A/34/PV.7 General Assembly

On behalf of the Gener~1 As- sembly, I wish to thank His Majesty King H'"!ssem I of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan for the Important statement he has just made.

The first speaker in t,he gene~al debate this morning is the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Philippines and former President of the General Assembly, Mr. Carlos P, Romulo.

Mr. President.' it is with a deep sense of satisfaction th,at I add my VOice to the swelling chorus of congratulations t? you on your election as President. With your electIOn the wo~ld affiLms the validity of the United Nations as the par~La­ ment of man, where every nation, weak or str~ng, nch or poor, stands equal before ,all the. rest. With your election the world honours Afnca, which has long b~en, and still is, a symbol of the continuing struggle agalfist 64. More than 2,000 years ago, the greatest of Greek historians, Thucydides, provided mankind with some ofthe deepest insights ever given into the nature of the human condition and of relations among men. In this effort he has not been surpassed; the lessons of the Peloponnesian wars are as relevant to our times as they were to his troubled era. The causes of human conflict, he said, are rooted in the motives of fallible man. But the management of conflict depends on the faint spark of wisdom which, as a gift of the gods, inheres in the very frailty of mankind. 65. It is not inappropriate to recall this thought at this time, for while the correspondence between the world of ancient Greece and ours is not exact, Thucydides provides us with an ancient guideline to the manage- ment of modern conflicts in our complex era. 66. Last year in this Assembly, there was general agreement on the complex nature of the present \\iorld. Three things stood out. The first was a scrupulous avoidance ofdirect confrontation among the great Pow- ers. The second was the diminution of ideology and a renewal of emphasis on national interests. The third was a shift from military competition to economic competition. 67. All these were, as we saw them, hopeful signs ofa betterand more peaceful world to come. Some began to think -it possible for mankind some day to be free from the everpresent threat ofwar. We chose to read in these signs the beginning of an age when all mankind would be guaranteed its basic needs. 68. But gifts are not always all good. The bitter comes with the sweet; thorns hide among the most fragrant flowers. The encouraging trends which we noted last year are still there, but along with them are the un- welcome. If we were to portray the world today, the following would stand out: first, the revival of wars by proxy as an alternative to direct confrontation; sec- ondly, and as a corollary to the first, the exploitation of the instabilities in many third-world countries; thirdly, the pursuit of national interests at the expense of weaker States; fourthly, the growing alarm at the possi- ble fragmentation of the world into political and economic spheres of influence. 69. As our discussions in this Assembly proceed, we cannot ignore these trends which, unless arrested, will certainly pose new threats to world peace and stability. The great Powers in particular bear a heavy share of the responsibility for their solution. We invite the super- Powers to assist in this search. 70. In connexion with the items in this year's agenda, we note with necessary caution the progress achieved in the corollary disarmament studies that are at present under way as a result ofthe mandate of the tenth special session, held on disarmament. On the question of dis- armament itself, we view with continuing regret the profound inability of the human community to come to grips with what is at the heart ofthe problem. Even on 71. We welcome the signing of the agreement reached at the conclusion of the second round of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALl]3 in full expectation that it will lead to a reduction ofcurrent world tensions. We hope further that this measure will be followed by a succession of other agreements, including a complete pan on the testing of nuclear weapons. 72. In the Middle East, much has been accomplished to pave the way to a solution of this generations-old problem. Yet the fabric of peace in that troubled land continues to be fragile. We maintain the view that, unless the right to self-determination of the Palestinian people is upheld, the chances for durable and compre- hensive answers to one of the most puzzling riddles of our time will be diminished. 73. A groot statesman once said that compromise does not necessarily mean a concession. If a memo- rable dictum was ever out of place, that surely is the case in relation to the Middle East. In our view, the needed compromise has been set by the relevant resolu- tions of the Security Council, and they remain the guidelines for solving once and for all a problem which, unless solved, will continue to bear grave implications for the peace of the entire world. 74. Africa south of the Sahara is still to be a storm- centre of unrest. It will continue to be so until the universally accepted principle of rule by the consent of the majority is accepted in precept and in practice and until the evil of rampant racism is removed from its midst. The problem ofSouth Africa appears obdurately resistant to solution, and a parallel situation is found in Namibia.. South Africa remains beyond the pale, a moral outcast from the community of nations and from peoples everywhere, who hold fast to the norms of human decency and respect for the dignity ofthe human person. 75. We are at a crucial juncture in our march to economic and social progress. Since the founding ofthe United Nations, never has there been such disparityin the living standards of peoples and in the wealth of nations. The data of 1978 tell us that nearly 2.5 billion people-the population of 74 countries, or 60 per cent of the world's population-are classified as poor. Only 32 countries with a total population of only 645 million--or 16 per cent of the world's total-are con- sidered rich and have per capita incomes ranging from $US 5,000 to $US 15,000. For the peoples ofthe poorest 20 countries with about 6 percent ofthe world's popula- tion, or 260 million people it is a question of bare survi- val, as they are subsisting on per capita incomes av- l Treaty between the United States of AmeIica and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Anns. signed at Vienna on 18 June 1979. 76. During the year, the Special Committee on the Charter of the Umted Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization continued its work towards fulfillment of its mandate to list proposals for the improvement of the United Nations, identifying those which awaken special interest for later action by the General Assembly or otherappropriate bodies. The potential usefulness of that Committe~ is high, and its value can be very great, depending upon the interest of the Members and their seriousness in implementing steps to improve our world Organization. 77. I now wish to invite your attention to our own corner of the world. For the last several years, the ~reatest single concern of my country and our partners In the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN] has been to encourage a balance among the Powers in the region, as well as among external Powers with interests in the area. There are two fundamental reasons behind this effort. First, we wished to avoid a situation in which rivalry among the Powers with ambi- tions for undue predominance in the region would in- volve our countnes in such an ambition or embroil us in other people's wars. And, secondly, we wished to im- prove the climate within which our countries-- generously described as the area with the greatest po- tential for development-could attain our ambitions of economic development and political and social cohesiveness. 78. I can say with pardonable pride for my own country and without undue presumption also for our ASEAN partners-Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand-that we have advanced far towards our goals. Equally important, our individual progress has benefited from the collective effort; the past year particularly has seen the growth of a tangible unity among us and an increasingly common stand in our relations with the rest of the world. 79. The context of our common efforts in the region has, unfortunately, taken a turn for the worse. We never did entertain any illusions that the onset of a balance of power in Asia, as well as in South-East Asia, would be tranquil or swift. It was bound to take time, because readjustments in relationships in the wake of the second Indo-Chinese war were likely to be a long and complex process. Indeed, the realignments have been more painful and more fateful than anyone expected. 80. The stark underlying fact of life in South-East Asia today with dire implications for us and most as- suredly th~ rest of the world, is the build-up of the rivalry amon~ the great Powers, but particularly. the Sino-Soviet nvalry. It has oflate reintroduced tensions fully as dangerous in their consequences as any that have ever existed in the region. We simply seek to state a fact and trace its consequences, not to impute any motives. The Philippines is and will remain a friend to all parties involved. Neither do we say that the events that we speak of are wholly to be a~cribed to this rivalry. The tracing of cause and effect IS never a com- 81. Two equally disturbing developments began this year. The first Was the armed intervention in Kam- puchea. Profoundly disturbed by this break-down of peace in South-East Asia, ASEAN immediately issued a joint statement in Bangkok4 expressing its serious concern at the armed intervention in the internal affairs of another country and affinning the right of the people of Kampuchea to detennine for themselves the fonn of government which they desired. This statement be- came the substance of a draft resolution introduced in the Securitr Council by friends in the non-aligned group of nations. Though defeated by veto, the draft resolu- tion was supported by all but two members of the Council. The statement was reaffinned by the Foreign Ministers of ASEAN at their subsequent meeting in BalL 82. The second development is the unceasing flow of refugees from the Indo-Chinese countries. By land and sea, men, women and children fled lndo-China in countless droves: many to their death, most to a life of uncertainty and deprivation, to a temporary though safe haven in makeshift camps in countries barely able to support them. 83. No event in recent memory has so stirred-as it stilI does-the conscience of the world as the plight of these refugees. Among them are the boat people. Be- lieving in a better life elsewhere theY risk life itself by setting out in unseaworthy boats for destinations they know hardly anything about. The estimates ofthe num- bers of those who did not make it run into the hundreds of thousands and this must horrify all of us. Just as in the case of mass involuntary movements elsewhere in the world, how long can mankind live with such in- stances of man's inhumanity to man? 84. But the suffering of the refugees is only halfof the story. There is the other side ofthe picture-the misery and the serious social, economic and political repercus- sions on the countries of first asylum, the majority of which belong to ASEAN. 85. This was why all the ASEAN countries responded speedily and gratefully to the Se~retary-Gene~'s c~ for an international conference III Geneva earlIer thIS year. 6 At that Meeting President Marcos of the Philip- pines offered to house 50,000 ofthose refugees who had already been accepted for resettlement. In additi~n ~o a similar offer also made by him and subject to Similar conditions-namely, that they will be funded by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and other interested parties, and that we shall not be s~d­ dIed with residuals-the Philippines will be in a position to provide temporary shelter to a total of 60,000 Indo- Chmese refugees. 86. In the East we say that what affects my broth~r affects me equally, that indeed we are our brother s 5 Ibid., document 5{13027. . 6 Meeling on Refugees and Displaced Persons in South-East ASia, held in Geneva from 20 to 21 July 1979. 87. We await the Secretary-General's report on the refugee question this session with particular anxiety because a second generation of problems may soon be upon us. The ram.r.ant country-wide famine in Kam- puchea; the possibility of the revival of conflict in that country with the end of the monsoon season; the threat of another massive tide of refugees as a result of both war and famine-these are problems which we cannot dismiss lightly and whose consequences, unless we act in time, can be far more terrible than we dare to imagine. 88. I cannot close this statement without paying a tribute to the unceasing and unfaltering efforts of the Secretary-General to uphold the validity of the United Nations Ideal in the face ofgrowing odds, to increase its potency and improve its efficiency in solving the world's problems, and in bringing these efforts to bear on the flashpoints that threaten everywhere the flower- ing of what he calls "a global civilization and order unprecedentedly wide in its scope and diversity" [see A/34/1, sect. XIII]. . 89. In the name of my country we salute the Secretary-General for his report on the work of the Organization, a report which clearly demonstrates the breadth and scope of his insights into what ails the human community today and-despite the command- ing heights from which he views the human condition- for his grasp of the problems on the ground, among them the multifarious concerns ofrunning an Organiza- tion that now includes 152 nations, a host of special instruments and even armies in the field. I must com- mend the Secretary-General for his report, a report which must be read by all members of this Assembly if they are to be loyal to their trust, a masterful document which I feel deserves to be read by all the peoples ofthe world, so that every man, woman and child whose lives are affected by public events can share the spirit that animates our United Nations. 90. All ofus are indebted to the Secretary-General for presenting an excellent summary of what should con- cern all of us. He has outlined specific problems of instability, poverty and economic weakness in various regions and we are gratified by the prominent place he gives to the New International Economic Order, UNCTAD, the North-South dialogue, the Indo-China situation, the refugees, the law ofthe sea and the energy problem and their impact on and relevance to the de- veloping countries ofthe world. We applaud his unflag- ging concern for human rights. Above all we are im- pressed with his determination to make the United Na- tions a better and more effective instrument to achieve the collective goals of mankind and to arouse world- wide the proper attitudes and responses to it that are so essential to its continued usefulness to all of us, for we believe that the United Nations stands alone as an institution available to mankind to reconcile national

Mr. President, allow me to congratulate you on the occasion of your election to this most responsible position and to express the conviction that your activities will contribute to a fruitful session of the United Nations General Assembly. 93. In the Soviet Union, as elsewhere, we learned with great sadness the news ofthe demise ofthe Presi- dent of the People's Republic of Angola, Agostinho Neto. Our memories of that great political leader of Mrica, that tireless fighter for peace and friendship among peoples, will for ever remain in the hearts ofthe Soviet people. 94. The current sessicn ofthe United Nations General Assembly is the last one to be held in the 1970s. This gives us certain grounds not only for considering the topical issues oftoday but also for summing up some of the political results ofthe decade which is about to close and for casting a glance at the past. For the problems of today, as indeed the future itself, are more clearly seen against the background of what the past has to tell us about what action was successful and what was not. 95. It is worth while to recall the circumstances which brought about the founding of the United Nations. The war was still raging and the sword ofjust retribution had not yet fallen on those who instigated it when the lead- ers of the major nations of the anti-Fascist coalition undertook a task which today still retains its vital im- portance: the setting up of a reliable barrier against another world tragedy. That task was indeed enshrined in the United Nations Charter as the main goal of this Organization. The effectiveness of the United Nations in maintaining international peace has been and re- mains the main yardstick in judging all its activities. 96 Has the United Nations lived up to its mandate? There can be no simple answer to that question. Yet it should be recognized that it has done a lot of good for consolidating peace and promoting international. co- operation. It is also evident that the United Nations could have done more than it has. 97. We are all aware that the manner in which the States Members of the United Nations act in interna- tional affairs cannot be reduced to one common de- nominator. Here the amplitude between different po~­ icy trends is great: some have not yet aban~oned.thetr claims to dommate the rest and even to hegemony m the world arena; others, naturally, cannot and will not rec- oncile themselves to this. 99. In short, the United Nations, as the broadest in- ternational organization, shows up in the boldest relief the characteristic features of the world with all its con- tradictions and collisions and, at the same time. the growing hopes of the peoples for a peaceful future. 100. The Soviet Union has never abandoned the belief in the possibility ofbuilding a solid edifice ofpeace. Our people and their Government take this as their basic premise and that there is weighty reason for this has been confinned by the decade of the 1970s. 101. At the beginning of the current decade there was a new lease on life. so to speak, through a series of treaties which have brought international relations in Europe in line with the realities ofits post-war develop- ment. The first Soviet-American agreements on the limitation of strategic arms and the basic principles of relations between the USSR and the United States of America were also concluded at that time. 102. Special mention should also be made of the historic Conference of the top leaders of 35 nations at Helsinki, which sealed in a document7 the evolution of Europe towards stronger security and co-operation. In that period. long and serious negotiations at the second round ofSALT resulted in the Soviet-AmericanTreaty, whose entry into force, one can say. the whole world is looking forward to. 103. Indeed, all of us can say that the 1970s will hold an important place in history. These years have seen the positive trend in internationl affairs which was narned "detente" becoming a broad process. Detente-and the Soviet Union stood at its cradle- expresses the aspirations of our entire nation and, we are sure, those of all peoples of the world. 104. The attitude towards detente is the best indicator of any country's political intentions. In recent years many a good word has been said about detente. But even very good words in favour of detente are not enou~; they must be buttressed by deeds, by the poliCies of States. 105. There are still people in the world today who frown when they hear the word "detente"; their fa~es wrinkle like that ofa hungry cat tasting a cucumber ma kitchen-garden. 106. Take, for instance, the questions of renouncing the spread of enmity and hatred among nations and the prohIbition of war propaganda. This is, we may say, a minimum for any State adhering to the P?~icy of,deten!e and desirous ofpromoting a healthy political climate m the world. 107. As far back as 1947 the General Assembly adopted a resolution against the propagandafor another war [resolution llO (Il)]. Over 30 years have elapsed since then, but who would undertake to assert today 109. On more than one occasion we have emphasized the urgency of this matter. Indeed, before the guns of the aggressors who unleashed the Second World War be~an to thunder, war propaganda had been in full swmg for many years. Incessant calls had been made for the map of Europe and ofthe world to be carved up to suit the aggressors' designs, The Soviet Union men- tions this fact because the forces that seek to condition people to think in terms of war and the arms build-up are still active. 110. It is becoming a tradition in some countries to play out scenarios of military conflicts. "Look," they say, "that is how things are going to develop·." And estimates are made of the casualties and the number of cities to be swept away. Tens or even hundreds of millions of lives are written off in those callous calculations. 111. The ancient Greeks, and not they alone, left us wise myths whose beauty lies in glorifying what is hu- man in man. It is not to the credit ofour contemporaries that other myths are inve.nt~d today which ar~ designe~ to stupefy man with pessimism and to make hun despair of the tnumph of reason. They depict war as totally unavoidable. 112. There is no doubt as to the purposes for which these and other myths are invented and the policies which they are designed to serve. 113. What a hu~e number offilms , books, articles and speeches ofpoliticians and "quasi-politicians", all shot through with falsity and deception, are produced to make people believe the fictitious stories about the source of a threat to peace. 114. One example is the carnpai~n launched with re- gard to Cuba, in the course of whlc.h all sorts ~f,false- hoods are being piled up concernmg the poliCies <;>f Cuba and the Soviet Umon, But the truth IS that thIS propaganda is totally without foundation ,in real~ty l and IS indeed based on falsehoods. The Soviet ~mon an.cl Cuba have already stat~d ~s ~uch. qur ad,vlce on t~IS score is simple: the artifiCIalIty of thIS entire question must be honestly admitted and the matter closed. 115, The Soviet Union and other countries of the socialist community have never. threatf?ne~ anybody, nor are they doing so now. J:.. ~ocIety whIch IS confident ofits creative forces and abilities needs no war. It needs peace. These words have been inscribed on the b~er of our foreign policy ever since the days of Lenm. 116. The policy of peace and f~endship among peoples, the policy of peaceful CO~xIst~nce of States with different social systems, has LOvanably been ex- pressed in the decisions of the ~ongres5es o~ the Com- munist Party of the Sovi~t Um.on. ThiS policy course will be followed unswervmgly In the future· as well. 118. He who trusts this policy will never be deceived. The USSR and the socialist countries can always be relied upon in the struggle for peace, disarmament and detente and for the freedom and independence of peoples. Those countries have common ideals and are guided by common goals. Shoulder to shoulder, their peoples are working hard in the grandiose effort of construction. 119. Indeed the whole world knows how many pro- posals, and what kind of proposals, have been submit- ted by the socialist States to other countries, first ofall in the United Nations, with the aim of deepening the process of easing tensions in the world, of broadening peaceful co-operation among States, and ofstrengthen- mg international security. 120. The countries making up the socialist community co-ordinate their policies for the sake of universal peace, the security oftheir own peoples and the I?eoples of other countries. This was again confinned WIth new vigour by the fruitful results ofthe latest series ofmeet- ings held by L.I. Brezhnev with top Party and State leaders of socialist countries which took place in the Crimea last summer. 121. I feel that our opinion will not differ from that of most participants in this session if I say that a compari- son ofthe United Nations Charter provisions with what is goin~ on in the sphere of military activities in some countnes reveals a glaring contradiction. Although those States affixed their signatures to the United Na- tions Charter and its peaceful purposes and principles, they are nevertheless doing everything to see that stockpiled mountains of weapons grow. 122. In the meantime, the world has long since crossed the line beyond which the arms race has be- come sheer madness. We urge all States Members of the United Nations to counter this madness with com- !TI0n sense and the will to strengthen mutual trust. For its p~rt, the USSR, to~ether with other countries, will contmue to work consIstently to stop the arms race, to start dismantling the war machine part by part and to reduce the military arsenals of States down to general and complete disarmament. 123. Here at the United Nations and at variousforums where the disarmament problem is under discussion, then~ is certainly no dearth of proposals that are well conSidered and based on the principle of equality and equal security. There are proposals relating both to weapons of mass destruction and to conventional weapons. We are still seized with the question of the reduction of military budgets. 125. There are also initiatives concerning various re- gions of the world. I should like to point, in particular, to the idea of the States bordering on the Indian Ocean that this ocean be turned into a zone of peace, an idea which is supported by the majority of the countries Members of the United Nations. The Soviet Union is certainly in favour of implementing this idea. It is ac- tively working for an early resumption of the Soviet- American talks on the limitation and subsequent reduc- tion of military activities in the Indian Ocean, talks which were interrupted through no fault of ours. An appropriat.e agreement on that subject would un- doubtedly give this idea a more tangible shape, and this would have a favourable impact on the entire interna- tional situation. 126. Yet, on the whole, one has to note with concern that all or almost all proposals for ending the arms race and for disarmament as a rule encounter opposition on the part of a number of States. They frequently get bogged down in the quagmire of debate. And it takes tremendous efforts to bring them up to the stage of decision-makirfg, though such decisions do not yet en- sure real disarmament even in limited areas. 127. A considerable period of time has already elapsed since the question was raised about reaching an agreement on ending the production of all types of nuclear weapons and the gradual reduction of their stockpiles until they have been completely liquidated. In our days there is no more burning problem than that of removing the threat of nuclear war. Every reason- able person understands this. And it cannot be effec- tively solved without stopping the assembly line pro- ducin~ an incessant flow of weapons of monstrous de- structive power-nuclear warheads, bombs and shells. 128. As we have repeatedly stated, the Soviet Union is prepared to discuss this fundamental problem to- gether with other countries, and it is proposing that specific negotiations be initiated. All the nuclear Pow- ers without exception are in duty bound to take part in them. 129. It is sometimes said that ending the production of nuclear weapons and their liquidation are too difficult a task. But can this be a reason for not starting the search for ways and means to resolve the problem? We are sure that reaching an appropriate agreement is not beyond the realm of possibility ifStates, and first ofall the nuclear States, adopt a responsible approach. 130. The complex of questions relating to nuclear weapons includes the ensuring of guarantees of the security of non-nuclear States and the non-stationingof nuclear weapons on the territories ofStates where there are no such weapons at present. 131. The General Assembly has already adopted res- olutions of principle on these matters. It is now neces- sary to embody them in binding international agreements. 133. Negotiations on a ~umber of essential aspects of disarmament are already In progress, and on some they have 'been going on for a long time. I should like to single out a couple of questions whose. solution could, in our view, be found In the not-too-dlstant future. 134. Progress has been achieved in the negotiations between the Soviet Union, the United States and the United Kingdom on the complete and general prohibi- tion ofnuciear-weapon tests. We would expect that no complicating elements will be introduced in the negoti~­ tions by our partners. But, unfortunately, these compli- cations are being introduced even today. 135. In the course of Soviet-American consultations, basic elements of an agreement banning radiological weapons have been worked out. If work on the agreement is not impeded artificially, it can be speedily prepared for signature. This means that, following the ban on bacteriological weapons, one more type of weapon of mass destruction will be prohibited. 136. The file of constructive proposals on various as- pects of the disarmament problem is impressive and proper use should be made of it. This offers broad oP.l'0rtunities for action by the United Nations, which, at Its tenth special session, devoted to disarmament, adopted a programme which on the whole is a good one [resolution 5-10/2]. A United Nations resolution should not merely remain on paper. For the time being, how- ever, it is but a paper, though a well-written one. 137. The signing of the Soviet-American Treaty on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms is convin- cing proof that, given goodwill and readiness to take into account each other's legitimate interests, it is pos- sible to achieve agreements on the most difficult ques- tions. The Treaty builds a bridge to the further limita- tion and reduction ofstrategic weapons. It also contains great potential for exerting a positive influence on other negotiations on the limitations of the arms race and on disarmamen1. 138. It can be stated without exaggeration that a major step has been taken for the USSR, the United States of America and the entire world. It is quite understand- ~ble, therefore, that, one after another. the representa- ttves ofStates speaking from this rostrum speak out in favour of that Treaty. 139. The strengthening of universal peace is insepar- able from ensuring security in Europe. The situation on the European continent is not merely a part of the gener~ picture of the world situation: today, as in the ~ast, It has a profound impact on the course of interna- tiOnal developments. 140. Since the historic moment when it raised the bann~r of a new social system, our country has been 142. Today the basis for the peaceful co-operation of States on the European continent is more solid than it was yesterday. Favourable changes have taken place in . relations between socialist and capitalist countries in Europe. 143. Soviet-French co-operation is on the rise. There is a considerable degree of mutual understanding and agreement on major issues ofEuropean and world poli- tics, and accordingly there is a possibility for the further development of fruitful co-operation. 144. The development of our relations with the Fed- eral Republic ofGermany has been following a positive trend. Both sides appreciate the mutual advantages of what has been achieved, recognizing that a good deal could yet be accomplished in the future. I should like to express the hope that there will be no move on the part of the Federal Republic of Gennany that would reduce such possibilities for the future or that would run counter to the peaceful line in Europe and to the easing of international tensions. 145. We are interested in the consistent development of Soviet-British relations. We are hopeful that there is a desire for this in the United Kingdom, too. 146. We have good relations with Italy. The assets accumulated in these relations must be multiplied. 147. I should like to note the genuine and traditional good-neighbourly relations between the USSR and Fin- land. We appreciate all the good achievements that have been made in our relations with other Scandina- vian countries. 148. A positive shift is taking place in our relations with Spain. 149. The development of our ties with the rest of Western Europe is also a source of satisfaction. 150. On the whole, both in the field of bilateral rela- tions with States having a different social system and in other fields, the Soviet Union is following the course charted by the Helsinki Conference. 151. The roots that political detente has taken on European soil cannot, however, be viable unless practi- cal measures are taken in the field ofmilitary detente. In this regard, great prospects have bee~ opened up by.the proposals contained in the Declaration of the Poht!cal Advisory Committee of the Wars~w Treaty Orgamz~­ tion adopted last November, 8 and ID the May commum- 153. Unfortunately, our Western partners have not yet shown themselves ready to engage in talks on this problem. Nevertheless, we expect that a sober ap- proach and asenseofresponsibility will prompt them to react positively to our proposal. 154. The socialist countries are still waiting for a re- sponse to yet another important initiative of theirs--- concerning the convening, at a political level and with the participation ofall European countries as well as the United States and Canada, of a conference on strengthening confidence among States, easing military confrontation and the subsequent thinning out ofarmed forces and armaments in Europe, and their reduction. Each of those countries could make its own contribu- tion to the work of that conference. 155. In the opinion of the Soviet Union, substantial work is needed on a bilateral as well as a multilateral basis to ensure the success of both the conference on military detente on the European continent and the Madrid meeting to be held next year of representatives ofthe States participants in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. Far from competing with each other, those two forums are complementary. 156. As for the Madrid meeting, it should focus its attention on truly urgent issues of detente in Europe. No narrow selfish interests should be allowed to pre- vent this. 157. Now a few words about the Vienna talks, the subject of which, as will be recalled, is the reduction of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe. This is not a problem of significance to Europe alone. Our country invariably adopts constructive positions at those talks and puts forward initiatives which also take into account the legitimate interests of the Western partners. Only strict observance of the principle of undiminished security of either party would bring the Vienna talks to the road leading to agreement, and the sooner that happens the better. 158. The review of problems relating to Europe would be incomplete if no reference were made to attempts undertaken from time to time by some countries to test the durability of the Quadripartite Agreement on Berlin. 9 This is contrary to the long-term interests which provided the basis for that agreement and which mus~ serv~ as guidance for all States, particularly the parties to It. 159. The root-cause of the complexities and contra- ~ictions of the international situation at the present day lies to no small extent in the fact that the existing sources oftensions and conflicts between States do not ~isappear and that now and then new ones keep spring- 109 up. 161. This issue cannot be drowned in the artificially whipped up propaganda campaign concerning Indo- Chinese refugees, a campaign whose sharp edge is di- rected against Viet Nam. No, that edge should be turned in another direction, which is well known. 162. It is also no secret who imposed and nurtured the bloodthirsty murderous regime of Pol Pot. Today that regime in Kampuchea has been done away with and there will be no return to the past. The legitimate rep- resentatives of the Kampuchean people must be given the opportunity to take the seat belonging to Kam- puchea in the United Nations. 163. The policy of some States that are intensifying their intelference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan is short-sighted-there is no other term for it. That country, which has chosen the road of progressive democratic transformation, comes out in favour of good relations with its neighbours and pursues an inde- pendent foreign policy, a policy of non-alignment. The Soviet Union, which has long-standing ties of friend- s~ip and good neighbourliness with Afghanistan, con- SIders that this inadmissible intelference must be stopped. 164. With respect to such Middle East States as Turkey and Iran, not only have we common borders but w~ also maintain relations of traditional co-operation With them. We take a positive attitude to the steps which those and other Asian countries take to protect and strengthen their sovereignty, and we are willing to develop relations with them. 165. We in the Soviet Union are satisfied with the friendly nature of reLations between the USSR and In- dia, that great Asian country with its consistently peaceful policy. The Soviet-Indian relationship is a ma- Jor factor for stability and peace on the Asian continent. 166: W.e wish to maintain, naturally on the basis of recIprocity, normal good relations with all States, whether in south or south-east Asia or in the Far East. This al?plies !o Japan,. Indonesia, the Philippines, MalaYSia, ThaIland, Pakistan, Bangladesh Sri Lanka and other countries of those regions. ' 167. Like all peace-loving peoples, the Soviet people are gravely concerned over the state of affairs in the Middle East-one of the "hottest" spots on earth, where now there emanates a serious threat to peace. 168. The Middle East problem, if divested of what is immaterial, boils down to the following: either the con- sequences of the aggression against the Arab States and peoples are eliminated or the invaders will be rewarded by being allowed to appropriate lands that belong to others. A just settlement and the establishment of last- ing peace in the Middle East require that Israel should end its occupation ofall the Arab lands it seized in 1967; that t.he I~gitim~te right~ of the Arab people of Palestme, mcludrng the nght to establish their own 169. The separate deal between Egypt and Israel re- solves nothing. It is nothing but a means designed to lull the vigilance of peoples. It is a way of piling upon a still greater scale explosive material capable of producing a new conflagration in the Middle East. Moreover, added to the tense political atmosphere in this and the adjacent areas, is the heavy smell of oil. 170. It is high time that all States represented in the United Nations realized how vast is the tragedy of the Arab people of Palestine. What is the worth of declara- tions in defence of humanism and human rights-- whether for refugees or not-if before the eyes of the entire world the inalienable rights of an entire people, driven from its land and deprived of a livelihood, are grossly trampled upon? 171. The Soviet policy with respect to the Middle East problem is one of principle. We are in favour of a comprehensive and just settlement, of the establish- ment of durable peace in the Middle East, a region not far from our borders. The Soviet Union sides firmly with Arab peoples, who resolutely reject deals at the expense of their legitimate interests. 172. By adopting in 1960 the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)]-DlIe of the most signifi- cant acts of the United Nations-the world community acknowledged the indisputable fact that the hour of colonialism had struck. Since then an overwhelming majority of peoples have cast off the yoke of colo- nialism. But humanity's conscience continues to revolt against the fact that the shackles of colonialism and racism have not yet been completely broken. And it is above all of southern Africa that we should be talking here. 173. For many years now the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia have been waging a selfless struggle for their freedom and independence. The Soviet Union is entirely on the side of their noble cause. We have raised and shall continue to raise our voice in their support, and we shall co-operate with those States, especially African States, which adhere to the positions ofjusticr, of upholding the inalienable rights of those peoples. All kinds of combinations, no matter how superficially clever, which are aimed at preserving the domination of racists and colonialists with the help of hastily formed puppet regimes should be resolutely rejected. 174. Is it possible to achieve a political settlement in southern Africa? Yes, it is possible and there are ways leading to it. But so far the racists and their stooges have replied with bullets to proposals that a choice be made in favour of a just and peaceful solution. 175. The session of the General Assembly of the United Nations will be right if it clearly states its reso- lute support for the liberation struggle of the peoples of southern Africa and condemns attempts to drown this struggle in blood as a crime against humanity. It is a direct duty of the United Nations to make those who ignore the decisions of the United Nations on southern Africa respect them. 177. In its approach to all continents, to all countries of the world, the Soviet Union does not apply different yardsticks when it comes to the sovereignty of States, the freedom of peoples and genuine human rights. One cannot hold aloft the Charter of the United Nations in one situation and hide it under the table in another. The provisions and principles ofthe Charter must be applied equally to any State and any people. 178. The Soviet Union has repeatedly stressed, no- tably in the United Nations, the significance of the non-aligned movement and its peaceful orientation. We are confident that the non-aligned States will continue to make use of their entire political weight in the in- terests of peace, disarmament and detente. This confi- dence of ours is supported by the successful results of the Sixth Conference of Heads ofState or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, which recently ended in Havana. This was an important forum and a major international event. 179. What is needed in the first place to resolve any important international problem of a political, economic or other nature is an atmosphere of peace. And whether peace will be more durable or less stable depends to an important extent on the state of relations between the Soviet Union and the United States. That conclusion is objective and indisputable. 180. The leadership of the Soviet Union makes no secret of its desire to have nonnal and, what is more, friendly relations with the United States. This only requires the observance of principles which have be- come well-established in international relations; and they are recorded, in particular, in the well-known Soviet-American documents-that is, the principles of peaceful coexistence between States and of non- mterference in the affairs ofothers. We shall not allow anybody to meddle in our internal affairs. Concern for Soviet-American relations is a matter for both sides. It is only on this basis that the relations between the USSR and the United States can develop successfully. 18!. Our position was stated with exhaustive clarity and precision by L. L Brezhnev in Vienna, in particu- lar, in the course ofhis meeting with the Presidentofthe United States. Mr. Jimmy Carter. The meeting showed that, given the wish on both sides, the USSR and the United States are able to find mutually acceptable solu- tions and to co-operate in the interests of international detente and peace, 182. L. 1. Brezhnev has stated: ""There is no country or people in the world, in fact, with which the Soviet Union would not like to have good relations; there is no topical international problem to the solution of which the Soviet Union would not be willing to contribute; there is no source of danger of war in the removal of which by peaceful means the Soviet Union would not be interested." 184. When those levers are activated to attain objec- tives contrary to, or even openly defying, the United Nations Charter, conflict situations and international crises arise. The instigators ofsuch events usually seek to whitewash themselves and, in that, they do not hesi- tate to pin all kinds oflabels on others. That is a proce- dure that is, unfortunately, sometimes followed. 185. One such tactic consists injuggling with the term "hegemonism", which in recent years has been increasingly used in international political practice. Al- though of recent origin, the telm "hegemonism" de- notes a phenomenon that is far from new. On the con- trary, it has been known, so to speak, from time im- memorial. It means striving for world domination, for domination over other countries and peoples. 186. The Soviet attitude towards hegemonism and domination is clear. Since its very first days, the Soviet State has resolutely objected to anyone's being a hegemonist with others submitting to his will, and to any States' holding a position of domination over others. 187. Twenty million human lives were sacrificed by our people to defeat Hitler's designs for world domina- tion and to bury hegemonism in its Fascist attire. This figure ~Ione is indicative ofour score with hegemonism. 188. Hegemonism is a direct antipode to the equality ofStates and peoples, an antipode to the ideal which the October Revolution proclaimed for the whole world and which the United Nations, as prescribed by its Charter, should promote in every possible way in inter- national relations. Its manifestation in our day consti- , tutes a serious obstacle to the process of detente to which there is not and cannot be any reasonable alternative. 189. The time has come for all States Members of the United Nations to take an unambiguous position with regard to hegemonism-to condemn it and to block any claims to hegemony in world affairs. Its inadmissibility should be raised to the level of a principle that must be rigorously observed. lOO. Guided by all this, the Soviet Union is proposing the inclusion in the agenda of the current session of an important item entitled' 'Inadmissibility ofthe policy of 191. The purport of this draft resolution is that no States or groups of States should claim, under any circumstances or for any motives whatsoever, hegemony in regard to other States or groups ofStates. 192. We are convinced that all those who approach the conduct of international affairs on the basis of equality and in the interests ofdetente and peace cannot oppose the adoption ofsuch a draft resolution. It is to be hoped that the General Assembly will consider the draft with a high sense of responsibility. 193. Following the General Assembly, the United Na- tions Security Council, with the five nuclear Powers as its. permanent members; could also express itself against hegemonism. It would be a good idea subser quently to couch the renunciation by States ofa policy of hegemonism in all its manifestations in terms of a broad international agreement and to conclude such an agreement or treaty. 194. In conducting its policy, our country scrupu- lously complies with the principles of the United Na- tions Charter and invariably pursues its purposes. We never lose sight of the fundamental basis of the ac- tivities ofthe world Organization, that is, concentration of its efforts bn ensuring that the peoples can live in conditions ofpeace. The Soviet Union has consistently come out in favour of strengthening the United Na- tions, of no one's being allowed to erode it. 195. The peoples will assess the results ofthe current session, like those of previous sessions, of the General Assembly primarily in terms of what it will have achieved to make people feel more secure. Hence, great responsibility rests with all States Members ofthe United Nations and with their representatives assem- bled in this hall. 196. Everything positive that we can achieve today will help us in the 1980s to consolidate and to develop the successes of the 1970s. That in turn will largely determine the thoughts and feelings, the memories of the past and the faith in the future that mankind will take with it into the next millennium. 197. We wish, and we shall do all in our power to ensure, that the work of the thirty-fourth session ofthe General Assembly may culminate in the adoption of resolutions that will be commended by the peoples of the world.