A/34/PV.8 General Assembly

IQ On behalf of the Gov- ernment and the people ofJapan, I should like to extend warm congratulations to Mr. Salim on his election as President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. I am confident that, under his impartial gui- dance based on superb wisdom and wealth of experi- ence, this session will be a most fruitful one. 117. I should also like to express my heartfelt appreci- ation to Mr. Lievano, who contributed gre~tly to the successful conclusion of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly. 118. I take this opportunity also to pay a sincere trib- ute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim. We deeply appreciate his dedicated efforts towards the maintenance ofinternational peace and security as well as towards the promotion ofintemational co-operation, thus helping to realize the goals of the United Nations. 119. Let me also take this opportunity to express a sincere welcome to Saint Lucia on its admission to the United Nations. My country looks forward to deepen- ing its co-operation with Saint Lucia within the United Nations as well as in other contexts. 120. The year 1979 is significant as the transitional year from the 1970s to the 1980s. As we recall our experiences ofthe 1970s and reflect upon their implica- tions for the future in our quest for world peace and prosperity, this session of the General Assembly; held at such an important time, should, in my view, provide us with a new vigour and perspective for the coming decade. 121. Looking back on the 1970s, I consider it a time mixed with promise and disappointment in terms of world peace and prosperity. 123.. While there have been real international efforts to promote the stable expansion of the world economy, as exemplified by the five summit meetings ofthe major industrial nations and the GAIT Tokyo round trade negotiations, energy problems cast a vast and gloomy \0 Mr. Sonoda spoke in Japanese. The English version of his state- ment was supplied by the delegation, 124. While nation-building programmes ofdeveloping countries are progressing, the non-oil-producing de- veloping countries are experiencing extremely serious economic difficulties stemming from sharp increases in the price of oil. Prospects concerning North-South problems are complicated by a great number of dif- ficulties, due in part to the stagnation of the economies of industrialized countries. 125. While, in the intemational political and economic arenas, interdependent and complementary relationships among nations are generally deepening, co-operative relationships between oil-producing and oil-consuming countries have not yet taken hold. Indus- trialized and developing countries continue to grope for an international or~er that is mutually beneficial. 126. These are no more than simple illustrations. Yet, as we look ahead on the basis of these experiences to the coming decade, the prospects for the international community do not allow us to be totally optimistic. At the same time, we need not be unduly pessimistic. 127. As I pointed out last year at the thirty-third ses- sion of the General Assembly, mutual dependence among nations and regions of the world transcends differences in social systems, size, abundance of natural resourceS or stage of development, and this interdependence is growing at an increasingly rapid pace. t t Thus, no nation can maintain peace within its own borders unless peace prevails elsewhere in the world; and no country can plan its own economic prosperity in isolation from the development of the world economy as a whole. 128. These are the realities which all the countries of the world must approach dispassionately. In our quest for world peace and prosperity we must recognize the interdependence among nations as well as regions and help each other and complement each other in a spirit of accommodation. Ifeach nation bases its foreign policy. on that recognition, I am convinced there will be a way to solve the difficult problems besettingall ofus. One of the major tasks for the 1980s will be for each of us to renew our efforts in this direction. 129. My country maintains as its fundamental na- tional pnnciple the pursuit of peace and the refusal to become a military Power that could pose a threat to another country. Thus the basic objective of Japan's foreign policy is to contribute to world peace and prosflerity by fully wielding its economic strength and political mfluence. This policy, of course, is based on the recognition that there can be no peace and prosper- ity in Japan unless there is peace and prosperity throughout the world. We are determined to strengthen Japan's diplomatic efforts in intemational political, economic and social areas in order to contribute further to the peace and prosperity of the world community in . the coming decade. In so doing, it is the policy of my Government to explore actively from a global perspec- tive the ways in which it can help to achieve the stability 130. With this perception of the present, and looking ahead to the future, I should like at this time to explain briefly my Government's position on the major prob- lems confronting the international community today. 131. I should like to comment first of all upon the situation in Asia. 132. One of the most urgent tasks confronting us now is to secure peace and stability in South-East Asia. 133. The members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN] are steadily pursuing courses of national development based on the progress of re- gional co-operation. However, serious anxiety regard· ing the security of these nations is resulting from the conflicts and tensions in the Indo-Chinese peninsula and from the outflow of the refugees from that area. In particular, the problem of Indo-Chinese refugees is no longer solely a matter of humanitarian concern; it has become a destabilizing element in the Asian and Pacific region. • 134. Although the United Nations Meeting on Ref- ugees and Displaced Persons in South-East Asia, held in Geneva last July, achieved significant results, thanks to the efforts ofthe Secretary-General and other United Nations officials, as well as to those of the various countries concemed, the problem has not been funda- mentally resolved. Indeed, each country is called upon to strive even harder in its own way to help to alleviate the difficult situation. 135. First, it is necessary that Viet Nam should con- tinue to exert every effort to stop the illegal departures of its people as it stated it would do at the Geneva Conference. 136. Secondly, in order to provide relief for the ref- ugees as well as to lighten the burden of the first-asylum countries, international co-operation should be further strengthened in the fields ofthe permanent resettlement of refugees and of financial contributions to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. 137. Detennined to take an active part in this interna- tional endeavour, Japan decided to provide half the funds required this year for the High Commissioner's Assistance Programme for lndo-Chinese Refugees. At the same time, we are making efforts to promote the resettlement of refugees in Japan and intend gradually to expand the target figure for resettlement in Japan, depending on the progress of the programme. 138. I feel it is important to stress, however, that the Indo-Chinese refugee problem cannot be solved in any real way unless the peace and stability of this region is assured. In order to secure peace and stability in Indo- China, it is essential that lasting peace be restored in Kampuchea. I am of the opinion that the only way to accomplish this is for all foreign forces to withdraw from Kampuchean territory so that the Karnpuchean people may d~teT!J1ine the~r own political future, free from any foreIgn mtervention. 140. In conjunction with these long-range efforts, I should like to call attention to the very urgent task that demands immediate action in Kampuchea. In the de- vastated nation of Kampuchea, millions of people are stricken with disease and are in danger of starvation. There is undoubtedly a wide range ofpolitical positions and opinions regarding Kampuchea's future. But what- ever political position one may take, one cannot ignore the millions ofKampuchean people facing death due to starvation and disease. 149. Another major task confronting us in Asia is the relaxation of tensions on the Korean peninsula. At present, the dialogue between South and North Korea IS suspended. The tripartite talks, proposed jointly to North Korea by President Park of the Republic of Korea and President Carter of the United States, have not yet come about. Since the building ofgenuine peace and stability on the Korean peninsulais a matterofdeep I con'cem tp Japan, we hope that a substantive dialogue between South and North Korea will be resumed as promptly as possible. For our part, we will continue to co-operate with all countries concerned to foster an international climate that is conducive to the relaxation of tensions on the peninsula. 141. I am convinced that humanitarian concerns must transcend political differences and that it is of absolute importance for all parties, both inside and outside Kam- puchea, to take concerted action to bring to the Kampuchean people relief from the starvation and dis- ease that makes a living hell for them. What the Kampuchean {>eople urgently need right now is not an exercise in political polemics, but rather food and medi- cal supplies. It is our responsibility as human beings to see that the Kampuchean people get the supplies they need. 142. First of all, I should like to appea) for the co- operation ofall the parties to the conflict inKampuchea in ensuring that these humanitarian reliefsupplies reach those who are in need of them. I call specifically upon all the parties to the conflict to come to an immediate agreement with the international organizations con- cerned on a practical arrangement to ensure that such international relief measures be implemented safely and promptly. 143. Secondly, I should like to urge strongly that all the countries concerned exert every possible effort to make such an arrangement, and that as many countries as possible participate in and co-operate with such in- ternational relief measures. 144. The Govemment of Japan is prepared to co- operate to the fullest extent of its abilities in these international relief measures. 145. Given the widespread and profound sympathy the Japanese people have for the Kampuchean people in their catastrophic privation, the Government of Ja- pan 'is determined to do everything possible, by mobilizing the resources of both government and pri- vate sectors, to extend such co-operative assistance and relief. 146. Even as I express these views on the Kampu- chean problem-the most serious problem in Asia today-the implementation of relief measures is being further delayed. Profoundly distressing are the move- ments that appear to be starting in Kampuchea which might lead again to an intensification of the fighting there. 148. I therefore strongly urge all the parties, including Viet Nam, who are directly involved in the conftict in Kampuchea to exercise prudence and restraint and [ reiterate my appeal to all the countries and parties concerned to make every effort to achieve peace in Kampuchea. 150. The problem in the Middle East is one ofthe most serious problems confronting the world today. Japan maintains the position that it is essential that peace in the Middle East be just, lasting and comprehensive. Thus, Japan thinks the Treaty ofPeace between Egypt and Israel should be a first step towards achieving a comprehensive peace in the area. We believe that such a peace should be achieved through the complete imple- mentation of Security Council resolutions 242 (L%7) and 338 (1973) and the recognition ofand respect for the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to self-determination in accordance with the United Nations Charter. 151. We believe that the future development of the negotiations now under way between Egypt and Israel on the question of the autonomy of the West Bank and Gaza wIll have a serious influence upon whether or not a comprehensive peace will be achieved in the Middle East. From this point of view, we strongly hope that, to avoid further delay in establishing peace in the area; the participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization ID the peace process will be realized, with Israel and the Palestme Liberation Organization mutually recogniz- ing each other's position. 152. J strongly call on the participants involved in the talks regarding the autonomy of the West Bank and Gaza to display courage and flexibility in the negotia- tions in accordance with the relevant United Nations resolutions in order to achieve a result that is satisfactory to all the parties concerned. In this connex- ion, I should like to urge Israel to refrain from any measures that would be detrimental to the atmosphere of the negotiations, such as the establishment of Israeli settlements in the occupied territories and its military actions in southern Lebanon. 153. Firm in the belief that stability and development in the Middle East are essential to the peace and 154. The nations of Africa are Japan's vital partners in promoting world peace and prosperity. It is thus my country's policy to extend vigorous co-operation to the nation-building programmes of the African States. 155. The situation in Africa is, however, troubled in some areas. In particular, it is a matter ofdeep concern to Japan that a great number of people in southern Africa continue to suffer under the yoke of racial dis- crimination. I am profoundly distressed that progress towards the elimination of apartheid policies in South Africa has been so meagre. 156. Regarding the question of Namibia, the Govern- ment of South Africa has embarked upon a dangerous course by seeking an internal settlement and totally disregarding the efforts of the United Nations. This is a serious situation and must be considered a challenge to the international community. I strongly urge South Af- rica to reconsider its policies and to co-operate with the United Nations in achieving Namibia's independence through elections held under the supervision of the United Nations. I should Jike on this occasion to con- firm once again Japan's readiness actively to participate in and co-operate with the United Nations efforts to foster Namibia's peaceful transition to independence. 157. With regard to Southern Rhodesia, Japan sincerely hopes that independence under genuine ma- jority rule wIll be peacefully realized as early as possi- ble, and thus highly appreciates the agreement reached at the last Commonwealth Heads ofGovernment meet- ing [see A/34/439-S/13515, annex, para. 15]. On the basis ofthis agreement, I earnestly hope that the parties concerned will continue, in a spirit of accommodation, their constructive talks at the Rhodesia Constitutional Conference now under way in London with the aim of establishing genuine majority rule in Southern Rhodesia. 158. The nations of Latin America are extremely im- portant and are expected to assume increasingly greater responsibilit}es and roles in working for world peace and prospenty. 159. Recently I visited several Latin American na- tions, and was encouraged by the efforts they are mak- ing toward economic and social development and democratization. There is a growing trend among the nations of Latin America to search for peace and prosperity in an interdependence of broader scope which would extend beyond a regional framework. I believe it will be the task in the 1980s of nations in other regions of the world to co-operate with the nations of Latin America as they strive to attain the fulfilment of their aspirations. 160. There have been movements to direct attention and criticism to specific issues in the democratization processes of certain countries. I rather feel that demo- cratization in these countries would be best promoted if we tried, while making conscious efforts to understand 162. [therefore welcome the signing of the second SALT Treaty by the United States and the Soviet Union, and I wish to express the hope that future nego- tiations at the third round ofSALT will result in further concrete progress in the quantitative reduction and qualitative control ofstrategic arms. I should like at this time to make a strong appeal once again for the strengthening of the regime for the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, establishing as soon as possible a comprehensive nuclear test ban, and promoting dis- armament negotiations relating to non-nuclear weapons, including the prohibition of chemical weapons. 163. Efforts exerted solely in the areas I have mentioned will not suffice to secure world peace and prosperity. Problems pertaining to the world economy present us with important and urgent tasks. 164. First, the world economy is beset with a number of difficult problems, notably those having to do with energy, inflation and unemployment. In order to foster the stable expansion of the world economy under the current difficult circumstances, it is imperative that each country seek to strengthen its efforts towards international co-operation with a view to achieving its own economic prosperity within the framework of the stable expansion of the world economy as a whole, and in consideration of the interdependence between domestic and world economies. 165. Fully recognizing the responsibility and the role it must assume in the world economy, Japan will con- tinue to make efforts that will foster international co- operation, including those designed further to open its domestic markets. 166. With regard to the energy question which will surely have a major impact on the future of the world economy, I should like to point out that it is very im- portant for industrialized countries to ensure that the various measures agreed upon at the Tokyo Economic Summit are faithfully implemented. These relate, in particular, to restraints on petroleum imports, the in- creased utilization of nuclear and alternative sources of energy, as well as to the research and development of new sources of energy. I believe that restrained oil consumption by industrialized countries, including my own, will help to foster mutual trust between oil- producing countries and oil-consuming countries and thus lead to the creation of a more co-operative rela- tionship between them regarding the efficient utiliza- tion of energy, which is a task for all mankind. 167. Further, because the energy problem is an im- portant matter that concerns countries throughout the world, I believe it would be useful for the United Na- tions to consider how it could be best dealt with. Thus I shall follow with interest the initiatives to be taken by the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, on this subject. tJon~ . ~nd aspirations of developing countries for stabJhzmg th·elr export of primary commodities and for the stable expansion of their export of manufactured products. 169. Japan~ itselfan Asian country, was late in joining the modem mternational community, and thus had to struggl~ resolutely in order to catch up with developed c,?untnes. <;:onsequently, Japan has deep sympathy w1th the des1res and aspirations ofdeveloping countries for. economic and social development. We believe that ~t 1S t~e responsibility of industrialized countries- l~cludmgJapan-to respond to the legitimate expecta- tIOns of developing countries regarding their economic and social development. 170. Accordingly, Japan makes it a basic policy to co-op~rate to the utmost of its capabilities with de- velopmg countries in their self-reliant efforts to pro- mote their economic and social development. 171 .. The fact that Japan is making efforts to double its ~~clal dev~lopment assistance within three years; that It 1S ~orkmg toward untying assistance as well as softemng the terms; and finally, that it has taken an active role for the establishment of the Common Fund ar~ all in,conformity with its basic foreign policy. Jap~ wIll ~ontm~e firmly to maintain this basic policy, and, in particular, lDtends to make greater efforts to expand the volume of its official development assistance and im- prove the ratio of such assistance to its gross national product. 172. In order to solve North-South problems a con- ----t4aHoo.s dialogue is necessary. In my assessm~nt, the 180. Therefore, I believe that the United Nations fifth s~ssjon of UNCTAD, held last May, was an im- should make maximum ~se ofthe fact-finding functi.ons -purtam-proccs-s-furtern:ting a flirure onentatioiilOfl1e---ronferred upon the vanous organs under the Umted North-South dialogue against the background of the NatIOns C~arter. In tl).is way the United Natit?ns would agreement on the basic elements of the Common Fund. be able on 1ts own to mvestlgate the facts which would Through thi& dialogue an increasing awareness of the s.erve as ~ basis for d~bate in the wC?rl~ body. I.should mterdependent and complementary relationship be- hke to pomt out particularly that thlS IS somethmg the tween the North and South should be developed from a United Nations could start doing today if its Member long-.term perspective, thus laying the foundation-ror- States were wl1lmg to have It do so. genume co-operation. This, in my view, is a prerequi- site to the solution of the problem. .17~. On the basis of these considerations, I believe it IS Important that the new international development s~rategy which we are about to formulate should pro- vide targets for the efforts of the international commu- nity in promoting the economic and social development ofdeve!oping countries. In this sense the new interna- ~ion.al dev~lopment strategy should b~ ajoint undertak- mg mvolvmg both developingand developed countries. 174. Furthermore, the new international develop- ment strategy should be formulated on the basis of r~alistic and pr~ct!calconsiderations, giving due atten- tion to the alleVIatIOn ofabsolute poverty, which is said 175. Finally, I should like to say a few words about measures to strengthen the role ofthe United Nations in the maintenance of international peace. 176. It is a regrettable truth that the role played thus far by the United Nations in the maintenance of world peace has fallen far short of its original goals. 177. It will be difficult to try to change all at once the way in which the United Nations has functioned since its establishment more than 30 years ago. However, the role of the United Nations must be expanded to meet the changing needs of the international community, where world-wide interdependence continues to de- velop and the need for international co-operation and harmony is becoming increasingly urgent. 178. Therefore, as a first step in expanding the role of the United Nations in the maintenance ofintemational peace, I should like to propose that its fact-finding functions regarding international disputes be strengthened. If the United Nations could maintain a finn grasp upon situations involving international dis- putes and present the international community with objective facts, it would be able, by appealing directly to world opinion, to exert pressure on countries con- cerned and thus facilitate the settlement of disputes. 179. For example, if I may at this point suggest a measure to be taken, each time an important dispute arose a representative of the Secretary-General would be stationed in the area for a certain period to investi- gate the facts of the situation, and would report to the Secretary-General from time to time. The need for measures of this kind may be readily understood when one considers the developments in Indo-China this past year. 181. As I have previously mentioned, I am convinced that, as interdependent relations among countries and regions continue to grow, it will be our task in the 1980s·-· to develop a basis for international co-operation that will lead to world peace and prosperity. 182. This is a tremendously difficult undertakmg. But now, with the existence of weapons capable of an- nihilating all of mankind and with the emerging recogni- tion that the natural resources and space available for man'.s use are limited, the people ofeach country must consider their own peace and prosperity as inseparable from that of the world. Each country must realize its responsibility and play an active role accordingly in achieving this common goal of mankind. This is, in my 183. There are indeed a ~reat number of problems in the international commumty, including those between East and West, North and South, and among indus- trialized nations as well. 184. I am convinced that solutions to all these prob- lems could be found if each country would refrain from adopting attitudes of confrontation by insisting on its own views and interests and would enter discussions open-heartedly for the shared goal of achieving world peace and prosperity-a long-cherished and common hope of mankind. I believe that the willingness of each country to open itselfto such discussions will be the key to detennining the course for the international commu- nity in the 1980s. 185. In closing, I should like to reaffirm my belief in man's powers of reason and innate wisdom. On the basis ofthis belief, I am confident that, as we look ahead t~ the decade ofthe 1980s, the prospects for the interna- tIOnal community are promising.

It is with great ple~sure that I extend to you, ~lf, the warmest congratulatIOns ofthe Hellenic delega- tIOn .on your unani~ous election to the high post of President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. 187. During the m~y years you held the post of Per- mCl!1ent Representative of your country to this Organi- zatIOn you have, on numerous occasions, given proofof your ~utstanding qualities as a diplomat and a statesman. Africa, a continent which plays a pre- ponderant role in the activities of the United Nations anq the {/nited ~ep.ublic of Tanzania, a country with whlc~ mme mamtams the most friendly and cordial relatlOI?-s, could not have chosen a better representative to preside over the work ofthis body, which more than an~ other r~f1.ects the universal character to which the Umted Nations has aspired since it came into being. 188. .At the s~e time I should like to express to the outg~lI~g President, M~. Indalecio Lievano, our ap- preCH~tIon of the authonty and competence with which he~gU1ded the work of the General Assembly during a difficult period that was full of problems. 189. It is also a pleasure for me once again to extend our . most sincere congratulations and profound gratitude to. our Se~retary-qen~ralfor his tireless ef- forts and hiS devotIOn to hiS difficult and sometimes thankless, but very important, task. The considerable success~s of ",:,hich Mr. Waldheim can be justly proud make him an Irreplaceable champion of international peace. 199. Fin~lly I.should like most warmly to welcome Samt Lucla, which hasjust been added to the number of young and dynamic countries that have become Mem- bers of our Organization in the last few years. J91. The 12 months that have elapsed since the open- mg of t~e thirty-third session of the General Assembly ha~e "':'Itnessed a wealth of events an assessment of which IS unfortunately not very encouraging. Side by J92. In the Middle East, a region of very particular !nt~rest to my country because ofits geographical prox- Imlty, but above all because of our fraternal links with ~ur Arab brothers, ~he deadlock continues. The posi- tIOn of my country m respect of this problem is well kno~n. yve have alw~ys been in favour of the complete application of Secunty Council resolution 242 (1%7) and of the other relevant resolutions of that body and the G~neral Assembly that call for the withdrawal of Israeli troops from all the Arab territories occupied in 1967, a~ well as the.ri~htofall the countries ofthe region to. live m peace wlt~m secure ~d recognized ,bound- aries. At the same t~"?-e, we believe that the legitimate ~ghts of the PalestI.maI?- Arab people, including their nght to self-detennmatlOn and to a country must be recognized within the framework ofa global settlement. 193. It is in the light of those principles and their effective application that we view the Treaty of Peace between Egypt ~d Israel. We believe that every effort towards a negotiated settlement of the Middle East problem must be encouraged in so far as there is an attempt in those efforts to apply these principles within !h~ framework ofa global solution. Butat the same time It IS n~ces~ary to avoid any action that might aggravate the SituatIOn and make the atmosphere in the region even more difficult. 194. In this context we cannot but deplore thll policy of settlements pursued by the Israeli Government on the West Bank of the River Jordan in Gaza and in the Golan Heights. ' .195. .In t~e same spirit we deplore also the armed mcurslolu l1:1tO Lebanese territory, and we launch an appeal for the ending ofall acts of violence in Lebanon': Without wishing to enter into the details ofthis complex problem, we must here reiterate our conviction that its ~oluti(:m resides in absolute respect for the tenitorial mtegnty of Lebanon and in the restoration of the au- thority of the Lebanese Government over the entire territory ofthe country. At the same time we should like to express our appreciation for the work accomplished by UNIFIL in southern Lebanon. 196. Alas, the Middle East is not the only part of the world where confrontation continues to prevail and where efforts designed to arrive at the peaceful settle- ment of conflicts have so far remained without notable results. Southern Africa is another striking example. The plan that the five Western members ofthe Security CounciJl2 last year submitted to the parties concerned-to enable the Namibian people to accede to real independence has not yet brought about. a rapprochement of opposing views-and this despite Its acceptance by South Africa, the South West Africa People's Organization and the African front-line States. 12 See o.fficial Records of rhe Securiry Council, Thirty-third Year. Supplement jiJr April. May and June 1978, document 8/12636. 198. At the same time, my Government most energet- ically condemns the aerial attacks and anned incursions against neighbouring countries, which constitute a mis- use by South Africa of its military superiority and a flagrant violation of the most sacred principles of the Charter. 199. Unlike what is going on in Namibia, the latest developments in Zimbabwe are promising. The deci- sions adopted by the Meeting ofHeads ofGovernment of Commonwealth Countries at Lusaka [see A/34/439- si13515, annex] could and should serve as a basis for the establishment of a regime that would confer power upon the majority, while guaranteeing the rights of the white minonty, We hope that the Constitutional Con- ference convened as a result ofthe praiseworthy efforts of the United Kingdom Government, with the partici- pation of the parties concerned, will be crowned with success. 200. Finally, to conclude this review of the situation in southern Africa, I am bound once again to refer to the stigma of apartheid. Our condemnation of the apartheid regime, which flies in the face of the most elementary requirements of human dignity, cannot be too categorical. 201. Disarmament continues to be an imperative necessity for mankind. It suffices to consider the magnitude of the resources that could be placed at the service offar nobler causes, such as the development of the less fortunate countries, to realize the need to establish without further delay the principles and the machinery for a disarmament that would be as far- reaching as possible. 202. We are happy to note that the SALT Treaty signed in May last in Vienna by the chief executives of the two greatest nuclear Powers in the world represents a step in the right dicrection. . 203. For our part, our position is well known: a bal- anced and progressive reduction of nuclear weapons, with a view to their complete elimination, should go hand in hand with a similar reduction in conventional weapons. But such a reduction presupposes strength- ening of the sense of security of countries, and particu- larly of the small countries, because a people which feels threatened has no choice but to arm itself, what- ever sacrifices that might entail. What is needed, there- fore, is to strengthen the means for the pacific settle- ment ofdisputes among States. The necessary machin- ery and organs exist. They are provided for under the Charter or flow from it. If need be, they can be strengthened or improved. But it is essential that all 204. In this context, it is fitting to recall the various initiatives aimed at the maintenance ofpeace and stabil- ity in the world. One of them concerns the non-use of force in international relations. The Special Committee on Enhancing the Effectiveness ofthe Principle ofNon- Use ofForce in International Relations, which has been entrusted with the drafting ofa convention to that end, held a fruitful session and prepared a report [A/34/41] which is on the agenda of the present session of the General Assembly. Greece, which is a member of that Committee, is prepared favourably to consider any follow-up which might be given to that report, as well as any other initiative which might lead to the desired results. Faithful to the principles of the Charter, we firmly believe that force cannot be used other than for the purpose of self-defence and that only when other means of prevention of aggression have failed. 205. Respect for human rights should be one of the paramount concerns of the United Nations. Greece, where the concept of the protection of human beings against abuses of power came into being 25 centuries ago, aspires to be in the forefront of the struggle to safeguard those rights as defined by a number ofinter- national legal instruments, in particular the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. 206. That is why we are against any violation of hu- man rights, whether within a country or imposed from outside by the force of arms. 207. If there is one people whose most elementary rights have been trampled under foot in the course of the last years, it is the people ofCyprus. The existence of 200,000 refugees five years after the invasion of the island by foreign forces bears witness to this in a most distressmg way. The same is true of some 2,000missing persons, whose fate is still not known. The agreement reached on the latter point in the month of May last between the President of the Republic of Cyprus and the head ofthe Turkish Cypriot community to set up the investieatory body provided for in General Assembly resolution 33/172 had allowed us to hope that it would finally be possible to learn the fate of these persons among whom there are some scores of Greek citizens. Unfortunately, the agreement in question has remained a dead letter to date since the Turkish Cypriot leaders have not communicated to the Secretary-General their formal acceptance of the establishment of that in- vestigatory body. 208. I intend to go into detail on the problem of Cyprus later in my statement. But these humanitarian considerations, which I have just recalled, deserve, I believe, a quick solution independently of any political settlement-the more so since this is required under a series of United Nations resolutions. 209. I shall now deal briefly with certain economic questions. First of all, we are bound to note the ever- growing participation of our Organization in the establishment of a new international economic order, the final objective of which would be to eliminate the enQnnous disparities between rich and poor countries, 210. One ofthe major events this year in the economic field was the fifth session of UNCTAD. While the re- sults were not as spectacular as one might have wished, they did, nevertheless, enable us to renew efforts to- ward a greater liberalization ofintemational trade while in a number ofcases there was a lessening ofdifferences between the various groups of countries which participated in the session. Furthermore, we should not lose sight of the adverse economic conditions in the world, which make it more difficult to find solutions to problems such as inflation, the reform of the interna- tional monetary system, and so on. As for the main objectives of the Conference, my country views with much sympathy any initiative which would tend to al- leviate the fate ofthe least-favoured nations such as, for example, setting up a fund for the stabilization of com- modity prices. For its part, Greece, which in the course of the last 30 years has taken major steps toward de- velopment, is prepared to continue to play its part in the pursuit of these objectives. 211. In the context of our particular interest in de- velopment problems, we have actively participated in the last two major international gatherings: the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development at Vienna, and the third session of the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174. 212. Finally, there is a subject the long-term economic implications of which are no less than its political or legal aspects. I am referring to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea which, as is known, held two sessions this year. The ¥round covered by the Conference since its inception IS, on the whole, satisfactory. Without wishing to minimize the complexity of the problems remaining to be solved, I would say that their solution would seem no more difficult than the obstacles which have been surmounted so far-provided that all countries evince a spirit of compromise. The interests at issue are no doubt important. But the benefits which mankind would stand to gain from the conclusion of an agreement of universal application are well worth the efforts and concessions necessary to reach that goal. 213. Before concluding, I should like to refer to the situation on Cyprus, which continues to be a major cause of concern. Five years after the invasion of the island, euphemistically called a "peace operation", foreign occupation forces are still there. Numerous General Assembly and Security Council resolutions remain dead letters. The Republic ofCyprus, a country which is an independent and sovereign Member of our Or~anization,continues to be deprived of the exercise of ItS sovereignty over almost 40 per cent of its terri- tory. Some 200,000 refugees contInue to live far from their homes, while the establishment of settlers arriving from Turkey has never ceased and recently seems even to have increased. 214. In these circumstances, the hope for a just and lasting solution to the problem is growing dim and de- ta~, led to a lO-point agreement that was to serve as a basis for the resumption of intercommunal negotiations. 215. Unfortunately, it appears that we rejoiced too soon. The Turkish Cypriot side apparently felt that the agreement of 19 May, which gave priority to the ques- tion of Varosha, did not suit it, and it chose to sabotage it. Thus it set forth prior conditions and introduced new questions that were conceived in such a manner that the initiation of a dialogue became improbable, if not im- possible, because these conditions and questions were aimed at nothing less than obtaining concessions on substance, even before negotiations were begun. They were designed to impose on the injured party, on the victim of aggression, a concept that would make it possible to set up the infrastructure for a division ofthe Island at the opportune moment. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that the Government of Cyprus refused to agree to compromise the survival of Cyprus as a uni- tary, sovereign and independent State before the nego- tiations had even begun. 216. In these circumstances, how can we fail to ex- press our concern when numerous resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly continue to be unilaterally ignored? How can we fail to express our profound concern at the pretexts and subterfuges that are placed as obstacles to the resumption ofdialogue?It is our firm hope that, given this situation, the General Assembly will demand that its voice finally be heeded. 217. I can assure the Assembly that my Government will continue to support the Government of Cyprus and to support the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General for ajust and lasting solution of the problem within the framework of the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. 218. Lord CARRINGTON (United Kingdom): This is the first time that I have had the honour of addressing the United Nations. Bt:t no one who has lived through the last 34 years can fail to have been conscious of the United Nations or to be aware of what it has achieved a,ld of what it has yet to achieve. 219. There were 51 founder Members of the United Nations. Now there are 152 Member States. Last week, we welcomed Saint Lucia, fonnerly a British Territory, as the one hundred and fIfty-second Member. I con- gratulate the Government and people ofSaint Lucia on their achievement of full independence. This near- tripling ofthe membership is largely due to the dissolu- tim; ofthe great colonial empires. The United Kingdom worked with, and not against, that trend. This month, we in my country have mourned the death of Lord Mountbatten, who was a pioneer of decolonization. Since last year's General Assembly, besides s~nt Lucia, the Republic ofKiribati has achieved full natIOn- hood. We look forward to Saint Vincentjoiningthem on 27 October. It remains our policy to respect the wishe,s of the peoples of our few remaining dependent Ten:l- tories. It is for them to determine their own future III accordance with the principles of the United Nations 220. The dismantling of the British Empire has led us either to join or create two new institutions, the Euro- pean Community, whose President spoke earlieron this afternoon-and whose remarks I warmly endorse-and the Commonwealth, an institution sometimes referred to as a talking shop. Ifyou are looking for an example of how valuable a talking shop can be, you need go no further than the Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries in Lusaka two months ago. Talk there led first to greater understanding between the countries concerned, and then to action to try to solve the problems of Rhodesia. 221. During the last two weeks, the British Govern- ment has engaged in intensive negotiations on Rhodesia, and these negotiations are continuing. But I thought it right to come to New York to inform the General Assembly of the stage that we have now reached. 222. I do not intend to go back over the history of the Rhodesian dispute, now some 14 years old, apportion- ing blame to this party or absolving that. I would like to emphasize at the outset one point: throughout the vicis- situdes of the Rhodesian problem, Britain has never succumbed to the temptation to abandon its re- sponsibilities towards that unhappy country, leaving majority and minority alike to endless war. The whole approach of the present British Government is indeed based on a determination to fulfil our responsibilities towards the people of Rhodesia. 223. When my government came to powerin May this year, we were confronted with a new situation, though there were also some depressingly familiar features. The reality of change for the better had been symbolized in the elections which had taken place in April of this year on the basis of the principle of "one man, one vote." Those elections have had many critics, but the plain fact is that they have led to the emergence of a parliament and an administration, most of whose members belong to the majority community and which is led by amemberofthat community. This represented a substantial step forward towards the abandonment by the white community ofits privileged position, and my Government was determined to build on that, so as to make a further effort to bring Rhodesia to legal indepen- dence in a context ofwide international recognition and acceptance. 224. But the Patriotic Front did not participate in the April elections, and the war continued. The constitu- tion under which those elections took place was marred by certain deficiencies. But to decry and dismiss the elections would have been to discourage further change. There was a need for urgent and imaginative action to exploit the opportunity which had been created to achieve a settlement that would gain wide international acceptance and, we hoped, bring an end to the war. Past efforts to solve the Rhodesian dispute showed, however, that it was essential to proceed step by step to build a solid foundation for negotiations. 225. We therefore immediately engaged in an exten- 226. From these consultations two main conclusions flowed. The first was a general recognition ofthe extent of the changes which had taken place in Rhodesia, despite the short-comings ofthe Salisbury constitution. The second was the unanimous conviction that there should now be a further attempt to involve all the parties to the conflict in an attempt to find a solution, and that any solution should emanate from Britain as the responsible Power. 227. The next stage was the Meeting of Heads of Government ofCommonwealth Countries as Lusaka in August, and it was here that the foundation' of our present approach to a solution was laid. In Lusaka our proposals for a settlement were discussed and endorsed by a very important cross-section ofthe world comrnu- mty, including three of the front-line States. I wish to pay a tribute to the Heads of Government present at Lusaka for the helpful and constructive attitude which they all displayed during our discussions on Rhodesia, and especially to the wise chairmanship of President Kaunda of Zambia, which made a huge contribution to the successful outcome. The essence of the Lusaka agreement on Rhodesia [see A/34/439-S/13515, annex, para. 15] was the acceptance by the Commonwealth of the British Government's constitutional responsibility to grant legal independence to Rhodesia on the basis of genuine majority rule. 228. In ournegotiations with the Salisburyparties and the Patriotic Front, we have continued to be guided by the principles defined at Lusaka. Our first task has been to seek agreement on an independence constitution comparable with the constitutions on which we granted independence to other former British dependent terri- tories. It would be idle to pretend that in the special historical circumstances of Rhodesia, such a task is proving easy. Compromise on both sides is essential. We have already secured from the Salisbury parties agreement in principle to British proposals on the con- stitution. This was a bold decision by Bishop Muzorewa's delegation. 229. Significant progress on certain points has also been made in discussions with the leaders of the Patriotic Front. All parties must sustain their efforts to continue the momentum of the Conference if the gains so far made are not to be eroded. A heavy responsibility will lie on any who fail to respond to this opportunity to achieve for the people of Rhodesia a fair settlement which will bring International acceptance and an end to the war. Much difficult negotiation undoubtedly lies ahead before the foundations of an independent and democratic society" in which all the people ofRhodesia will be able to live in security and at peace with each other and with their neighbours, are laid. I do not under- estimate the difficulties which remain to be overcome, but I dare to hope that the moment may not be too far away when the British Government and Parliament will be able to grant legal independence to Rhodesia on [he 230. Namibia is another Territory where we must try to find an internationally acceptable solution through free and fair elections and not through bloodshed. The five Western countries, in close consultation with the Secretary-General, are pressing on with the search for a solution which would open the way to the arrival ofthe United Nations Transition Assistance Group in Namibia. Discussions are now concentrated on the de- tailed arrangements, which will need to be carefully worked out with the parties concerned, for a de- militarized zone. The idea ofsuch a zone was proposed by the late President Neto of Angola, whose death we all deeply mourn. Our aim is to achieve early and com- plete agreement so that a date can be fixed for a cease- fire and the be~inning ofthe transition to independence. Given goodWill and flexibility on the part of all con- cerned, this goal should not be beyond our reach. 231. Namibia and Zimbabwe-Rhodesia are the im- mediate issues in southern Africa. But in the longer term it is on South Africa that the stability of this troubled region will depend. We share the international community's distaste of apartheid. It is neitherjust nor workable. But will threats and isolation bring about the changes we all wish to see? We in the British Govern- ment doubt it. We believe that the better course is to accept that the Republic's plural society gives rise to unprecedented problems and to offer our help to the leaders of all races to work together to find just solu- tions. In this way we can all contribute towards peace- ful change in South Africa. Otherwise the future prom- ises only violence and misery for all the people ofSouth Africa, whatever their race. 232. In the Middle East, the British Government greatly welcomes what has so far been achieved through the process begun at Camp David. It is in the interests ofall parties to explore fully the opening which was created there. We hope that these continuing nego- tiations will lead to transitional arrangements which will lighten the burden of occupation in the West Bank and Gaza and help to create a climate ofconfidence and co-operation in practical matters. But the ultimate goal must remain a comprehensive settlement, based on the effective application of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) in all Its parts. This involves the acceptance by all parties of Israel's right to live in peace with its neigh- bours within secure and recognized boundaries. And, equally, it requires the withdrawal of Israel from terri- tories occupied in 1967. 233. There is one area in which a broad international consensus has recognized that resolution 242 (1967) is incomplete-that is, in the handling of Palestinian rights. The resolution takes no account ofthe legitimate political rights of the Palestinians, which go well beyond their status as refugees. Nor does it take any account of the Palestiniars' beliefthat they are a sepa- rate people with a right to their homeland. This, I be- lieve, is an area in which resolution 242 (1967) may be supp,lemented-not, I emphasize, replaced, amended or distorted, but supplemented-to meet this point. 234. My Government believes that a settlement which 235. In the meantime, it is our earnest hope that all parties will avoid doing or saying anything to make it harder to establish the minimum trust without which successful negotiations would be impossible. We call on the Israel Government to cease its policy of settle- ment in. occupi~d ~erritories. That Government's pres- ent pohcy prejudices the chance of progress in the autonomy talks and makes the achievement of a Com- prehensive settlement much more difficult. We deplore' Its recent decision to allow Israeli citizens to buy land in the occupied territories. And moreover, while we un- derstand the Israel Government's preoccupation with security, we urge it to refrain from its present policies in south Lebanon. These undermine the authority of the Lebanese Government and frustrate the efforts of UNIFIL to fulfil its mandate. In that context, I pay a tribute to the dedication and courage with which the officers and men of UNIFIL are carrying out their dangerous and difficult task. 236. Another area of dangerous tensions is Indo- China, where suffering due to natural causes has been made worse by the regimes which took power in 1975.1 refer first to the Vietnamese Government, which, as I said on 20 July at the Meeting on Refugees and Dis- placed Persons in South-East Asia, in Geneva, has driven so many people to flee its shores that the prob- lem has become one of international concern. I was in Hong Kong in May. I saw there the misery ofthe people who had risked perilous journeys in unseaworthy craft to escape the tyranny in their own country. It is not an experience that I shall ever forget. Nor can Iforget the tens of thousands of those unhappy people who were simply lost at sea. The Secretary-General chaired, with his customary skill, the Geneva Meeting, which my Prime Minister had suggested should be held. As a result, a start has been made to resettle the refugees who did not perish. Most of them came either to Hong Kong or to the ASEAN countries. My Government fully understands the problems which the refugee inllux posed for those countries. But the problem is likely to remain until the Vietnamese Government stops bearing down harshly on elements of its population. Mean- while, I hope that that Government will abide by the undertakings it gave in Geneva about future action. 237. Yet the most serious problems in Indo-China are perhaps to be found in Cambodia. The years of suffer- Ing to which that unhappy country was subjected ~y ~e Pol Pot Government are well known. That regime s human rights record is among the worst of any country in the world. The then British Government was among the first to draw attention to it. Then the country was brutally invaded by the armed forces ofone ofi~s neigh- bours. Now it is prey to starvation while fightIng con- tinues with the occupying forces. Unless those on the spot allow large-scale reliefoperations to start SOOl1, the people of Cambodia will face yet another catastrophe. Food must get to these people soon, and those .who 238. In' Europe itself possible sources of tension re- main. The maintenance of stable East-West relations remains a foremost priority for us and for our allies, most notably the United States. We welcome the signa- ture by the United States and the Soviet Union earlier this year of a second Treaty on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms and hope that itwill soon be ratified. That agreement is an example of the kind of detailed and verifiable arms control arrangement that is needed; mere talk ofa desire for peace and co-operation is not enough. 239. Meanwhile, the scale of the military build-up of the countries signatories of the Warsaw Treaty is a matter of serious and legitimate concern to all other European countries. So far the Warsaw Pact has shown little willingness to allay these concerns in any pmctical way. So we on the Western side have no alternative but to respond. Otherwise, the balance on which detente depends will be lost. Nor can we accept that detente should be a principle applied in Europe but ignored in the rest ofthe world. Detente, if it is to work anywhere, must work everywhere. The British Government is ready to work for greater confidence, stability and real co-operation. But this must be atwo-way process, with give and take coming from both sides. It is certainly in that spirit that we shall approach the review session of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe to be held in Madrid next year. 240. But work to reduce the threat of war must go wider than East-West relations. Above all we must avoid the spread of nuclear weapons, while at the same time permitting access to the benefits of peaceful nuclear energy. The 1968 Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons now has III parties. I much regret that it has not won universal adherence. I hope that further progress can be made before the Re- view Conference next August. If universal membership of the Treaty could be achieved, it would halt the spread of nuclear weapons. 241. As members know, a comprehensive test-ban treaty is being negotiated between the United States, the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom. We still have difficult problems to overcome. But when the treaty is completed, it will, I hope, meet the objections of those who argue that the non-proliferation Treaty discriminates in favour of the nuclear-weapon States. The latter have also, of course, given the non-nuclear- weapon States various assurances that nuclear weapons will not be used against them. 242. Progress is important. too, in the field ofconven- tional arms control. For this reason my Government supports the work of the Committee on Disarmament. We shall continue to take the position that measures to curb the nuclear arms race must go hand in hand with measures to reduce conventional weapons. 243. This year this Assembly's deliberations take place against the sombre background oftension in sev- 244. The world's reserves of oil are not limitless. We all need to do what we can to use them properly and to reduce our consumption ofoil. The BritishGovernment stands by the recent decisions of the International En- ergy Agency, the European Community and the Tokyo Economic Summit. These should have an important impact on the oil market by reducing demand for oil and by encouraging the development of other sources of energy, new and renewable. 245. But we cannot solve our problems by acting in isolation. In energy, almost more than anywhere else, the world is one world. There needs to be joint consid- eration of world energy problems and closer contacts between those who produce oil and those who import it, whether developed or developing countries. A number of proposals to this end have recently been made. We are certainly ready to consider all these proposals sympathetically in the hope that we can agree on the way ahead. 246. Finally, I should like to say something very shortly about the Nolih-South dialogue. At a time when both developed and developing countries are struggling to stave off the effects of recession, it is hardly surpris- ing that progress should be slow. I have spoken of the dangers of rhetoric. In this field of international economic relations, the dangers ofrhetoric are perhaps at their greatest. We must all guard against the creation of new bodies whose primary function is the exchange of rhetoric. The first step has to be a substantial im- provement in the shape and state ofthe world economy. It is increased production, not increased words, which creates resources. And without increased production how can there be a transfer of resources from rich to poor, whether at home or overseas, through increased aid, trade and investment? So our first priority must be to bring about the right framework in which more re- sources can be produced. 247. That is why my Government has taken steps to cut I?ublic expenditure right across the board. That is inevItable, if we are to put our economy in order and if we are to be able to help the less developed countries to achieve prosperity. We are no less concerned than others about the large proportion ofthe world's popula- tion that is unacceptably poor. Nor are we turning our backs on the North-South dialogue, despite its frustra- tions. On the contrary, we recognize that in an interde- pendent world Britain has a vital interest-both economic and moral-in bringing prosperity to the poorer nations. That is why we have made itabundantly plain that we are in favour of maintaining the open trading system and of increasing overseas investment. Indeed, to encourage the latter, my Government has introduced considerable relaxations in exchange con- trol. Provided the climate is right, these relaxations should be of direct benefit to the developing countries. Increased trade and increased investment are contribu- tions we can make now. In due course increased growth should make it possible to provide more aid. But there 248. We are one world, bound to support each otherif we. are not to undergo greater hardships on our own. ThiS is true of our search for prosperity and it is true of our search for peace and security. In both fields the United Nations provides an essential forum for discus- sion which can lead to useful action. The tasks of the 1980s are formidable and they face us all. We can over- come them, but only if we allow our common interests to bring us together and work out our solutions as one community.

Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure to join my colleagues in con- gratulating you on your election as President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. I am certain that your wisdom and experience will enable you to give the Assembly the leadership that it needs. 250. I should also like to express my deep gratitude to the Secretary-General and the entire staffof the United Nations for their tireless efforts in the slow and often frustrating fight for peace and better conditions for humanity. 251. The Secretary-General opens his annual report by stating: "The past year has been full ofuncertainty, tension and conflict" [see A/34/l, sect. I]. No doubt the same could have been said-or was said-about every year in the third of a century during which the United Nations has existed. It is true that there have been rapid changes and that the international scene is becoming ever more complex. 252. But there are bright spots in the landscape. For 30 years there has been peace in Europe-the Old World which has been the battleground of empires for so long. This has, however, been an armed and an expensive peace. Regional alliances, as provided for in the Charter, have formed around the two super-Powers and have established the most sophisticated systems of armaments at immense cost to their two peoples. But, however costly they are, we can be certain that conflict involving atomic weapons would have cost these na- tions infinitely more in lives and property. 253. Precarious as the military balance may be, in the opinion of the experts, the most important thing is that in Europe and North America the leading items on the political agenda are detente and disarmament. At the same time other continents are ravaged by civil strife and warfare, which cause great misery and damage to large populations. This difference is most striking, and it is to be hoped that Europe will continue to stabilize its peace and that other continents can follow in its foot- steps; but, alas, problems are different and they call for different solutions. 254. The Final Act of the Helsinki Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe represents one of the milestones of post-war history, as it strives to fonnalize detente. The Helsinki agreement has had its ups and downs while the participating nations and others have digested its contents. The results seem to be that they want to continue and maintain the spirit of the agreement. 256. The second SALT Treaty is, ofcourse, the latest and most important step in that process. It has still to be ratified and is being critically examined these days. I hope that the results of these deliberations will be posi- tive, not only because of the contents of the second SALT Treaty itself but even more because of the con- tinued process of detente that it promises, as exem- plified by a comprehensive test-ban treaty, conven- tional disannament in Europe and many other possible agreements. 257. As President John F. Kennedy of the United States once said, we must change the arms race into a peace race. Even the disarmed and the smallest nations are involved in this matter, especially if they are geographically situated in strategic areas. My people in Iceland live on an island in the middle of the North Atlantic, and we cannot but take notice of the immense armament race that goes on throughout the oceans of the world-two thirds of the surface of the globe. 258. There has been little talk ofnaval disarmament of late, only some speculation about possible confidence- building measures on the oceans. I shall not express impatience in this matter, but I should like to call the attention of my colleagues from lands around the world to the fact that naval power can easily traverse the globe and reach every coastline, however distant from the hubs of power. Naval might used to be the backbone of empires-and it still can be. 259. Speaking of the sea, allow me to turn to a more pleasant aspect. I refer to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which this summer finished its eighth session. This has become the longest and most comprehensive diplomatic Conference ever held under the auspices of the United Nations and, counting the previous two Conferences on the subject, is perhaps the greatest effort ever made to bring the rule of law to human affairs, where anarchy has too long been dominant. 260. About six years of long, biannual meetings have, no doubt, tried the patience and endurance of many representatives attending the Conference. But the end is 10 sight and we must not give up on the final stretch or bring up new problems and complications that might ruin the positive results of years of work. 261. During its last session this summer, the Confer- ence approved a programme of work 13 providingfor the adoption of a convention on the law of the sea next year. Although some issues have yet to be resolved, the representatives attending the conference unanimously 262. Many questions that seemed insoluble in the early stagesofthe long conference have found solutions through the patient and often brilliant work ofthe parti- cipants in the spirit of compromise. 263. Vital issues have been and are at stake. Perhaps the greatest is the very relationship of man to the sea: whether the immense oceans are to be saved and their resources harvested with prudence or whether they are to be polluted and destroyed, as most certainly would happen in the absence of a comprehensive law of the sea. The draft convention 14 provides for the ideal of giving .the profits of the d~e~ ocean to the developing countnes ofthe world, which IS amost novel and admir- able approach. It also provides for equitable principles of settlement where interests clash and, in return for generous economic zones, coastal States will be charged with the responsibility of protecting the re- sources oftheir waters and saving them from pollution. 264. I fully agree with the comment made by the Secretary-General in his report, that "the outcome of this Conference could greatly influ- ence the willingness ofGovernments to make full use of the machinery of the United Nations to achieve international understanding on global issues." [See A/34/ J, sect. VI.] 265. The long work of the Conference on the law of the sea has already made a great impact upon interna- tionallaw. With other major ideas, the 2oo-mile concept has been put into practice by so many nations that it must be regarded as internationally valid by custom as well as by widespread recognition. This one rule leads to many other problems that call for solutions, and all this makes it imperative that no effort be spared to follow the schedule for completion of the convention by next year. Let us hope that by the time the next session of the General Assembly meets in this hall the United Nations will-to its eternal credit-have created the new law of the sea. 266. I should like to turn now to a major question that occupied us especially during last year's Assembly ses- sion, namely human rights. While we celebrated in this very hall the thirtieth anniversary ofthe Universal Dec- laration of Human Rights, one of the milestones of international co-operation, we witnessed at the same time continued violence in many countries, the con- tinued use offorce, and continued torture and cruelty. 267: The Nordic countries have recently repeated their pledge to continue their active international in- v.olvement i!l promoting and safeguarding human nghts. In thiS context they have re-emphasized the relationship between civil and political rights on the one hand and economic, social and cultural rights on the other. 268. The Nordic countries underscored, in the com- mon statement made by their Foreign Ministers re- cently in Reykjavik, the importance of making progress at this session of the General Assembly in the work of 269. Once again we join aU those who have con- demned in this forum South Africa's policy of aparthei4, and all t~~t g~es with that omin~us system of suppresSIOn and lOJustlce. Eventually, IOtemational pressure must bring down this system and see it re- placed by a just and equal system for all races in that country. 27Q. South Af~ica cont,inues to thwart the implemen- tatIOn of the DOlted NatIOns plan for free and fair elec- tions in Namibia. Further delay is unacceptable in the negotiations for Namibia's peaceful transition to independence. 271. Recent events in the Zimbabwe conflict have brought new hope-if the results of the Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries in Lusaka and the talks now going on in London, as so brilliantly described by Lord Carrington, prove to be a basis for genuine majority government in the country. All political groupings must be afforded equal opportu· nities in elections for a new parIiament if such a solution is to be acceptable. 272. The situation in the Middle East continues to be highly explosive and no effort must be spared to keep the peace with a view to securing the right for all States in the area to live in peace and security within recog- nized boundaries. The Palestinians must be granted their legitimate national rights. 273. I shall not continue to enumerate the trouble- spots ofthe world. Suffice it to say that the use offorce is everywhere to be condemned and is contrary to the Charter of the United Nations. 274. The economic state of the world is certainly one of disorder. In almost every area economic problems have multiplied. Inequality of wealth continues; pov- erty and undernourishment are rampant. Producers of certain necessities form cartels to raise their prices and reap immense profits. Some countries suffer from intol- erable unemployment or inflation. Trade is stagnant and protectionism seems to be growing. 275. These are all indicators ofan economic situation that seems difficult to overcome and likely to cause major difficulties for some time to come. There is, of course, no panacea, but several things come to mind: first, we must break the stalemate over the new interna- tional economic order; secondly, we must deal vigor- ously with the problems ofenergy; and thirdly, we must espec!ally d~al with the problems of oil-importing de- velopmg nations. 276. Today we have technical knowledge and com- munications unsurpassed in human history and beyond 277. We have within our grasp the scientific knowledge that we need to solve most problems of managing and dividing the resources of the earth and the sea. But we seem to lack the knowledge-or is it the love and the compassion?-that is needed to outlaw wars, hunger and terror. 278. May the work of the United Nations continue to move us in the right direction, and save us from self- imposed catastrophes.

I should like to begin by con- gratulating Mr. Salim on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly, in which office, we are sure, he.will act with the same skill as in the high offices he has held in his own country in the past. 280. We are pleased also to extend our congratula- tions and thanks for a job well done to the outgoing President, Mr. Indalecio Lievano. 281. We welcome the admission of Saint Lucia to the United Nations family and wish it well as a new Member of the Organization. 282. The major historical crises that mark stages of transition and announce world-wide change in the pro- gress ofhumanity and wide ranging transformations in every sphere do not come about in a day. It is true that change and exchange of every kind are following more closely upon each other's heels today. But the process- es involved none the less, of necessity, cover a long period. Hence, in coming together again in this world body, we are basically facing the same major difficulties as last year. Therefore, it is hard not to repeat the same or similar ideas. This does not bother us, because our job is not to be original but rather to be firm and con- stant in identifying and showing the consistency of the thinking and action of Uruguay in international affairs. 283. My country feels that the tremendous accelera- tion in every kind of exchange and the greater in- terdependency of peoples which gives the concept of mankind its real, concrete meaning and unity, with most important legal and political consequences, is such that today it is practically impossible for any people to live outside the international community, much less to develop and make progress, in isolation from the difficulties and problems of others. 284. •. Splendid isolation" is no longer a shield or even a possibility. Interdependence has ceased to be a choice and, consequently, solidarity has become an impera- tive, as we said last year. IS It is an idea which we wish to reaffirm and one which we shall not tire of repeating. We are deeply convinced that it is from this undeniable fact, seen as part of contemporary history, that is de- rived the fundamental role of peoples and nations IS See Official Rl'cords o} the General Assembly. Thirty-Third Ses- sion, Plenary Meetings, 15th meeting, para. 49. 285. Isolation is no longer a shield, we said. It seems clear, with no need for further demonstration, that not even the great Powers can allow themselves that lux- ury. To a great extent the future and peace ofall peoples depend on their rivalry and antagonism or on their agreement and co-operation. But not even they have the option of a selfish turning inward, in indifference to the fate of the world. There will be no peace and no recovery for the international community as a whole unless the pressing problems of all its members, even the lesser among them, are resolved; unless there is a fair share for all in the riches of the world. 286: In today's world, which has already become or. may become one single immense economic, technical, cultural circuit because of a system ofcommunications which is more and more closely knit, no one-and the small countries least of all-can feel safe from political, social, economic or military hurricanes ifthey take the easy option of isolation. Only through constantly strengthening and consolidating the international legal order, following the guidelines traced by the great changes taking place throughout the world-changes that have l;'romoted population growth and the amazing technologIcal t"evolution of our time-can the prob- lems, obstacles and challenges we are facing be met. Our era has been marked by particularly striking de- velopments and has made an axiom of Terence's aphorism: "I am a man, I count nothing human alien from me." Nothing human can now be alien to us, whether we like it or not. Solidarity is no longerachoice but an imperative. It involves not only peace, but the survival of the human race for which, in the atomic era, peace is a necessary prerequisite. 287. In proclaiming these principles, my country is merely expressing once again its historical line of thOUght, the logical development of which leads us to maintain that the radical changes in the modern world determine a need for legal developments and the prep- aration of humanistic international law, based on solidarity. 288. The world crisis which we are witnessing calls for a supreme effort of the imagination and will in order to find world-wide solutions. 289. At the root of all contemporary problems lie the haphazard development of technology, the chaotic ex- pansion of industry and the economy, the unequal and unfair distribution of the benefits ofcivilization among peoples, oversized urban agglomerations with their at- tendant tensions, and problems deriving from the lack of adjustment of a regulatory system that is still inade- quate to meet the situation to a material reality that is slipping out of our grasp. 290. Among the critical aspects, one problem such as energy, because of its magnitude and its special characteristics, gives the clearest illustration of these ideas, since on the one hand it is highly representative of the exhaustion of natural resources while, on the other, it is typically an economic problem with deep- rooted social and political connotations. 292. As part of the world crisis we have mentioned, today habIts of violence, hatred and cruelty are gradu- ally gaining ground, becoming part of the political customs ofall societies, both of those with a long tradi- tion ofinstitutionaldevelopment and political maturity, and ofthose that recently emerged from the shadows of colonialism. This violence, this blind inhuman ter- rorism that usually prefers innocent victims, bears no relation to legitimate rebellion, which to some extent has promoted the institutional progress of peoples. 293. Terrorism has emerged and prospered also in societies governed by democratic institutions, where there is respect for individual liberties, civil rights and civic guarantees. These societies are not without their defects, errors and limitations, but at the same time they do offer means and machinery for improvement. Meanwhile, in those societies where systematic terror has been used, where every trace of freedom and free will has been banished, where the totalitarian State has abolished every advance so hardly won over centuries of humanism, paradoxically and symptomatically this problem does not arise. 294. In this tragedy, human rights are of necessity affected. It is very hard to defend institutions, the life and peace of citizens without violent situations arising which entail an incidental loss of law and abuses impu- table to the more than natural failings of men and institutions. 295. I am referring in general to our Western societies because it would be very easy to show that similar situations have arisen in all of them lasting varying lengths oftime and proving serious to a greateror lesser degree. And I am referring more particularly to my own country, wickedly caught by subversive acts ofaggres- sion, while a most legal regime is in full force. 2%. My country cannot accept, because it would run counter to justice and law, that the defence of human rights should be systematically invoked against Gov· ernments of countries which have had to wage a hard and dearly-won battle against subversion and anarchy, while the trampling of those same rights or complete lack ofthem, as is the norm in other countries, is passed over in silence. These are calculated and censurable instances ofdiscrimination which, in the final analysis, amount to active interference. 297. At this thirty-fourth session of the General As- sembly, as at previous ones, Uruguay reaffirms its re- spect for law, including human rights. My country wants to see these more genuinely enforced throughout the world until they are afact oflife, something which is an impossible dream for millions ofpeople who are still held down by totalitarianism today. 299. Uruguay has been part ofthe Ad Hoc Committee on International Terrorism set up by the Assembly to find solutions by arbitration, and we are disappointed at that Committee's failure. My country will support all collective measures put forward to combat this modem scourge, since we trust that these will Cover every aspect and modality, and will take into account its real cnminal etiology and its international character. Simi- larly, I reiterate support for General Assembly resolu- tion 31/103 and say yet again that we are ready to sign a convention against the taking of hostages in so far as this meets the basic principles underlying our interna- tional calling. 300. We would like to see appropriate measures adopted to combat terrorism. We have submitted spe- cific draft resolutions in this regard although we are aware of the difficulties of arriving at objective legal solutions. None the less it is to our satisfaction that two motions tabled by Uruguay [see A/34/37, chap. Ill, para. lll-1J.2] have been adopted. One deals with the need for gathering sufficient statistical information about terrorist attacks at the world level, giving both the number and kind ofvictims and the material damage caused. The other is about the strengthening of meas- ures to prevent access to various United Nations offices by terrorist elements. It is really regrettable that crimi- nals should have the opportunity of hampering the pro- cess of drawing up international rules expressly de- signed to curb their crimes, with the tolerance of the very institution that seeks to condemn them and for which, in some instances, they serve as a source of information and advice. 301. Another topic of particular interest to my country is disarmament, which is not only important in itselfas a :practical outcome ofthe fundamental purpose to maintam peace, but also because undeniably it has environmental and economic connotations. Paradoxi- cally, of late, particularly in the years of the Disarma- ment Decade, the-arms race has become more intense than ever before. Without stopping to count the cost of unconventional weapons, the mind-boggling totalofthe arms trade alone is sufficient to explain the growinglack of transfer of resources to the developing countries-a matter which we shall take up later. 302. My country has neither the size, the pretensions or the resources ofa greatPower, but nevertheless feels rightfully concerned at this frenetic arms race. Notonly because of the recurrence of local wars or ofthe threat to world peace involved in the arms race, but because of the anomalous fact that, while we are witnessing the growth ofserious social problems in various parts <;lfthe world, and we see with regret that funds essentl~ to protect the environment or to promote the han:nomous development of peoples are not forthcommg, as- tronomical sums, a tiny part ofwhich would be enough to resolve many of these problems, are ~asted on stockpiling huge arsenals, the use of whIch would mean mass suicide for mankind. 304. We should like to reaffirm here our desire, and our conviction of the need to approach this problem realistically and with serious intent, and that is what we should like to see done. Partial compromises can be tried, and there can be categorical denunciation of any form of biological warfare which destroys or poisons ecological systems or alters the climate. 305. We are confident that those who have not already done so will soon accede to or ratify tqe Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (Treaty of Tlatelolco). If the world cannot be rid of the atomic nightmare at a single stroke, at least regional agreements of this kind can help to achieve the same results through partial efforts and modest measures. 306. With regard to the deterioration of the environ- ment, and the need for conservation to ensure survival of life on this planet-something I have already mentioned in a general way-my country unreservedly endorses the report of the Governing Council ofUNEP which will be examined in detail in the Second Commit- tee. Particularly important are the resolutions on land policy of which the Uruguayan delegation was a sponsor in Nairobi at the seventh session of the Gov- erning Council of UNEP-the resolution on tropical forest conservation and others directly relating to food production sources [see A/34/25, annex l]. My country, ID any international gathering in which it has participated, has stressed the very highest priority and Importance of a land policy which would ensure the conservation ofexisting land and the recovery, as far as possible, of land damaged by erosion due to· bad farm- mg methods and deforestation. The mere setting up ofa World Food Council and a fund for the programme of action to eliminate hunger and malnutrition will have no substantial practical effect if the source of agricultural production deteriorates, as FAO has eloquently demonstrated. 307. This year was proclaimed the International Year of the Child. Children are the most pure and most vulnerable part of humanity, more deserving of atten- tion and concern because they are the future, the con- tinuing link, our hope for the future. The physical and spiritual health ofour children is the guarantee ofsalva- tion for mankind in the years to come. The world of today offers us little comfort if we look realistically at the situation of children. Of the great masses of people in the so-called developing world who live and eat badly, it is the children who will pay the highest price for the problems, the adults oftomorrow , who will bear the consequences ofthe shortages oftoday. It is all very well to proclaim this the International Year of the Child as a means of drawing attention to children's problems and the need to resolve them, but we would be sadly mistaken ifwe were to believe that we should thus have dealt with the matter and exhausted all possibility of action. The solutions found for the major problems of the contemporary world will detennine the fate of children today and of the children of tomorrow. The building of a more just and equitable world economy, the le~al regulation of a world of self-seeking indi- viduahsm and violence, halting the race to destroy the 308. Once again my delegation wishes to declare here its total rejection of apartheid as well as all forms of racism and racial discrimination, which we hold to be incompatible with the fundamental t'rinciples of our political and moral thinking. This pOSition is not a new one, and it is not a stand we have taken suddenly. My country has forcefully maintained this view since the inception ofthe United Nations and the beginningofthe process of decolonization. 309. Faithful to its convictions, Uruguay is party to the International Convention on the Elimination ofAll Fonns of Racial Discrimination [resolution 2106 A(XX), annex] and was the first country to accept the authority thereby created to receive individual com- municatIOns and complaints. Despite the fact thatthere is no problem of discrimination in our country, the Government recently submitted to the Legislative Commission studying the new penal code, soon to be approved, designed to prevent and punish any incite- ment to racism or any act of racial discrimination. Thus Uruguay, as a State party to the Convention, is taking steps to carry out the aforementioned international agreement. 310. Besides the broad general matters that have a bearing on international policy, there are several practi. cal problems that are ofgreat significance in the sphere of principles or a serious threat to peace. ' 311. One of the most long-lasting and thorny prob- lems is that of the Middle East, or the question of Palestine. The passage oftime, instead ofbringing calm and solutions, has seen the problem become more acute since no solution has been found to the plight of the Palestinian people who are guests ofother Arab nations or refugees supported by international charity. 312. Uruguay has always maintained that any conflict must be resolved by means ofdialogue and negotiation in the light of the principles ofjustice and healthy inter- national coexistence. It considers that Israel is already an irreversible fact and that it has a right to exist and to the recognition of just and secure boundaries. But, consistent with the principles that have always under- pinned its legal thinkin~and political philosophy, it also feels that the Palestiman people have a right to self- determination, to a national territory and to statehood. Therefore it views with satisfaction the steps qUeen along these lines and warmly supports the efforts being made in the international arena to bring the parties closer to an understanding that would put an end to the deadlock so fraught with danger for the peace' of the world. While my country welcomes as a positive step forward the agreements that have been reached, itmust still say with deep concern that that does not mean that finally there is peace in the region, because that is inconceivable without a complete and open-hearted 313. The long suffering of Lebanon, a nation dear to us for many reasons, is clear proof that peace is not possible in that thorny and difficult area of the world unless the principles of justice are applied, and those still seem far from being unanimously accepted. 314: We once again issue our. country's appeal- which has been so favourably received in the past-and reaffirm the responsibility of the international commu- nity to find, within the United Nations, definitivepracti- cat.solutions that will ensure the integrity ofthis people, which has such wonderful traditions and culture and guarantee its right to live in peace. ' 315. With reference to the elimination of the vestiges of the colonial past, my country cannot fail to reaffirm its unswerving policy of support for the self- determination of peoples. 316. In the case of Namibia, my delegation feels that the pe~ple of th.is .fonner colony must have the op- portunity to attam mdependence through the exercise of self-determination-in other words, without outside pressure of any kind, in a climate of peace, with the guarantee of temporary administration by the United Nations, which would enable its citizens to decide on the political form they want and to elect their authorities. 317. The work of the Third United Nations Confer- ence on the Law of the Sea has now entered its final stage and is to end next year. We must prove those protr~cted and difficult negotiations worth while by adoptmg a convention that will give future generations a peaceful regime for the oceans based on equal legal protection of the legitimate interests of all States and the international community as a whole and onjust and rational exploitation of the sea and its resources, on efficient and proper administration of the common heritage ofmankind, and on an effective system for the peaceful settlement of disputes. 318. Compromise formulas to resolve outstanding is- sues must be found in order to attain these fundamental goals. 319. The recent eighth session ofthe Conference took a tremendously important step forward when it in- cluded in the first revision of the informal composite negotiating text a formula on the definition ofthe outer limit ofthe continental shelfthat takes into account in a balanced way the various criteria advanced during the Conference. My delegation supported that fonnula in a spirit ofcompromise, and it will continue to make every effort to ensure that the other pending issues relating to the continental shelf may be resolved appropriately. 320. However, we are concerned over certain at- tempts to weaken in practice the regime of consent by the coastal States for scientific research on the conti- nental shelf. The delegation ofUruguay has declared its willingness to co-operate in negotiating formulas that would improve the text from a technical standpoint or offer better prospects for consensus. But that is not the aim of suggestions that mean breaking with the princi- ple ofconsent for scientific research in areas under the 321. . We natur~ly take a specal interest in the work of the First Committee of the Conference concernin~ the ~e~-bC?d .and ocean floor b~yond the limits of national Junsdlc.tIon. In .that Comnuttee negotiations have come up agamst major obstacles at recent sessions when there has been a polarization ofpositions. However we note with satisfaction the progress made with regard to the machinery of the Authority and the system for exploration and exploitation, and we hope that the pro- gress that emerged at the last session on the transfer of technology and financial agreements-a matter ofhigh priority-will be confirmed. We are also pleased by the effective steps taken in negotiations on the settlement of disputes concerning the sea-bed and on the final clauses. 322. We once again reaffirm the continuing validity of the Declaration of Principles Governing the Sea-Bed and ~e 9cean Fl<?or, and t.he .S~bsoil Thereof, beyond the Limits of National JunsdlctIon, contained in Gen- eral Assembly resolution 2749 (XXV). All the States of the international community-the overwhelming ma- jority expli~itly,the others implicitly-have acceded to those pnnclples, which now form part 'of international customary law. 323. The principle that the sea-bed and ocean floor and the subsoil thereof beyond the limits of national jurisdiction and the resources therein constitute the common heritage of mankind is a binding rule of inter- national law. That principle, along with the com- plementary principles derived from that fundamental principle contained in General Assembly resolution 2749 (XXV), especially the international legal regime to govern the sea-bed, form an indivisible normative en- tity, one of the pillars of the new law ofthe sea and the basis of any rule or body of law governing the explora- tion of the area and the exploitation of its resources. 324. Any legal regime, be it provisional or definitive, that applies to the area can therefore be established only With the consent of the international community, as it alone represents mankind. No State or small group of States can claim to replace the international commu- nity I because they would thus be taking upon themselves an authority they do not have. Therefore any unilateral legislation or measure or any kind of restricted treaty that had this as its purpose would be illegal because it would violate international law and make the State or States involved internationally liable. 325. As we move towards the last stagesofthe negoti- ations, Uruguay wishes to reaffinn its intention to do all within its power to ensure a successful outcome so that we may fulfil the hopes of all the peoples and Govern- ments of the world and open up horizons offruitful and mutual co-operation regarding the sea that will deci- sively further the advance of civilization and the welfare of all mankind. 326. Almost a year ago we noted in this Assembly Uruguay's special concern about the crisis in the inter- national economic situation during the last few years and its serious impact on the developing countries. One year has passed since then, and the hopes we had 327. Signs of recession, inflation and unemployment persist in the industrialized countries and these consti- tute the present economic crisis, which still shows indi- cations of temporary shortages of certain raw materi- als, a growing shortage ofenergy resources, instability in exchange rates, serious imbalances in the balance of payments, a return to protectionism, and other phenomena, which reduce our hopes ofovercoming the crisis and, in fact, aggravate it. 328. We continue to see that a considerably larger proportion of available financial, scientific and tech- nolo,pcal resources is channelled into military and hostIle activities, rather than into the questfor solutions to the basic problem facing mankind to ensure at least a minimum standard of living conditions for everyone. 329. One cause of the present crisis is the refusal of many developed countries to carry outa logical process ofindustrial reorganization, which would make it possi- ble to establish industries where they could enjoy com- parative advantages and make efficient use of produc- tion facilities. 330. In referring to this problem I cannot fail to men- ti(;m the problem of energy-and to mention it indeed, With deep concern. This is the more so since, as I said one year ago in this Assembly, Uruguay has absolutely no oil and is one of the countries in Latin America whose oil imports account for a major share of its total imports. ThiS distressing aspect of our economy prompted my country to take a realistic approach in dealing with this issue, and that is how we have dealt with it in all the international forums in which the issue has been considered directly or indirectly. 331. We respect the inalienable right of all countries to defend their own products, particularly in the case of oil, which is a limited and non-renewable resource; but we are concerned about the oil supply. It is not difficult to see that the trade balance of those developing countries which have no oil always shows a constant and increasing deficit when the prices oftheir commod- ity exports are falling while the prices of all their im- ports, ~ut maip.ly ,?il, are rising sharply, as has been happenmg agaID thiS year. 332. That is why we feel that efforts to solve this serious aspect of the crisis should focus on the follow- ingpoints, which Uruguay has proposed in the relevant regIOnal bod!e~. First, som~ machinery should be set up to ensure mIDlmum supplies for developing countries that have no oil, so that they can meet their develop- me~t targets. Secondly, balance sheets of energy de- P,?SltS an~ reserv~s should be drawn up to provide us WltJ:t full mformatlOn about what energy is potentially aVailable. A.nd las~ly, ne~ alterp.~tive sources ofenergy should be ~nvestI~ated m .a JOIDt undertaking. This would reqUire an IDcrease ID the flow of financial re- sources available for energy research. 334. Finally, we have been alarmed at the attempts of the d~velope~ countries to i!lclude new concepts in the new mternatlOnal econOmIC order, such as "basic d "" d t d h" " nee s , gra ua e approac , access to supplies" "selectivity", and so on, which we see as an attemptt~ neutralize the impact of the proposed structural meas- ures and changes. 335. We cannot fail to say at this session of the Gen- eral Assembly how greatly disappointed we were upon our return from Manila in the middle of this year after the fifth session of UNCTAD. The Latin Am~rican countries had worked very hard and enthusiastically in the co-ordination meetings held in Caracas from 15 to 19 January before the session under the auspices ofthe Latin American Economic System, at the regional level, and later at the Fourth Ministerial Meeting ofthe Group of 77 held in Arusha from 6 to l~ February. Through the Arusha programme for collective self- reliance,16 in which we placed so much. hope, we wanted to start a genuine process of negotiation be. tween developed and developing countries at the fifth session of UNCTAD. It proved almost impossible to achieve this desired and urgent focus of interest on the !Jlain issues facing the international community. Suffice It to recall that we came back from Manila with no resolution on the problem of interdependence despite all the attempts at the highest level to agree on such a resolution in the last few hours of the Conference. We also recall how weak a text was drafted, and with how much difficulty, on the short- and medium-term policy, and on action on protectionism. And there was no res- olution on the conclusion ofthe multilateral trade nego- tiations ofthe GATT Tokyo round either. We were left with a feeling offrustration when we ended those nego- tiations by adopting rules and codes for international trade that basically met the interests of the developed countries and did not give due consideration to our own. 336. I turn now to monetary and financial problems. Having started from the premise of the need for effec- tive participation by developing countries in the organi- zation and administration of a new international mone- tary system that would allocate to us sufficient re- sources to overcome the problems of imbalance in the balance of payments, we were finally compelled to sel· tle for a text which was basically addressed to the countries in the Group of 77. 337. As for the hopes placed in the work of the In- tegrated Programme for Commodities, which we adopted in resolution 93 (IV) at the fourth session of UNCTAD, 17 we are discouraged to see that the work is progressing so slowly, not only because of the corn· plexity of the problems and uncertainty about the sources and means of financing, but also, unquestion- ably and primarily, of the lack ofpolitical will. The fact that no concrete results emerged from the negotiations is due to the stubborn refusal ofthe developed countries ---- 16 See document TD/236. 17 See Proceedings of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Fourth Session, vo!. I, Report and Annexe,s (United Nations publication. Sales No. E.76.II.D. JO and corn- gendum), part one A. 338. This build-up of frustration in our dialogue with the developed countries has brought about in the Group of 77, as I said at the beginning of this section of my statement, a strategy of relying first and foremost on its own members in order to achieve development and establish a new economic order. 339. This new form ofco-operation among developing countries, which Uruguay has resolutely supported, does not, however, imply a move towards absolutism and in no way affects the need to introduce structural changes in the relations of interdependence between North and South. But it cannot be denied that our hopes are now set on the efforts we may make as developing countries to intensify co-operation within the third world and thus gain greater strength, while at the same time following up development in ways more suited to our needs. Hence our countryfollowed very closely the work of the United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation Among Developing Countries, held at Buenos Aires last year, and took an active part in the elaboration of the Buenos Aires Plan of Action. 18 to- gether with the plan of action for economic co- operation among developing countries set forth at the Fourth Ministerial Meeting of the Group of 77 in Arusha. 340. As we pointed out last year, the Committee ofthe Whole Established under General Assembly Resolu- tion 32/174 must be strengthened so that it can serve as a forum for a large-scale consideration of international economic problems and thus give an impetus to negoti- ations goin~ on in other economic bodies within the United NatIOns family. 341. In this connexion, my delegation fully supports the initiative taken by the Group of 77 in submitting to the third session of that Committee a proposal to be considered at this Assembly's session concerning the need to hold world-level negotiations on international economic co-operation for development [A/34/34, part Ill, annex 1]. 342. Uruguay attaches particular importance to the problems of science and technology, but development can be achieved on a solid basis only if endogenous capabilities are enhanced in this area. Therefore, we have with the greatest of interest taken part in the work of the recent United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, at which the interna- tional community acknowledged the need to strengthen the scientific and technological capacity ofthe develop- ing world. 18 Repurt of the United Natiolls Conference on Technical Co- operation among Developing Countries, Buenos Aires. 30 August-12 September 1978 (United Nations publication. Sales No. E.78.ILA.ll and corrigendumJ, chap. 1. 344. Before concluding, we should like to turn to the Secretary-General's report on the work of this Organi- zation [A/34/1]. In this report, an open-minded, punc- tilious and objective approach is taken with regard to the many subjects with which it deals. We appreciate that the arduous task that lies before the Secretariat, and we also appreciate the effective way it has given its attention to the difficult international issues falling within the purview of the Organization. We should therefore like to convey our thanks to the Secretary- General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, and through him to the staff of the United Nations. 345. In conclusion, I should like to express our un· swerving faith in the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations that more than ever bind the efforts of the Organization to co-operate in achiev- ing justice in the solution of international problems through law, in finally establishing peace as a conse- quence of justice and the triumph of freedom, without which, as one of our great jurists said, there can be no real law, no justice and no peace. These are spiritual values which, in the final analysis, condition the mate- rial and temporal world. That is why in the same line of thought we attach special significance to the address to be delivered by His Holiness Pope John Paul Il, which will be inspired by a humanistic awareness, for it has an important part to play in the quest for just and peaceful solutions to the problems facing the world. 346. We are therefore prepared to do our part as a Member of the United Nations to see that it is an effec- tive instrument in the attainment of these lofty aims.

I should like to join previous speakers in congratulating the President, on.his unanimous election to the high office he now occupies. The accomplishments of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Imple- mentation of the Declaration on the Granting of Inde- pendence to Colonial Countries and Peoples under his chairmanship to date, as well as his wide-ranging expe- rience in the activities ofthis body, confirm without any doubt my delegation's confidence that under his leader- ship, gUidance and direction, this thirty-fourth.session of the United Nations General Assembly will be a success. 348. I wish to take this opportunity to congratulate Mr. Salim's predecessor, Mr. Indalecio Lievano of Co- lombia, for the most efficient manner in which.he pre- sided over our proceedings during the last sessIOn. My delegation extend its compliments on a duty well performed. 349. My delegation wishes to convey my country's 19 See Report of the Uniled Nations Conference on Science l!nd Technology fur Development, Vienna, 201031 Augusl 1979 (Uruted Nations publication, Sales No. E.79.1.21). 351. As on previous occasions, the delegation of Papua New Guinea will participate with interest and hope in the deliberations of the General Assembly on major international issues. We shall attempt to do what\ we can within our capacities to work towards construc- tive solutions to these issues. For the first time, we plan \ to bring to the attention of the assembled delegations the Issue of decolonization, which is of particular con- cern to the people in our region, the South Pacific. 352. As is customary in the general debate, my Gov- ernment would like to take this opportunity to draw the Assembly's attention to a number of issues concerning Papua New Guinea as a member of the international comml;lnity. Some of these issues directly affect countnes a long way from my own, while others affect countries closer at hand. But those to which I shall refer all ~aye such a bearing on the prospects for peace, stabIlIty and development in the world that they cannot be ignored. 353. My Government is concerned about the Middle East situation. While we are heartened by signs of prog~e~~ towards peace, we are also perturbed by the pOSSIbIlity that the momentum might be lost, at enor- mous cost not only to the people of the immediate region, but, ultimately, to us all. 354. My Government welcomed the initiatives taken by the Egyptian and Israeli leaders, and it commends the role played by the President of the United States in trying to promote an atmosphere conducive to negotia- tions leading to the signing ofaTreaty ofPeace between Israel and Egypt. But my Government also remains troubled by the continuing failure to find a solution to the Palestinian problem. 355: My Government recognizes that Papua New Gumea cannot hope to exert much influence on the situation in the Middle East. But we would be derelict in our duty if we did not add our voice to those that are calling for greater efforts to be made in order to achieve lasting peace. Middle Eastern and other world leaders have perhaps the greatest opportunity in a generation to lay the groundwork for lasting peace. My Government urges them, in the interest of us all, to make full use of that opportunity. 356. My delegation is encouraged to note that the prospects for a nego~i~ted settlement in Namibia have become more promlsmg. However we stilI wish to emphasize our firm beliefthat a succ~ssful outcome will depend on the holding of elections under United Na- tions supervision. 357. Papua New Guinea takes particular pleasure in WIt~ the progress made, however! we cannot be content untIl we see the emergence ofan mdependentNamibia We hope that independence will soon be achieved through the democratic process !Jf free elections. We also hope that such a process will guarantee citizens' rights of freedom and equality in the new nation. 358. My Government remains concerned about the situat!on. in Zimbabwe. We believe that the present const!tuhonal ~rrangements hold out little prospect [or a lastmg solutIOn. My Government believes that they mus~ be chan~ed.. We think it deplorable that the long- awaIted consh!uhOn based on "majority rule" turned out, when published, to be but a further device designed to entrench the white minority's interest. 359.. My qovemm~nt notes with appreciation that all partI~s are Involved m renewed negotiations [or a dur- able !nte':Ilal settlement guaranteeing genuine majority rule m ZImbabwe through a free democratic electoral pr!J~ess. Papua New Guinea welcomes the initiatives ansmg out of the recent Meeting of Heads of Govern- ment of Commonwealth Countries and the consider- a~le ~dvance w~ich is being made in the current con- stItutIonal talks m London which, we hope will lead to genuine majority rule in Zimbabwe. ' 3~0. With regard t~ southern Mrica, my Government wIsht:s to express ItS concern and abhorrence at in- stitutIOnalized racial discrimination and segregation for the purposes .of the suppress,ion an.d exploitation ofthe black people m southern Afnca. It IS a subjecton which the people of my country have very strong feelings. 361. ~y Government has, in previous sessions, ~tated In the strongest terms, that apartheid is adisgust- mg, degra~ing and inhuman practice. We regret to note tha~, despIte !Dany calls, the racist regime in southern Af....c.a remams r~luctant to abolish its apartheid I!ohcIes. I should like to reiterate the fears my delega- tIOn .expresst?d last year on the question of apartheid. ~er~Istent faIlure to deal effectively with such a con· tmu.mg offence to mankind is likely to have a most temble outcome for both the white and black popula- tions of South Africa. 3.62. I turn now to events in Indo-China and the ques- t!on of the Indo-Chinese refugees. As a country which lies at the cross-roads between South-East Asia and the ~out.h P.acific, we are concerned about the security ImplicatIons that have arisen as a result of the over- throw of the Pol Pot regime in Kampuchea and the confron~ation between Viet Nam and Kampuchea. We wO';1ld hke to see peace and stability prevail in the ~egIOn, a~d urge those who, in one way or another, are Involved In the confrontation to settle their differences by discussion in conference rooms and not by using guns on battlefields. 363. My Government believes that the mass exodus of refugees could be arrested if the Governments con- c~rned would stop deliberately creating unfavourable circumstances that compel citizens to leave their home- lands and seek refuge elsewhere. Viet Nam and Kam- ~uchea should co-operate closely with the United Na- tIOns High Commissioner for Refugees to ensure that 364. My country had the honour to be invited by the SecretarY-general C?f the Uni~ed Nations to a Meeting in Geneva In July this year which attempted to alleviate . the crisis caused by Indo-Chinese refugees fleeing to nei~hbouring countries in South East Asia and to Aus- tralia. We were represented at the meeting by a cabinet minister. 365. My Government fully recognizes the humanita- rian nature of the refugee problem, which has become a common concern of the entire world community. The Papua New Guinea Government appreciates the role played by the ASEAN countries in meeting the prob- lem. The establishment ofrefugee processing centres in the ASEAN region is a positive move to alleviate the burdens that have been inflicted upon the countries in the region. May I stress, however, that the success of these centres will depend on a wider response to the need for developed nations to accept more refugees. 366. I should like to inform this gathering that my Government shares the views of those countries which called upon aid donors to Viet Nam to consider divert- ing their assistance to resettlement and rehabilitation programmes for Indo-Chinese refugees. In addition, Papua New Guinea would like to renew the call for a withdrawal of those external pressures which have in- creased regional tensions and aggravated the refugee problem. My Government also endorses the call for an end to the flow of Indo-Chinese refugees made at the Tokyo Economic Summit by the developed nations, by the twelfth meeting of the ASEAN Foreign Ministers at Bali in June, and by the Meeting on Refugees and Dis- placed Persons in South-East Asia in Geneva in July. 367. In addition to the regional problems to which I have referred, there are some more general subjects of world-wide significance on which I should like to say so~ething. They include the subject of human rights, which Papua New Guinea considers most important. 374. The international community today recognizes the need to move quickly towards a New International Economic Order, even though there exist differing views on major proposals that have been put forward. The Government of Papua New Guinea is deeply con- cerned at the slow progress being made. 368. My Government takes pleasure in noting the measures taken by countries Members of this body to ~afeguard human rights. But there are still too many mst~nces of governments which continue to deny the baSIC rights of their citizens. The denial of basic human rights on any grounds-racial, political, economic or anx other arbitrary grounds-gives rise to injustices which my Government finds intolerable. 369. We cannot understand how conscientious hu- ma~ beings can continue to suppress the basic rights of t~elr f~l1ow-citi;zens. The suppression of basic human nghts In such circumstances cannot be accidental. My Government appeals to the international community to con~emn those Governments which persist in violating baSIC human rights. We urge Governments which vio- late such rights to take prompt and effective action to res~ct the dignity of their citizens. 371. It is the desire and wish of small nations such as mine,. for the peoples of this world to have p~ace and secunty. The fulfilment ofthis desire will then enable us to c<?ncentrate on our efforts to develop and improve the lives of our people in the social and economic sec- tors of our over-all development objectives. 372. My delegation is opposed to all forms of nuclear tes~ing-atmosphericor otherwise-because we firmly believe that the cessation of nuclear testing is a step towards disarmament and the prevention of nuclear pollution of the environment. We equally oppose the dumping of nuclear wastes for the same reasons. I refer in particular to the South Pacific region, where nuclear testing takes place every year. I wish to state once again that my Government strongly opposes nuclear testing in the region. We therefore call on those who are re- sponsible to cease all forms of nuclear testing in the Pacific because they are endangering the lives of the inhabitants of the region. 373. As the Disarmament Decade introduced by the General Assembly [resolution 2602 E(XXIV)j draws to a conclusion, my Government is disappointed to note that there has not been any real progress towards the reduction ofarms nor have there been any negotiations leading to a treaty on general and complete disanna- ment. We note with some satisfaction the signing ofthe second SALT Treaty between the United States and the Soviet Union. However, we are still hopeful that some international agreement or arrangements, such as the comprehensive test-ban Treaty, will be negotiated and agreed to as soon as practicable. 375. The attempts to regulate world trade in primary commodities, the reform of the external framework for the industrialization of developing countries, the re- form of the international monetary system, the strengthening of economic co-operation among de- veloping countries are all still outstanding issues. There are many reasons why they have not been resolved and I do not propose to go into them. But I should like to say that one of the main reasons has been opposition from developed countries, with the result that conferences similar to the fifth session ofUNCTAD have repeatedly failed to achieve agreement on anyone ofthe issues that I have mentioned. 377. A concrete example of international co- operation for development is the Lome Convention on trade and aid between the European Community and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. The Lome Convention expires in a few months and the long negotiations on a successor agreement have been fi- nalized. It appears that the successor agreement will, in general, be similar to the current one. However, the second Lome agreement will contain a new mechanism which purports to assist mineral exporting countries. The Government of Papua New Guinea welcomes the conclusion of the Lome negotiations. But we have re- servations about the new mechanism in that it offers assistance only to countries which have suffered reduc- tions in their capacity to produce certain minerals and export them to the European market. The assistance itself is restricted to project or programme aid confined to the mineral sector and designed to restore production or export capacity. There is no help for those countries, including my own, which have suffered severe economic damage through low prices for our vital min- eral exports. 378. It is our strong conviction that a mineral assist- ance scheme, ifit is to be of real value, must include the provision of concessional finance for countries that have suffered a loss ofexport earnings or, alternatively, a loss ofGovernment revenue as a result of low export prices. 379. All developing countries are concerned that in a harsh world the poor countries are supposed to be grateful for what they are offered and should not expect to have a say in what the offer contains. Such a situation gives rise to extreme difficulties in the formulation of plans for development. As long as developing countries, to which category my country clearly be- longs, are not given a greater say in deciding how they are helped, we shall continue to face great difficulties in providmg the basic needs of our people. 380. Finally, the 1970s in the South Pacific will be remembered as the decade in which many of the island Territories gained self-determination and indepen- dence. It is in this decade that the following South Pacific Territories have gained their self-detennination and independence: Fiji, the Republic of Nauru, Niue, the Cook Islands, Tuvalu, the Republic of Kiribati, the Solomon Islands and Papua New Guinea. 381. I should like to bring to the General Assembly's attention a question of particular concern to the people of the South Pacific. I refer here to the continued French presence in the region. 383. Four years ago, Papua New Guinea became in- dependent. Since then, the number ofindependent Pa- cific island nations has grown to eight, four ofwhich are Members ofthe United Nations. The end ofthe colonial era in the Pacific islands is, we hope, in sight. 384. The people ofthe Pacific islands have been fortu- nate in that the decolonization of the region has gener- ally been brought about as peacefully as its name sug- gests. We have appreciated the interest taken in the process by Members of the United Nations. We have been fortunate that the Australian, United Kingdom' and New Zealand Governments recognized our rights to self-determination and continue to play a construc- tive and helpful part in our development. But we would be wise to remember that, even in the Pacific islands, the process of decolonization was not as smooth, nor the outcome as certain, as may sometimes appear when we look back. 385. Mr. President, you, yourself as well as many of the representaPives in the General Assembly will recall the difficulties and doubts you and your fellow country- men faced before your countries became independent. You wiJI recall, too, the encouragement and support you received from leaders of countries which had pre- viously become independent. You k..r10w that, at inde- pendence, new relationships become possible with former rulers. 386. My Government feels that it has aduty to see that other Pacific island peoples are offered the encourage- ment and support once offered to us. In the case of the New Hebrides, that duty is not hard to perfonn. The United Kingdom and French Governments have recog- nized the right to self-detennination ofthe people ofthe New Hebrides. We applaud this attitude and look for- ward hopefully to its independence in 1980. In other parts of the Pacific, however, we feel compelled to respond to calls for assistance from leaders of people whose rights to self-detennination have not been se- cured. I refer here specifically to the people of other French dependencies--New Caledonia, French Poly- nesia and Wallis and Futuna Islands. 387. Elsewhere in the Pacific islands, the formercoJo- nial Powers have generally recognized the islands peoples' rights to self-detennination without much out- side prompting. The French Government has seen else- where how the denial of such rights cannot be sustained. My Government appeals to France to recog- nize the rights of the indigenous inhabitants. We urge other Members of the United Nations to support our appeal. 388. My Government would like to pay a sincere trib- ute to France for the constructive role it has played in the creation of important new trade and aid relation- ships between the independent Pacific island nations and Western Europe. We look forward to the day when France's relationships with its remaining Pacific island

We have heard the last speaker in the general debate for this afternoon. Several representatives have requested to be allowed to exer- cise the right of reply. I once again recall that the General Assembly at its 4th plenary meeting decided that statements in exercise of the ri~t of reply should be limited to 10 minutes on anyone Item and should be made by delegations from their seats. In the interests of orderly procedure, I intend to apply this decision strictly. I shall now call on those representatives wish· ing to speak in exercise of the right of reply.

In reply to the threats and calumnies uttered by the USSR representative at the previous meeting, my delegation would like to recall here, for the benefit of our Assembly, certain irrefut- able and undeniable facts. 391. First, everyone knows what the Soviet guJags and the Soviet psychiatric hospitals are like-to men· tion only those. They are places where the Soviet butchers day and night torture all the opponents of the Fascist police regime of the Soviet Union, which calls itself socialist. Mter more than 60 years of so-called socialist construction, the great Soviet intellectuals and artists continue every day to flee the Soviet Union. Furthermore, how many hundreds of thousands of Soviet citizens continue to die in those gu/ags and in those psychiatric hospitals and other places of mental and physical torture? The least one can say is that respect for the human person is certainly not the strong point of the Soviet Union. My country, Democratic Kampuchea, has no lessons to learn from the Soviet Union. 392. Secondly, in Kampuchea the Soviet Govern- ment has contributed and continues to contribute grow- ing military assistance to the Le DUM clique in Hanoi, which is continuing its barbarous aggression against Democratic Kampuchea. ThatGovernment is spending at least $3 million a day in helping the Vietnamese aggressors to massacre our people. Up to date, 500,000 of our compatriots have already been massacred, and the Soviet Government is lending the Vietnamese ag- gressors its active support in the extermination of our people and our nation. 393. This criminal assistance is not limited to material help. It also includes the active and direct participation of thousands of Soviet military advisers. Quite re- cently, on 2 and 3 September last, 11 Soviet military advisers Were killed and 23 others wounded at the Ang- kor Monument by the people and army of Kampuchea. Everyone knows that the vast assistance given by the Soviet Union to the Le Dui'm clique in Hanoi allows it to pursue its monstrous crimes against Kampuchea and to continue to sow devastation and famine in our country. Without that support and assistance from the Soviet Union, the problems of Kampuchea would already have been solved. The independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kampuchea would already have 395. Thirdly, the Government and people of Demo- cratic Kampuchea have never sought to harm anyone least of all the Soviet Union. Even when the latter wa~ doing everything in its power to hinder the national liberation struggle of the people of Kampuchea we have always striven to maintain good relations with all countries, great or small, near or far, on the basis of mutual respect and non-intervention in the internal af· fairs of other countries. But the Soviet Union has al- ways viewed Kampuchea through the prism ofits Viet· namese satellite and it has always encouraged and as· sisted the Vietnamese to realize its insatiable ambition for an lndo-Chinese federation under the domination and exploitation of Viet Nam. 396. It is regrettable that, as the representative of a major world Power, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union did not demonstrate more reasonable- ness in his words but used the rostrum ofour Assembly to utter threats, lies and calumnies, particularly against small countries and peoples and against all those who in their vote on 21 September last [4th meeting] demon- strated their determination to respect the Charterof the United Nations. '

My delegation has asked to speak in order to reply to the representatives of Canada, Japan and the United Kingdom. 398. First, my delegation would like to repudiate categorically the unfounded assertions and the calumnious allegations made by the head of the Cana- dian delegation with regard to my country. In claiming to be a champion of human rights, the head of the Canadian delegation showed herself to be ill-informed to say the least on the question of refugees from my country when she impudently referred to the so-called "deliberate expulsion of the Vietnamese boat people" [see above, para. 87]. 399. The head of the Canadian delegation wants to cure the evil at its root. The root of the evil is nothing but the consequences ofthe war ofaggression ofwhich my country was the victim over more than 30 years, in particular the imperialist war ofaggression to which the Government of Canada contributed its unconditional support. 400. The head of the Canadian delegation further urged that pressure be exerted on the Vietnamese Gov- ernment. I should like to say to her that Viet Nam is an independent and sovereign nation, and will not penuit anyone to interfere in its internal affairs, least ofall the Canadian Government. 401. The allegations made by the head ofthe Japanese delegation concerning the situation of Vietnamese ref- ugees are not in accord with reality. ~n his ~ta~ement, the head of the Japanese delegation tned t~ mdlcate to my country the way in which it should act With regard to 402. My delegation would like to repudiate categori- cally the shocking slanders uttered by the head of the United Kingdom delegation against my country on the question of refugees. Most of the delegations here are aware of the positive results ofthe Geneva Meeting on South-East Asian refugees, of the active contribution made by the Vietnamese Government to this meeting and also of its efforts to honour its commitments. 403. The deep-lying causes ofthe Vietnamese refugee problemare the consequences ofthe wars ofimperialist aggression, hegemony and expansionism of the great nations, just as British colonialism and imperialism are at the root of the expulsion of millions of refugees from their countries, the plunder of their resources and the fact that they are condemned to live in camps in wretched condition~whetherin the Middle East, in southern Africa or in other parts of the world. 404. We may wonder why the United Kingdom dele- gation waxed so eloquent on the plight of the Viet- namese refugees, as if the United Kingdom had an easy conscience on the subject. Was this an attempt to divert the attention of the international community from Brit- ain's responsibility to the millions of refugees in the regions I have mentioned?Ifso, the effort was in vain. 405. The existence of millions of refugees in Africa, the Middle East and also in Viet Nam-for the United Kingdom was a close ally of our aggressors-is a con- 406. Finally, I should like to say that, with regard to the statement of the head of the delegation of Papua New Guinea, which was hostile to my country, my country considers that it is unnecessary to reply, since that representative was only repeating what hiS masters say.

The rep- resentative of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam criticized my Govemmentfor its imperialist activities. I shall say only that the British Empire has been largely dismantled, and a fair number of the members of this Assembly are evidence of this. The representative of Viet Nam speaks for a country which appears to have embarked on the opposite course. 408. Refugees from Indo-China may be seen in HOItg Kong and in the ASEAN countries. There is no doubt that they were under great pressure to risk the hazard- ous journey which cost so many others among them their lives. 409. But my delegation was glad to note the statement of the representative of Viet Nam that his Government would abide by the undertakings it gave in Geneva about future action. 410. The widespread starvation existing in substantial parts of Cambodia is a matter of grave international concern. The essential task is to alleviate this problem. The Government of Viet Nam can clearly play a mC\ior part in this and my Government calls on it to allow mtemational assistance to reach the long-suffering people of Cambodia while there is still time. The meeting rose at 7.45 p.m.