and territorial integrity for their State. It is also necessary for all questions directly related to Kam- puchea and other States of South-East Asia to be re- solved by and among those States without any inter- ference from outside and on the basis of the existing principles of international relations.
120. The Czechoslovak delegation will vote against the draft resolution sponsored by, among other States, the members of ASEAN. We proceed on this basis for the following considerations. First, draft resolution A/34/L.13/Rev.l distorts the situation in Kampuchea, approaches it in a way that is totally at variance with reality and analyses unrealistically its causes and inter- relationships. Secondly, an attempt to carry out the pro- visions of the draft resolution would mean an attempt to turn the wheel of history back and to put the people of Kampuchea once again at the mercy of the mass mur- derers, Pol Pot and Ieng Sary. Thirdly, the draft totally ignores the existing political situation in Kampuchea and in particular the fact that the Kampuchean people
5 Seedocument SG/CONF.I/SR.2, paras. 35·36.
121. We have become sponsors of draft resolution A/34/L.7/Rev.I because it contains proposals the , adoption of which would definitely contribute to the establishment of favourable conditions for the strength- ening of international peace and security and of good- neighbourly relations in South-East Asia, and at the same time would respect the fundamental rights and legitimate interests of the people of Kampuchea.
In taking up the subject before us, I wish first of all to reiterate the position of principle of the Government of Cuba on the matter. Since 7 January 1979 the sole legitimate representative of the people and State of Kampuchea is the People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea, presided over 'by Comrade Heng Samrin and with its seat of government in Phnom Penh. The consideration of any subject relating to Kam- puchea by the United Nations and other international organs, therefore, requires the participation on an equal footing of the legitimate representatives of that State, in accordance with the usage, customs and practices of in- ternational law.
123. We do not need at this time to describe the chain of events that submerged the people of Kampuchea in the horrible nightmare that was the Pol Pot regime. With the support of the hegemonists of Peking [BeijingL the sinister duo of Pol Pot and leng Sary in- stalled genocide, persecution and despotism as a systematic form of government, brutally transporting the urban population to the fields, implanting the Maoist model of the so-called "proletarian cultural revolution" and forced labour in "communes", eliminating Buddhism and all other religions, totally destroying the economic, political and cultural structure of Kampuchea, closing down schools, hospitals, churches and other places of religion, destroying the markets and the monetary system and adopting a policy of provocation and aggression against the neighbouring countries, particularly the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam.
124. The overthrow of that regime and the installation of a popular Government in Kampuchea put an end to the dangerous adventure of the Chinese leaders in that friendly nation, but their military aggression against Viet Nam, the consistent threats against Laos and the unlimited support given to the bands of Pol Pot - in open and blatant violation of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Kampuchea - have created a situa- tion that seriously threatens peace and stability in the States of South-East Asia.
125. In collusion with the imperialist NorthAmerican Government, the new mandarins disguise their hegemo- nistic plans by the use of hollow, hackneyed phrases in- tended to convince the world of a non-existent attach- ment to the principles of independence, sovereignty, ter- ritorial integrity and non-intervention in the domestic
126. Furthermore, no one can believe the protesta- tions of those who yesterday massacred the people of Indo-China and committed one of the vilest crimes against humanity in Viet Nam; nor can anyone believe their Chinese associates, who sponsor war and the arms race while pretending to be in favour ofa "just solu- tion" of the problem of Kampuchea. Such a "solution" is not and could not be anything but a return to ig- nominy, subservience and the reactionary alliance with those who regard South-East Asia as their own province or as a spring-board to reaffirm their predominance over the entire continent.
127. Therefore we reject the so-called logic of those who, while appearing to defend the rights of the Kam- puchean people, intend to impose upon them alien solu- tions or to insist on the adoption of measures that can be decided upon only by the Kampuchean people them- selves, in the strict exercise of their sovereign rights.
128. The Kampuchean people, which courageously struggled against imperialist aggression, against the puppet regime of Lon Nol and the clique that was over- thrown last January, is today master of its own destiny and has undertaken the harsh task of national recon- struction. In that endeavour it needs the understanding and selfless assistance of the international community. Thus the efforts made by the States that love peace and justice are most laudable, as are also those of the Secretary-General of the United Nations and of a number of international organizations that have hast- ened to give humanitarian assistance to the people of Kampuchea.
129. National reconstruction calls for a gigantic effort on the part of the whole people to bring the country back to normal, to reunite families, to re-establish sup- ply lines and to put cities, villages, schools, hospitals, factories, communications and transport back into operation: in one word, to organize industrial and agri- cultural production on a new basis and to rebuiid all that was destroyed by the genocidal madness of the Pol Pot regime.
130. That country's return to civilized life and peaceful co-existence with neighbouring countries re- quires all States to abstain from any activity that might endanger the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kampuchea or that might constitute in- tervention in its domestic affairs.
131. The Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, with which Cuba has established friendly and diplomatic relations, has declared its adherence to the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter, to peaceful co-existence among States, to respect for the sovereignty and independence of all countries and for the principle of non-intervention in domestic affairs of the latter, proclaiming a foreign policy of non-alignment and of friendship with all peoples.
133. We believe this to be the only way to guarantee the peace and security, to which all the peoples of Indo- China and South-East Asia aspire. It is that objective that all members of the international community must firmly sUP:~ort and it is to that objective that Cuba will devote every effort it may be called upon to make.
Situated as we are in the vicinity of the area of conflict, we have followed the events of the past year in Kampuchea with grave and in- creasing concern. and can only note that the situation continues to deteriorate, thereby seriously threatening the peace and security of the region. That it has also caused concern in the world at large was underlined by the fact that the Security Council was convened in January, and again in March of this year, to examine the problem and to try to throw water on the growing fire of war. Despite these efforts and the support of the overwhelming majority of the members of the Security Council for the relevant resolutions, the issue has re- mained unresolved.
135. In view of these considerations, my delegation was among those who took the lnitlative to inscribe this item on the agenda. Let me make it clear that, in doing so, we did not propose to focus blame for the present conflict situation on anyone State or group of States. Such an approach could only lead to recriminations and make the effort to find a solution more difficult. It is our sincere hope that, by bringing this matter to the at- tention of the General Assembly, we may prove able to bring an early end to the conflict situation and create conditions for peace and security. It is also our hope that this effort wil! be appreciated by all concerned.
136. The concern of the countries of ASEAN over the conflict in Kampuchea was expressed on 9 January this year in the statement issued at Jakarta by my Foreign Minister on behalf of the ASEAN Foreign Ministers,s and the joint statement issued soon after by ASEAN Foreign Ministers at Bangkok." The worsening of the situation in Indo-China, caused by the subsequent in- tervention by an outside power, China, in the region, prompted the ASEAN Foreign Ministers to issue the Bangkok declaration of 20 February 1979.8 The declara- tion expressed apprehension about the mounting fric- tions and growing tensions in and around the region, which have erupted into an escalation of armed ac- tivities and a widening of the area of conflict. That declaration furthermore appealed to the conflicting par- ties to cease all hostilities and urged that all foreign forces be withdrawn from all areas of conflict in Indo- China.
138. But these were not the only fruits of the military intervention. It has also resulted in a dramatic increase in the number of refugees who crossed the borders to seek a safer place in neighbouring Thailand. In turn, this has caused a great additional burden to the receiv- ing country, whose hospitality and generosity in grant- ing temporary shelter to refugees in all these years is well known to us all. My delegation would like to take this opportunity to commend the Secretary-General and the international agencies for having initiated efforts ~r) provide humanitarian assistance to those refugees 10 Thailand as well as to the suffering Kampuchean people themselves.
139. It is needless to point out that foreign interven- tions, be they military or otherwise, are flagrant viola- tions of the principles of peaceful coexistence and non- interference in the internal affairs of other countries. These lofty principles are enunciated not only in the United Nations Charter but also in other historic documents, such as the Bandung Declaration of 1955 and the declarations of the non-aligned countries, which held their sixth conference at Havana from 3 to '9 September 1979 [see AI341542].
140. Foreign interventions, including that which is now taking place in Kampuchea, are not only contrary to the principles I just mentioned, but also are con- ducive to danger because they leave the country or region concerned open to further intervention. We witnessed such a chain of events earlier this year, and I am afraid that it would constitute a precedent which, I am sure, the international community does not wish to see repeated. 141. Indonesia is particularly concerned that outside Powers may make use of the conflict in Kampuchea to serve their own purposes, which may not be in the in- terest of the countries of my region. 142. For these reasons, my delegation, voicing the sincere hope of my Government, stronglyurges that hostilities in Kampuchea, which are the tragic result of such interventions, be immediately halted and th~t foreign troops be withdrawn from that country. This does not imply that, following the withdrawal of the foreign forces, a return to the status quo ante IS desired. 143. We believe that this proposed chain of actions 144. We hope that this Government will be one that will be able to live in harm.ony with the other Govern- ments and peoples in the region and preserve the in- dependence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kampuchea. The establishment of such a situation would constitute a positive contribution to the efforts of the South-East Asian countries in the realization of the concept of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in the region. 145. The international community should also address itself to another question which may in its nature be ex- ternal to the region of South-East Asia, but nevertheless is of serious concern to a country or several countries in that region. This is that there should not be any threat imposed from abroad on the South-East Asian coun- tries, if they are to concentrate their efforts on the much needed task of reconstruction and development. We 10 the region should be given all opportunity-free from foreign intervention or the threat of such interven- tion-to develop our region politically, economically and socially into a region where peace and prosperity will one day prevail. 146. I wish to recall here that, when the conflict in Kampuchea increased in intensity earlier this year, our Secretary-General offered his good offices in trying to find a suitable solution to the problem. Now with the situation worsening both in military and humanitarian terms in that unfortunate land, my delegation strongly believes that the Secretary-General's offer of good of" fices should now be welcomed. It can be used to fulfil the universal desire for the restoration of peace and stability in Kampuchea, as proposed in draft resolution A/34/L.13/Rev.l, of which Indonesia is one of 30 sponsors, 147. In conclusion, my delegation sincerely hopes that when members of this Assembly vote tomorrow after- noon on this draft resolution their vote will not be meant to underline their "yes" or "no" to the situation in Kampuchea. My delegation wants to believe that tomorrow's voting on this resolution will mark the turn- ing of a new page and the beginning of the dawn of a new era of peace in the history of Kampuchea and the history of my own region, South-East Asia.
Mr. Salim (United Republic of Tanzania) resumed the Chair.
On item 123, which the General Assembly of the United Nations is now discussing, and which relates to the situation in Kampuchea, my country took a very clear and consistent stand from the very first days of our triumphant revolution.
149. At tf e Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Havana last September, the Government of reconstruction of Nicaragua expressed its solidarity with the 'People's Republic of Kampuchea.
1SO. The position we have adopted was dictated by our own experience and revolutionary needs. We have been guided by our personal knowledge of what is meant by the struggle of a people to liberate itself from
151. We have seen how, in a manner incomprehensible to us and yet in the most natural way possible, the bar- barity of the Pol Pot regime is mentioned, fleetingly acknowledged and then immediately overlooked - while the feelings and thoughts of a massacred people are forgotten - and the discussion proceeds, without further preamble, to the most extensive consideration of the role of Viet Narn in this matter.
152. We do not understand it, because absolutely no one has troubled even to mention the monstrous numbers of deaths and the statistics of social and cultural destruction that have been denounced in many documents, over a long period of time.
153. Our people rose, and we rebelled against the despotic and genocidal clique of Somoza; but our suf- ferings pale before the sufferings of the Kampuchean people.
154. If in our country the dictatorship assassinated 10 Catholic priests in a year, that figure pales into in- significance before the fact that, over three years, the criminal clique in Kampuchea slaughtered the greater part of 82,000 bonzes in that fraternal country.
ISS. If the Somoza dictatorship in my country mur- dered in one year 30 university .professors, in Kampuchea the genocidal clique of Pol Pot left out of a university population two or three times greater, no more than two or three professors, either because they eliminated them physically or because they stifled the very expression of culture.
156. If in Nicaragua the Somoza genocidal dictator- ship killed 40,000 of our compatriots, who constitute 1.5 per cent of our population, in a single year, in Kampuchea over a period of three years, the genocide of Pol Pot and Ieng Sary and their clique exterminated 3 million persons, who constituted 40 per cent of the population of Kampuchea as a whole.
157. Can a people bear such a barbaric and unjust destruction of its culture?
158. Can a people put up with a geographical uproot- ing so infamous and insensitive and a way of life so distorted that they do not much differ from the brutal uprootings which resulted from the capture of slaves in Africa?
159. Can a people bear decimation and a death-rate of such grotesque proportions as that in Kampuchea, which was so extreme that it cannot even be compared with what the Nazis inflicted on the Jews between 1939 and 1945?
160. It is for this reason that our delegation, our Government and our people are unable to understand how some people can have doubts about the existence of
162. In the light of such clear figures and facts, we do not know how one can have any doubt regarding the legality of that uprising and o~' any measure taken by the people of Kampuchea to aid and abet it.
163. In the light of such clear figures and facts, we do not understand how anyone can deny the reality of the uprising and the rebellion of that people against its ex- ecutioners. To deny the reality of that uprising "means-e-by logical reasoning and by the weight of figures-saying that the Kampuchean people was un- able to rise because of the blood it had shed, because it was worn out and because of the genocide committed against it. To say this, and then to treat it so lightly and superficially in our analyses of the Kampuchean prob- lem, is inconsistent and unjust.
164. All this has led my delegation to consider that the supreme effort made by the Kampuchean people to raise itself from hell was not only necessary but inevitable and could not be stopped.
165. We believe in the supreme right of peoples to overthrow their tyrants and executioners, especially if they are genocidal. We believe in that right of peoples, regardless of the ideological belief that that executioner may assume.
166. The day it is proved to us that these monstrous figures of death are untrue, that it is not true that 3 million Kampucheans were slaughtered in the name of an absurd and irresponsible social experiment, on that day we shall believe that the Kampuchean people perhaps did not have the right to rebel and to use all its available resources and allies to save itself from such monstrous criminals.
167. The position of my delegation stems from our own vital, revolutionary experience. That is why we speak clearly and affirm that our Government and our people firmly respect the basic principles of the Charter of the United Nations. We suffered genocide and ex- ploitation and, at that time, we, the people subjected to bombing and brutal extermination, were convinced that, over and above the principle of non-interference by other States in our domestic affairs, stood the princi- ple of survival. Thus we did not hesitate to seek assistance and support from the progressive Govern- ments of Latin America, assistance that was not lacking and that strengthened our cause.
168. My Government and people believe that at cer- tain historical and political moments the principle of non-interference in the domestic affairs of other States contradicts the very vital need of a people to survive. In such circumstances, for States that are spectators out- side the tragedy, the legal international principle is always given pride of place, but for the hungry masses,
169. That is why we state and believe that the problem of world peace is not only the problem of good neigh- bourliness among States. The problem of peace IS also-or perhaps above all the problem of justice, the problem of democracy and of }espect for human rights, within each State.
170. To conclude, I wish to indicate that we do not believe that the true solution to the problem of the con- flict in Kampuchea lies in calling in a simplistic way for the withdrawal of the Vietnamese troops.
171. We consider that the military problem of South- East Asia, the problem of peace in South-East Asia, is far more complex and involves circumstances dependent upon and troops coming from different countries.
172. We believe that we might contribute to the search for that true solution by carrying out an analysis that will make it possible to define and identify the geopolitical trends and interests and the strategic threats in the zone. For all these reasons, we support draft resolution A/34/L.7/Rev.I and, basing ourselves on operative paragraph 3, we wish to declare our sympathy for draft resolution A/34/L.38, submitted by the delegation of India.
The recent tragic de- velopments in Kampuchea have deeply disturbed the conscience of the world. There has been widespread dislocation of the economic and social life of the Kam- puchean people, as a consequence of foreign invasion. The situation has been developing to the present ex- plosive condition since the Vietnamese invaded Kampuchea in December last year. The direct result of that conflict was bloodshed and the creation of an at- mosphere of fear and uncertainty in the country. Kam- pucheans are suffering from conditions of acute food shortage and are dying by hundreds of thousands. The number of those who have left their homeland in search of food, shelter and security is also staggering. From all accounts it is clear that, unless urgent measures are taken to organize relief and to provide it directly to the Kampuchean people themselves, the nation is in danger of being destroyed.
174. My delegation is gratified to note the response of the international community in meeting this challenge. We should like to express our thanks and appreciation to the Secretary-General of the United Nations for con- vening an emergency Pledging Conference for Emergen- cy Humanitarian Relief to the People of Kampuchea, on 5 November. Though the contributions pledged at that Conference were less than the Secretary-General had requested, yet it clearly manifested the concern of the international community at the deteriorating condi- tion of the Kampuchean people. We are hopeful that in the future the response of the international community will be as prompt and as generous when the need for further humanitarian relief arises for the people of that country. We appeal to all parties concerned in the area
175. My delegation is aware that, though the problem of humanitarian relief to Kampuchea is of the utmost urgency, the root cause of the present grave situation is the armed conflict in Kampuchea. Some time back, it appeared that the countries of Indo-China, after a long struggle and great sacrifice, had finally gained national independence, peace and stability, and the immediate task before them was national reconstruction after decades of ravaging wars to achieve independence. Their heroic fight against heavy odds had won universal admiration and wide support, and their well-wishers were hoping for an era of peace and development. However, recent events have belied those hopes. The cause of the present situation of instability is the inva- sion of Kampuchea by Viet Nam in December last year. My Government deplored the action of Viet Nam at that time and asked for immediate withdrawal of foreign forces from Kampuchea. In spite of almost universal condemnation of that act of aggression against a small nation, it seems that the Vietnamese forces have come to stay in Kampuchea. It is regrettable that the Security Council has not been able to take action by calling for the cessation of all hostilities and complete withdrawal of foreign forces, because of the use of the veto by one of its permanent members.
176. The already grave situation in Kampuchea has been further complicated by the intervention of outside forces in the internal affairs of that country. Various ex- planations have been presented to justify th~t action, which is a clear case of aggression and a VIOlatIOn of the principles of non-intervention in internal affairs, non- use of force, and respect for the national independence and the territorial inviolability of a State. We have been told that one of the provocations of the Vietnamese armed intervention in Kampuchea was the character of the Kampuchean Government. Such arguments are un- acceptable to us. We cannot justify aggression on any grounds. Every nation has the right to decide its own destiny. The Kampuchean people should be allowed to choose their own government freely and democratically without outside interference in any form. The first and most important condition for enabling the Kam- pucheans to act freely is. the i~mediate withdraw.al of all foreign forces from their terntory and the creanon of a normal situation.
177. Draft resolution A/34/L.13/Rev.l, of which my delegation is a sponsor, provides for practical measures to restore peace and stability in Kampuchea and to pro- vide humanitarian relief to the people of that country.
178. In conclusion, my delegation hopes that all par- ties to the conflict will cease their acts of hostility and settle their disputes by peaceful means. We also support the Secretary-General in his efforts to provide urgent relief to the Kampuchean people
The meeting rose at 5.40 p.m.