A/34/PV.9 General Assembly

The sole aim ofour General.Assem- bly is to serve peace, and yet sessIOn after session here we note the consequences ofdisaster. To us, as leaders, one year means a great deal of diplomatic activity. But for some peoples one year means a great deal ofsuffer- ing. There are I million refugees and 250,000 victim~ of war and some 15 of our Member States are embroIled in a;med conflicts. pro~ress during the final third ofthis century than it did dunng the three preceding centuries. I shall take just three examples. The old nations of Europe have been able to forget their age-old conflicts and to join together in a process of reconciliation; that vast country China, which had so long been kept aside, has taken its rightful place once more in the community of nations; and, lastly, more than 100 States have become independent and are now able to make their voices heard in this forum, which has truly become a world forum. 94. We must, on the contrary, confront this poverty, and together we must all declare war on it on several fronts. Concerning the food front, a major rural de- velopment effort at the national and intemationallevels must take up where the' 'green revolution" ofthe 1960s left off so as to improve the growth rate of agricultural production, espeCially in low-income countries in Asia and Africa. In the field of unemployment, a massive drive to create productive jobs-550 million between now and the year 2000, according to the World Bank, is crucial to the battle against poverty. In the matter of financing, all countries have a stake in preventing the constraints of financing from halting the progress hap- pily already under way towards world economic inte- gration. Now, the debts of the developing countries have more than doubled since 1974 and at this point debt-servicing costs are increasing faster than the debts themselves. France will therefore support measures designed to augment the financing capacities ofthe IMF regarding balance-of-payments adjustments, in the hope that the action taken will be specifically directed to the needs of the most impoverished countries. France also advocates greater efforts on behalfofthose countries in the area of public development aid. I should like to recall that France has cancelled the debts owed to it by some countries. 87. These examples prove mankind's ability to change. They are evidence ofthe fact that catastrophes are not ineVitable as long as human will is exerted. 88. The community of nations has been able to dem- onstrate its unanimity on one point, a negative point to be sure but one that will henceforth be a fact of history. ram referring to the avoidance ofa world war for more than 30 years. Why not go even further now, and ex- press that unanimity in a positive manner by uniting our efforts'against the other threats to peace? 89. Thirty years without a general war: we have shown that that is possible. Thirty. years to ensure the survival ofhumanity: that is the very concrete problem that faces us, because between now and the year 2000 there will be another 2 billion human beings to feed-2 billion. In 1925, that was the entire world population. 90. If a world divided into antagonistic blocs quarrels over limited resources instead of uniting to develop them, living in interdependence will pose a threat. In- stead, the world should organize its interdependence into solidarity so as to enable it to achieve greater security and genuine organization, which are the three components of true peace. 91. That is why I shall discuss these three points in tum: first, a world of greater solidarity, one that will succeed in settling for the benefit of everyone the two problems on which the future of each of our peoples depends-poverty and energy; secondly, a more secure world that will undertake disarmament; and, thirdly, a better organized and a more human world, in which, alongside an Organization such as ours, whose role can only grow, the new kinds of regional solidarity will become organized. 92. Concerning a world of greater solidarity, without for one moment forgetting the moral duty that gives solidarity its full significance, I intend to show that solidarity is also essential for the survival ofmankind, for in fact we shall survive only if we resolve two problems-poverty and energy. Poverty is the failure of progress and hence the failure of us all. Energy is the key to progress and therefore an imperative common to us all. 97. True, and we all know this full well, countries in the different categories do not have the same interests or make the same analyses of this energy problem. To solve it, let us begin by understanding one another and .accepting the validity of our respective concerns. 93. It is difficult to describe the scourge of poverty without lapsing into abstract figures and the demagog- uery of sentimental platitudes. And yet we have to 95. All countries should contribute to this aid- which, by the way, does not exempt us from giving our help to other developing countries-in particular by opening their borders to manufactured products from the most deprived countries; by allowing them access to natural resources, especially those from the sea; and, lastly, by increasing the volume of multilateral aid. France for its part has decided to double its contribu- tion to UNDP between noW and 1981, with an increase of more than 50 percent this year. 96. As to energy, the anguish of tomorrow's world will arise from the sudden changes which we now see threatening us: the population explosion and the scarcity of resources, which would jeopardize growth and therefore the increase needed in employment. There will be neither growth nor newjobs without more energy, even if the advancement of technology and organization were to make growth possible at a rate faster than that of the increase in energy needs. 99. The industrialized countries, for whom oil is still a basic resource, want the volume and price of supplies to remain stable, so that they can guarantee the growth, which, whatever happens, is necessary to the world economic balance. 100. The developing countries that do not produce oil, and especially the most impoverished ones, are in a paradoxical position: they feel the effects of tensions in the oil market more severely than others, even though the place they occuPy inthat market is small. Neverthe- less, their economles are more seriously affected by increases in oil prices. 10 1. We must, I affirm, understand each .:>ther and move closer to each other's positions. There is nothing impossible about the quest for coherence among the policies of the three categories of country. Only that quest can help us to pass from the interdependence to which we are subject, to an organized solidarity. 102. Let me say unequivocally that it is up to the industrialized countries to take the initiative in institut- ing stricter policies, because it is they who are the largest consumers. The decisions taken in Tokyo last June? were a major turning-point. I emphasize that they were based on an initiative of the European Economic Community, which thereby in the circumstances dem- onstrated its sense of economic responsibility at the world level. The pledges made there to set ceilings on oil imports are significant in two important ways_ l03. On the one hand, they would break the link be- tween the pursuit of economic growth by the indus- trialized countries and the growth of oil imports. Sustained but sober growth on the part of the indus- trialized countries will henceforth be fueled by energy sources other than oil. 104. On the other hand, these pledges indicate thatthe oil energy so indispensable to the developing countries will be available for their use. 105. France, for its part, has committed itself to a policy of conservation of energy and development of new energy sources that will enable it, I assure you, to achieve the goals it has set itself. 106. I am confident that the oil-producing countries recognize the importance of this major change. Once the industrialized countries actually set out on the path of controlling their energy imports, the producer countries will be able to take into consideration the effects which their decisions have on the world economy, as they manage their resources. Any break- down in supply, any reassessment of the price levels reached to date, would have disastrous consequences for the world economy. 107. But oil is not solely the concern of the oil- substantl~ effort to provide technical assistance in re- gard to 011. 108. Finally, we f!l~st work together more closely to ensure t~at the deCISions made by the different parties are consistent. The 1981 United Nations Conference on N~w and Rene~able Sources ofEnergy will assuredly bnng progress In an area as yet largely unexplored but one that is of capital importance for the future. ' 109. We must do more. In this regard France has taken note with interest of the proposal 'made by the Group of 77 to start new, comprehensive talks within the framework of the United Nations. 110. Con~erning a world ofgreater solidarity, and, at the same tlme, a more secure world, let us not deceive ourselves. To reduce the poverty of the poorest and to overcome the energy crisis, a concerted effort is needed. This will not be readily agreed to and will not produce results except in a climate ofsecurity and trust. When suspicion, mistrust and fear reign, we im- mediately see hallowed self-interests placed first, be- fore all other considerations. When armed conflicts break. out. the work of several years is reduced to nothing in a few days. Ill. We shall build a worldofgreater solidarity only if we work together to make it more secure. 112. That is why France sets such great value on the progress ofdetente and has made it one ofthe major and permanent lines of its policy. It welcomes, in this re- spect, the favourable development of its relations with the Soviet Union and with the other socialist countries in Europe, especially Poland. 113. In Europe, detente has not only made it possible to defuse the most visible causes of confrontation. It has paved the way for dialogue and co-operation. It has made, and is continuing to make, an essential contribu- tion to world peace. 114. I mention the progress ofdetente, not to encour- age complacency and passiveness, but rather to urge new efforts to expand detente and make its effe~ts ~elt more deeply. Detente has probably been a contnbutmg factor in containing flash-points all over the world, aI- thouRh it has not yet succeeded in dousing them com- pletely. It has certainly put a brake on the excessive build-up of arms, although it has not stopped it altogether. . 115. It is time for us to attack these two problems. The results achieved give us the means; they therefore also show us our duty. l16. A review of the situations of crisis and. tension that persist in the world shows that these falllOto two categories. Some situat~onsare linked to the proce~s <;Jf decolonization of whlch they are an anachrOTIlstlc survival. This is the case with Namibia and Rhodesia. Others result from military faits accomplis and should 117. In Namibia as in Rhodesia, the deep-seated real- ity is the legitimate aspiration ofthe peoples involved to accede to genuine and internationally recognized inde- pendence. In this respect, hopeful signs are beginning to emerge. It is up to us to encourage them. For this reason, France has welcomed the agreement reached at the Meeting of Commonwealth Heads of Government in Lusaka in August [see A/34/439-S/13515] and places its hopes in the success of the talks that have opened in London under the aegis of the United Kingdom Gov- ernment. For this reason also, in the case" of Namibia France is participating actively-together with four other States and in close liaison with the Secretary- General of our Organization-in the five-Power in- itiativeS with a view to achieving a solution for that territory that is consistent with the principles of our Charter. 118. Turning to the Middle East, I come to a conflict that is quite different. It is as old as our Organizatioil. Thirty years have elapsed, and with them how many hopes have gone unfulfilled and how many paths have been explored in vain in an effort to find the key to peace. 119. My country makes no claim here to define a new framework for negotiation or to devise, in the wake of so many others, some new procedural skill. That is not where the problem lies. There has been too much pas- sion and too much suffering for it to be possible to hope to be able to build peace On ambiguities. 120. Here again, what is needed is recognition of the realities instead ofescape from them, tackling the prob- lems instead of evading them. 121. The realities in this case are: the right ofthe Arab States to recover their territorial integrity; the right of the Palestinian people to a homeland; and the right ofall the States in the area, the Arab States as well as the State of Israel, to live in peace within secure, recog- nized and guaranteed boundaries. 122. These three realities form a whole. They cannot be dissociated without being forsworn; they are valid for all the parties concerned, including-as the nine countries members of the European Economic Com- munity have just stressed-the PLO. 123. This presupposes that both sides at last make the effort to look the facts in the face; these two great peoples, the people ofIsrael and the Palestinian people, will not be able to postpone indefinitely the moment when they recognize one another. It will be necessary to enlarge the dialogue, to cease insisting on exclusive rights; all the protagonists must agree to talk to each other. Certain indications lead us to hope that the time 124. In speaking of peace in this area, I also have in mind Lebanon, which has so many ties to my own country. In recent months, Lebanon has been the ob- ject of attacks whose repetitive and excessive nature prompted the Security Council to convene. France con- demns these attacks that strike at the unity and inde- pendence, as well as the territorial integrity, of Leba- non. They affect the Force sent by the United Nations to the southern part ofthe country; they put injeopardy the very existence ofone ofourOrganization'sMember States. 125_ Lastly, South-East Asia and, more specifically, the situation in Cambodia. Last year, at this very rostrum,!> my predecessor stressed the grave dangers of the situation. The events of the past 12 months have unfortunately confirmed our fears. 126. The oppression and bloodshed of an inhuman regime have been superseded by the tragedy of a foreign invasion. The Indo-Chinese peninsula has once again been thrust into a state of war. 127. My Government asked at the time, together with others, for the withdrawal of the forces to the interna- tional boundaries they had crossed; I note that the withdrawal has not been general. 128. France cannot acquiesce in Cambodia's becom- ing a prize in and an arena for a confrontation that dwarfs it and that is in fact utterly alien to it. Cambodia has the right, like any other State, to see its indepen- dence and integrity respected. Its people, whose very existence is threatened even as I speak, has the right to live and to determine its destiny as a sovereign nation in peace and friendship with all ~ts neighbo,!rs by acq~i~­ mg a"Government representative of the different politI- cal tendencies in the country. The exercise of its rights is indispensable to the reconstruction of this ravaged country and to the safeguarding ofpeace in the region. It is not compatible with the presence ofa foreign army on its soil. 129. Flash-points ignite violence in the world, but it is the incredible build-up of arms that could at any mo- ment transform a local explosion into one of cataclysmic proportions. If we want our world to be more secure, it is not enough to defuse the. caus~s of violence. We still have to control the mordmate quantity of instruments ofviolence; in other words, we must aim for genuine disarmament. 130. All ofus here know how arduous the task is, and we are familiar with the consistent way in which tech- nological progress and the complicated mesh of m!s- trust can thwart the aspirations of peoples and the Ill- tentions of Governments. 131. France for its part is too old a nation to imagi~e that disarmament is easy. But i~ believes top !Uuch ~ the future ofhumanity to think disarmament IS ImpOSSI- He. Rejecting illusion, which is misleading, and resig- 132. The President of the French Republic sought to meet the first of these conditions when he came here last year to set forth the main lines of the new approach France is proposing. 10 133. First, there is the right ofeach State to security. This right is the corollary, in disarmament tenns, of what is, in the context ofdetente, the right ofeach State in sovereignty to decide on its intemal options and its intemational alliances. 134. Secondly, there is the idea that disarmament is first and foremost a universal problem: no State, no group of States, may arrogate to itself the right to de- termme the rules unilaterally and for all. The entire international community must share in the implementa- tion, benefits and controls of disarmament. 135. Finally, there is the need to bear in mind what I will call the" geography ofsecurity" .The regional level would in fact be the easiest level at which to make concrete progress in this area. 136. Once these principles have been accepted. they still must be put into practice, and this is where con- tinuity of action enters the picture. 137. Since the tenth special session was held in the spring of 1978, some progress has been made. We must not, however, relax our efforts. 138. The new Committee on Disarmament, which to- gether with others we helped to establish, has begun its work. The results of the first session show that broader a~d mo~e equitable,participation aid the progress ofthe dISCUSSIon where bilateral debates might lead the talks to become bogged down. At this point we should take care not to disappoint the expectations that have been expressed. France for its part will work actively in the Committee in the hope of reaching concrete results at the next session, particularly in the area of chemical weapons. 139. The United States and the Soviet Union have signed the second SALT agreement. 11 France is well aware of the importance of the step that has recently been taken. It considers the agreement to be balanced as a whole and hopes that it will enter into force soon. The fact remains that even with this agreement we are still only at the preface to true disannament. The level of nuclear weapons held by the two signatory Powers is not only high now, it is to go still higher in the next few years. The future negotiations, for which the second round of SALT has paved the way, will, I hope, bring this level down very substantially. As for France it would. take app~opriate action on the basis of s~ch reductIOns only if there were a change in the extent of the disparity persisting between those two arsenals and ,0Ibid., Tenth Special Session, Plenary Meetings. 3rd meeting. paras. 3-72. 1ITreaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitations of Strategic Offensive Arms, signed at Vienna on 18 June 1979. 141. In a field as difficult as that of disarmament determination needs the help of imagination. ' 142: With a view to stimulatin~ reflection and imagi- natIOn, we proposed the foundmg of an international disarmament institute. At the tenth special session we also adv~cated that t~e mos! modem technology be made avaIlable to the mtematlOnal community by pro- posing the establishment of an international satellite monitoring agency. In both cases, we would be mobiliz- ing science and scientists for the cause ofdisannament. 143. To thi~ same en~ I should lik~ to an~ounce today that France IS proposmg to organIze an mternational symposium in Paris on the theme" Science for disarma- ment". This symposium, which could serve as a kind of preface to the work of the institute, would seek to mvolve the scientific community more closely with dis- armament by demanding an intellectual and moral con- tribution from it. 144. A world of greater solidarity, a more secure world, but also a more organized world is what we seek. 145. The world we live in, ifwe reflect upon it, has two essential characteristics: diversity and disparity. There is diversity in political regimes, philosophical and reli- gious creeds and national traditions and cultures. The disparities lie in power, wealth and access to know- ledge. .146. Diversity brings people closer together because It encourages them to participate in dialogues and ex- changes. Disparities separate them, on the contrary, because they divide people and set them oneagainst the other. 147. How can we act to preserve the former and to eliminate the latter? 1~8. Allo~ me, as a European, to draw upon my e?,pe- nence: ThIrty years ago the nations of Europe were emergmg from world conflict, drained and in ruins. Where they had o~ce been among the most powerful and wealthy ofnations, now they did not even have the resources needed to set themselves back on their feet. 1.49. Thirty years have gone by. Now those same na- • tlOns.have regain.ed their place in the world thanks to the aid they receIved, thanks to their own efforts, but i thanks also to t~e close co-operation they forged among themselves. Without relinquishing their identities or 150. There may have been fear in some quarters that the Europe of six, and later nine, countries-and un- doubtedly tomorrow of twelve-by organizing itself, would become inward-looking. The experience ofwhat is now more than 20 years has shown the opposite: among groups ofcomparable size, the European C!>m- munity is without a doubt the most open to the world. This applies equally to its trade, to its part in aid for development and to its contribution to solving major world problems. Nor is it an accident that detente, throughout the entire European continent, has ad- vanced at the same pace as has the organization of Western Europe. 151. By increasing their co-operation and strengthen- ing their cohesion, the countries of Europe have not created a bloc. Quite the contrary; they have intro- duced a new type of regional grouping. Because this co-operation is founded on the natural affinit.ies of history, geography, culture and human .valu~~, It pro- tects diversity and helps to attenuate dlspantles. 152. The case of Europe is significant, it seems to me, but it is not an isolated case and is becoming less and less unique. Everywhere we are witnessing the advance of regional solidarity. There is growing vitality at the level of continents and subcontinents in geographically oriented organizations such as the Organization of American States, the DAD, the Andean Group and the Association of South-East Asian Nations. The phe- nomenon is too widespread for it not to be a response to a universally felt need. In my opinion, it reflects an aspiration on the part ofeach ofour nations to reconcile two fundamental requirements-the need to assert themselves without becoming isolated and the need to participate without becoming subservient. 153. The pluralistic, multipolar world that this aspira- tion heralds will be different from the world of yesterday-profoundly so. The conviction of France is that it will be a better world. So long as there are only two camps, the gains ofone will inevitably appear to be the losses ofthe other. The logic oftheir relationships is confrontation-the only possible compromise is the status quo, in other words, immobility. In contrast to this, the multiplication ofpoles allows for more flexibil- ity in the general equilibrium. It encourages necessary changes and makes it easier to resolve local conflicts. The positive role played by the Organization ofAmeri- can States in the evolution of events in Nicaragua and the decisive assistance provided by the African States in achieving a peaceful solution of the problem ofChad are telling examples. 154. The recent events in central Africaprovide a new and clear illustration of this. It was the Africans themselves who, by the decisions made at the Kigali conference, 12 substantiated and condemned the atroc- itiesperpetrated. It was the fonner President of the Central Mrican Republic, the Prime Minister in office and other leadets who took the initiative of liberating their country. France, which had suspended its aid as 155. There need be no fear that the strengthening of these regional organizations is likely to infri~ge ~n either the individual identities of national sovereIgntIes to which we are attached or the universal nature of the international community. Quite the opposite; it cannot fail to protect the one and to enrich the other. 156. This can be seen quite clearly, even here wi~hin our Organization. The existence of regional grouplOgs has never prevented us from examining the great ques- tions ofour time. Indeed, it has made such examination easier and more productive. . 1p. It is indeed characteristic of regional organiza- tIOns that there is no better way of affinning their identity than through dialogue and co-operation. 158. It is in order to take into account this new dimen- sion of today's world that France has renewed its iJ?-- terest in the Latin American continent and, on thIS subject, I should like to recall the two visits made by Mr. Giscard d'Estaing to Brazil and to Mexico respec- tively. It was with this same idea in mind, too, that the French Head of State put forward the concept of a "trialogue" between Europe, Mrica and the Arab countries. Ify giving substance to this project, these three groups will not only underline the obvious com- plementaries that unite them; they will also place them at the service of progress and peace. They will help to construct the foundations of a more balanced, more open world, where the old temptations of hegemony will have made way for the call to solidarity. 159. The world of greater solidarity, security and or- ganization th~t I:rance .hope~ to see and. which i! i.s working to bnng mto bemg will have meamng only If It serves mankind, its dignity and its rights. 160. Owing to the universality of our Organization and to the legitimacy. conf~rred ,:,pon.it by the memb~r­ ship of almost all nations, It has In thIS respect a CruCial role to play. Our Organization is the ex~ression of th~ universal conscience and, at the same time, of the di- versity of cultures. More than ~ver, the Charte~ is the indispensable reference that WIll allow !Is to lIve to- gether better and to render more effectIve and more widespread the dignity ofman that it proclaims and that is defined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The dignity of man must.be expres~ed !hrough the equality of all. Together wtth th~ .entire Interna- tional community, we condemn regunes that are founded on racial discrimination, such as apartheid. 161 The United Nations is a decisive safeguard for the 'peace of the world :il;l1~ for the dignity or. the ,indi- vidual. It has shown thiS ~n ~ great many ~ltuatlOns, whether by recalling !he pnnclples and speIll[~g out the law or through its actIOns and calls for the ~sslstance of States. In the tragedy ofthe. South-Ea~t A~lan refugees, for example, our Organization., b~ actmg 10 accordance with its peaceful and humamtanB.!l purpose, has ful- filled its unique role. France, a~ IS well known, bas given the Organization its full assIstance. As a country 162. The efforts of our Organization and of States to respond to urgent and desperate situations should not, however, make us forget the silent hope of millions of individuals imprisoned by poverty, No man, no leader, can ever rest easy so long as suffering, fear and con- tempt for the law reign on this earth. This is one battle that we should all wage together, regardless of our differences, for it is the battle for peace on earth.

Mr. President. it is a particular pleasure for me to see you p~esiding over this General Assembly. I wish to congratulate you most sincerely on your election. 164. You are the representative ofa country and of a continent to which Austria feels particularly close. In t~e course ofalmost 10 years as Permanent Representa- tIve of your country you have combined rich experi- enc~ and thorough knowledge with a deep devotion to the Ideals ofour Organization. Your qualities of leader- ship and diplomatic skills augur well for the work and the successful conclusion of this session ofthe General Assembly. 165. At the same time, I should like to express my sincere gratitude and that of my country to your pre- de~~ssor, Mr. Ind8;lecio Lievano, the former Foreign MII}I~ter ofColombIa, for the tact and the extraordinary polItIcal understanding with which he presided over the last session of the General Assembly, 166. I also wish to say a special word of welcome to the delegation of Saint Lucia. With the admission of Saint Lucia to the United Nations this Organization has taken a further step towards the universality ofits mem- bership and strengthened its role as a forum for global international co-operation. 167. One year ago, when I spoke before this Assem- blyl3 there was little reason for optimism or satisfac- tion. The international situation today merits an even less positive assessment. We are living in a world of regional conflicts threatened by an uncontrolled arms race, b~ economi~ disruptions, increasing poverty in developmg countnes and steadily deteriorating envi- ronmental conditions. Wherever we look, we face hu- man suffering, misery and lack of freedom. 168. In such a situation we cannot afford to despair or ~o be cynical. Instead, we must confront the major mternatlonal problems and try to solve them in a spirit of human solidarity. 169. Efforts to eliminate the imbalances in the inter- national economic system have, thus far, not been very successful. Poor States continue to become poorer and rich States richer. New and renewed endeavours will be required in order to overcome the persisting problems of the world economy, especially those affecting the more disadvantaged countries. 171. The recent United Nations Conference on Sci- ence and Technology for Development impressively d~monstrated the fact that, with the necessary political Will and determination, the international community is able to respond positively and constructively to the challenges of development. We are confident that the Vienna Programme of Action on Science and Technol- ogy for Development'4 will open new avenues of inter- national co-operation. Austria has already taken the necessary steps to contribute its share to the newly created Interim Fund. 172. Any meaningful effort for global economic de- velopment will have to include industrialization as one ~f its basic elements. In agreeing on the new constitu- tlon,for UNIDO, the international community has rec- ognl.zed the central role of that organization in the pro- mohon and co-ordination of activities in this field. 173: In pursuing our efforts to make progress in the vanous areas of the. North-South dialogue, we should, above all, bear m mmd two basic considerations which could .help to achil?ve a decisive break-through in the establishment of aJust and new international economic order. 174.. On th~one hand, Iam thinking ofthe conceptofa slgmficantly Increased transferofresources from indus- trialized to developing countries, a concept which has repeatedly been put forward by the Federal Chancellor of Austri,a, Mr. Bruno Kreisky. If properly imple- me~t7d, It would provide developing countries with additional means for the development of their infrastructures. 175. On the other hand, I should like to reiterate our conviction that in a world of limited resources mount- ing arms expenditures represent an enormous z",aste of technical and of human resources, They should finally be brought under control. Reducing arms expenditures would undoubtedly make a substantial contribution to bridging the economic gap between developed and de- veloping countries. 176. Th~ eff0f!:~ o~ the. in,temational community to take specific, mlhtanly slgmficant and verifiable steps towards arms control and disarmament have unfortu- nately, in no way prevented the unobstru~ted con- tinuance of the arms race. The immense dangercreated by the arms race for the future existence ofmankind has not diminished. 177.. On [8 June oftpis year, the second SALTTreaty was SIgned by the UOIted States and the Soviet Union in Vienna. This was a very importantstep in the process of 14 See Report 0/ the United Nations .Conference Oil Sciellce and Technology for Development, Vienna, 20-31 August 1979 (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.79.1.21), chap. VB. 178. This positive evaluation of the second found of SALT, however, cannot make us forget that the treaty represents only a step on the way towards disarma- ment. Our satisfaction with the signing of the SALT treaty is combined with the earnest hope that the treaty will soon be ratified; and that it will be followed by further negotiations leading to a meaningful reduction of the threatening arsenals ofthe nuclear-power States. Furthermore, the second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, scheduled for next year, should serve as a timely reminder of the urgency of effective disarmament in the nuclear field. 179. We also hope that the successful completion of the second round ofSALTwill stimulate otherefforts in the military sphere aimed at the relaxation oftensions. 180. In this context we have in mind in particular the Vienna negotiations on the mutual reduction of forces inCentral Europe. After more than six years ofnegotia- tion, tangible results are essential fol' the whole of Europe. 181. We expect, moreover, that the Treaty will have positive effects on the outcome of the second follow-up meeting of the Conference on Security and Co- operation in Europe to be held next year in Madrid. There are many indications that questions relating to detente in the military field will play an important role at the Madrid meeting. Initiatives such as the plan for a European disarmament conference submitted by France and the proposals made by the Warsaw Pact States in May of this year lendjusti:fication to hopes for progress particularly in the context of initiatives for confidence-building measures. 182. Austria attaches great importance to disaJma- ment measures since we are convinced that a continued positive development of detente largely depends on success in the area of disarmament. Austria strongly believes in the policy ofdetente for which we do not see any meaningful alternative. However, without visible progress in. ~temming the arms race this policy would lose credIbIlity and would be compromised. 183. In the area ofhuman rights there is already talk of a so-called third generation of human rights. At the same time we must note with dismay that in large areas of the world not even the first generation of human rights-~ha~ i~, those basic rights flowing from the con- cept of mdlvldual freedom-have been implemented. Each day we hear of trials where the most severe penalties are handed down, without compliance with even the most elementary right ofdefence. We hear of tortu~e, expulsion and oppression. The death penalty remams a recognized practice in the criminal law sys- tems of many States. In Austria, we firmly reject that ty'pe. of punishment a~ being incompatible with human digmty and the sanctIty of human life. We hope that eff0!"1s to elim!nate universally this cruel and inhuman pUnIshment Will soon prove successful. The initiatives undertaken within the Council ofEurope are of particu- lar importance in this area. 185. This is particularly true of the millions of ref- ugees living in many parts of the world. All those ref- ugees are victims of human rights violations, both those who seek asylum as the result of racial or religious discrimination or political persecution and those persons who are denied the right to a homeland or who are forced by hunger to leave their country. 186. In Europe there are many thousands of such persons, while in the Middle East 650,000 Palestinians are stiJIliving in camps. In Africa several miJIionpeople are forced to live as refugees in miserable and often hopeless conditions. In the course of this year the ex- odus of refugees in South-East Asia caused a dramatic situation which called for immediate action. We grate- fully acknowledg~ the efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldhelm, who, prompted by that compelling situation, convened a Meeting on Refugees and Dis- placed Persons in South-East Asia in Geneva in July for the purpose ofimproving the lot of those refugees. That Me~ting had a purely humanitarian objective, which it ach.teved thanks to numerous commitments to provide assIstance. However, the political issue underlying the refugee problems remains unsolved. ] cim only repeat the appeal that I made at Geneva for respect ofthe basic rights of all persons to ensure that no one is forced to seek asylum abroad any longer. 187. At this point I should like to underline the ex- tr~OI:dlDary efforts of the United Nations High Com- mISSIOner for Refugees in carrying out his ever- increasing tasks for the alleviation ofthe lot of refugees throughout the world and to convey to him and his staff the gratitude of my Government. 188. Terrorism constitutes a serious threat to human rights, to the existing order of our societies and even to Yforld order i~self. We firmly condemn every manifesta- tIOn ofte,!o.nsm, whether it be politically motivated or pu,rely ~n~l~al. We condemn any act of terrorism by private mdlvlduals, organized groups or States. There can be no justification for terrorism whatsoever. We support all e~orts .by the international community to combat terronsm, m particular the initiatives taken in this regard by the United Nations. We are pleased to note tha~ the Ad Hoc C?mmittee. on the Drafting of an InternatlOnal Convention Agamst the Taking of Hostages has succeeded in completing a draft text [see A/34/39]. We hope that that draft will soon meet with general approval. 189. Of the many conflicts in today's world I wish to refer only to three which I consider to be representative of the many existing elsewhere: Cyprus, the Middle East and southern Africa. 191. The fact that United Nations troops have been present in Cyprus for 15 years now should induce the parties to the conflict to work harder to achieve a lasting solution satisfactory to both communities. The pres- ence of United Nations troops in Cyprus should also serve the purpose of creating the necessary conditions for a negotiated settlement. It is important that no one get the impression that the United Nations presence in Cyprus is sanctioning the status quo. 192. I should like to take this opportunity sincerely to thank the Secretary-General for his untiring efforts to mediate between the two parties to the conflict. At the same time I should like to thank all United Nations soldiers in Cyprus, as well as in the Middle East, for their contribution in support of United Nations peace- keepin~ ,?perations and to express to them our full appreciatIOn. 193. The crisis in the Middle East, owing to its com- plexity and its relation to political, economic, social, religious and human rights problems, is one ofthe most explosive and dangerous in the world. 194. We fully recognize the efforts made by Israel and Egypt, supported by the United States of America, which finally led to the conclusion of the Egyptian- Isr~li Treaty ofPeace of26 March 1979. Unfortunately we have to note that no further steps which are neces- sary for a comprehensive,just and lasting peace, based on the principles set forth in Security Council resolu- tion 242 (1967) and on the recognition of the national rights ofthe Palestinian people, have been forthcoming. 195. However, there are also positive elements in re- cent developments. We are of the impression that the PLO has modified its earlier political objectives and has thus gained a more realistic assessment of the political possibilities in the Middle East. At the same time, the mtemational community shows an increased tendency to realize that there can be no lasting peace without a just settlement of the Palestinian question. Such a set- tlement can be achieved only through direct negotia- tions with the Palestinians. The great majority ofPales- tinians today accept the PLO as their representative. The situation has evolved in such a way that negotia- tions with the Palestinian people are possible only through the PLO. It is likewise clear that who",ver is interested in learning the views of the Palestinians will also have to establish contact with the PLO. As long as the Palestinian question is not resolved and Security Council resolution 242 (1967), including the general recognition of the secure existence of the State of Israel, not fully implemented, there will be no peace in the Middle East. 1%. Since the peace efforts ofthe past two years have not produced the results we have all hoped for, it will ag!Un be the task ofthe United Nations to strengthen its efforts in this regard. Therefore, it appears to me desir- able to invite the Secretary-General to convene a forum for direct negotiations among all involved and in- terested parties. 198. The situation in South Africa gives us cause for great concern. There is little indication that the South African Government is moving away from its policy of institutionalized racial discrimination. The oppression ofthe opponents of apartheid, the banning of organiza- tions and the continuation ofthe policy ofbantustaniza- tion can only increase tensions in southern Africa and lead to tragic results. Austria condemns the policy of apartheid and advocates continued United Nations ef· forts to eliminate this form of institutionalized human rights violations. 199. Last year we had hoped that we would soon be able to welcome Namibia among the Members of the United Nations. Our hopes have again been frustrated. Nevertheless, we remain convinced that the United Nations plan for the establishment of an independent and democratic Namibia is the only feasible and prom- ising way to achieve a peaceful solution of the Nami- bian problem. We strongly appeal to all parties con· cerned to be ready to co-operate in order to make it possible for the negotiations to be resumed and suc- cessfully concluded. Austria remains ready to partici- pate actively in the implementation of the United Na- tions plan. 200. The Meeting of Heads of Government of Com- monwealth Countries, held in Lusaka last August, has brought about a new stage in the question of Southern Rhodesia. We welcome the efforts of the front-line States to facilitate solutions to the benefit of the people of Zimbabwe. We also appreciate the new initiative undertaken by the United Kingdom to reach a solution acceptable to all parties. 201. Although the picture ofthe world situation I have presented is hardly optimistic, I do not wish to join the critics of our Or~anization. On the contrary, I realize that the internatIOnal situation would be even worse without the help ofthe United Nations. A world organi- zation and a world order, as imperfect or ineffective as these may appear at this moment, are becoming in- creasingly necessary and even indispensable. The crea- tion of a new world order and universal peace and security: this is the challenge of our time. 202. While the methods and means of traditional di- plomacy may be sufficient to keep some of the great problems under control, they cannot offer lasting solu- tions. We must find new ways to resolve conflicts. Such measures are already the subject of intensive study by the scientific community, particularly in the field of peace research. 203. We should try to apply science and its perceptive capacity to the organization of international co- operation and to the cause of improving the political decision-making process. A mere fraction of the human intelligence and ability now being wasted on the de- pla~ue mankind today and which are often the root of political conflicts. I am referring in particular to prob- lems relating to energy, the exploitation ofnew technol- ogy and the protection of the environment. 205. Among these problems the question of energy appears to us of particular significance, since it is at the very centre of many issues of future economic and social development. The growth prospects ofthe world economy will to a large extent depend on the way in which we are able to deal with this problem. We feel· that especially in the field of energy there is an urgent need for a strengthened international framework for action. We believe that the United Nations would be a most suitable forum for dealing with the energy prob- lem on an overall global basis. In this context the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy to be held in 1981 in our view as- sumes special significance and importance. 206. Bearing this in mind, the Austrian Feder<!l Gov- ernment has decided to invite the United Nations to convene that Conference in Vienna. We believe that the Austrian capital, as the seat of a number of important international and United Nations organizations and agencies in the field ofenergy, industry and technology, would offer a most appropriate setting for the con- ference. 207. In accordance with its traditional policy of neu- trality, Austria wishes to live in peace and freedom with aU nations of the world. While differences in the degree and intensity of our relations stilI exist, we have suc- ceeded in establishing good and friendly relations with all countries. This applies in particular, and irrespective of their social and political system, to our neighbours and to the permanent members of the Security Council. The Austrian Government will continue to make every effort to pursue a consistent policy of detente by not ~nly ~aintaining but also further developing good rela- tIOns 10 all areas. 208. In this context, I would like to refer to the non- German-speaking ethnic groups living in Austria. We consider them as an enrichment of our cultural life. These groups serve at the same time as a bridge to neighbouring States. It is therefore our declared will and policy to guarantee the existence of these ethnic groups and to protect their language and culture. 209. It has been almost 10 years now since Austria and Italy agreed, in accordance with General Assembly resolutions 1497(XV) and 1661 (XVI), on aproposal for the solution of the question of South Tyrol. This solu- tion has been approved in a democratic way by the competent political bodies of Austria, Italy and South Tyrol. The consensus on a new arrangement for the autonomy of South Tyrol, together with the ongoing implementation of the planned measures contained in the so-called South Tyrol package, have created new possibilities for better neighbourly co-operation be- tween Austria and Italy. 211. In conclUding my statement I should like to reaf- finn Austria's strong support for the United Nations. On 23 August this year Austria handed over the Vienna International Centre to the United Nations. This will ~erve as the per:rn~ent headquarters for a number of important organIzatiOns and agencies ofthe United Na- til?~s syste.m. This shol;Ild be seen as a symbol of Aus- tna s contmued commitment to the United Nations.

Mr. President, I congratulate you on your election to the office of Presi- dent of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assem- bly. We know you as a greatly respected representative of a country with which Finland maintains a particu- larly close relationship. Under the leadership of the emment statesman, President Nyerere, the United Re- public of Tanzania has played a major role in African and in international affairs. Let me pledge you the full support of the Finnish delegation in your important task. 213. May I also extend a warm welcome to the newest Member of the United Nations, Saint Lucia. 214. We come to this rostrum to speak in the name of our Governments. We do so because the United Na- tions is an Organization of sovereign States. Yet Gov- ernments represent peoples, and it was in the name of those peoples that the United Nations was founded. As representatives of Governments, we should base our action on the hopes and aspirations of our peoples. 215. Individuals, today's youth inparticular, perceive the future as uncertain, even as frightening. Despite the efforts to achieve progress in arms limitations and disarmament, the arms race continues. Although there is consensus about the imperative need to solve the problems of under-development and poverty, the gap between the poor and the nch is widening. The wasteful use of scarce natural resources and the deterioration of the human environment endanger the basic living conditions of the present generation and of future generations. 216. There is a widespread feeling today that the world is adrift, and time does not seem to work for us. 217. First of all, this uncertainty is increased by the fact that the positive trends of detente and disarma- ment-only recently so clearly discernible-seem to be losing their momentum. Disarmament, while yielding some significant results, is put in jeopardy by the con- comitant intensification ofthe arms race. This threatens the results achieved in tenns of enhanced security for the parties themselves and for the world at large. At the same time, it represents an added economic burden on nations and individuals. Patterns of peaceful co- operation based on detente are in danger of being eroded. The use of force is on the increase between nations as well as within them. 219. Thirdly, industrial growth threatens to lead to an increasing use of non-renewable resources, putting a heavy burden on the environment. Energy in particular is a case in point; all available energy alternatives that are quantitatively significant have detrimental effects on the human environment. 220. Since they are faced with this situation, the be- wilderment and deep anxiety of individuals in all our countries is not only understandable, it is justified. This is a reality that the Governments here at the United Nations have to take into account. 221. What we need is a clear sense of purpose and direction. To control its future, the world community must have an effective international machinery. Be- cause of its universality, the United Nations is in a unique position for harmonizing the actionofnations on the key issues ofour time, whether political, economic, social or environmental. 222. In view of the vast challenges before us, we must ensure the efficiency of the world Organization. There- fore we must be prepared to examine ways to improve both the structures and the procedures of the United Nations system, its peace-making and peace-keeping capabilities in particular. 223. The signing of the SALT Treaty between the Soviet Union and the United States is an encouraging development, although it is a partial and limited meas- ure_ It should be implemented without delay. If it is succeeded by subsequent qualitative and quantitative limitations of nuclear weapons, the Treaty will be a significant step towards making the world safer from the outbreak of a nuclear war. The Talks are an indis- pensable contribution to the process of detente. We hope that the SALT Treaty will prove a further con- tribution to that end, and particularly to the relations between the two leading nuclear Powers. 224. In all disarmament negotiations, new approaches are needed. As weapons become ever more sophistica- ted, negotiations to limit them face danger of getting trapped in a morass of analyses and comparisons of their technical properties. The use and purpose of a weapon and its lmpact on over-all security, rather than its technical qualities, should be given more weight in negotiations. 225. My Government is a consistent supporter of all efforts to stop the spread of nuclear weapons and has made several initiatives in this field. We have voiced our concern over developments that we have con- sidered contrary to these efforts. We have been particu- larly concerned about the prospect of nuclear weapons in regions where; peace and security are already in jeopardy. Recent indications that an increasing number ofGovernments in the world's areas ofconflict might be pursuing a nuclear weapons capability are a forceful reminder of this danger. We believe that the Treaty on 226. The General Assembly has repeatedly called for a co~prehensive test ban, as it has for a treaty on chemlcal weapons. We regret that, despite certain ad- vances, neither, of these important goals has yet been reached. In splte of these disappointments, there is reason to welcome the recent steps towards a treaty on radiological weapons. 227. Our own continent, Europe, seems perilously close to yet another, even wider, round of arms build- up, both nuclear and conventional. All efforts should be made to avert this danger. Thus, the talks in Vienna should be intensified. Further, the recent initiatives to approach disarmament in Europe on a continental scale should be given more consideration than they have received. 228. The negotiations, whether regional or global, sho~]d be urgently broadened to deal with weapons, particularly nuclear weapons, at present outside their s,cope.. As a contr~bution to the solution of arms- lImItatIon problems In Europe, Finland has pursued the suggestion that President Kekkonen made in May 1978 on a Nordic arms control arrangement designed at the same time to keep the Nordic region outside nuclear strategic speculations. 229. In Europe, despite uncertainties in many fields and areas, the community of interest in security and co-operation has generally remained stable and bal- anced _The process of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Eurofe, highlighted by the signing of the Helsinki Final Act 5 over four years ago by the high representatives of 35 participating States, has con- tinued. The recently growing interest of States partici- pants in the Conference in confidence-building has focused the attention of Governments on more direct and immediate factors of security. These signs of in- terest and political will, together with consistent efforts towards the full implementation of the Helsinki Final Act, would give reason to approach the second foUow- up meeting to be held in Madrid in 1980 with expecta- tions of substantial results. 230. The future of Europe in a changing world cannot be founded on power politics and continuing armament but must, rather, be founded on tolerance of diversity and willingness to compromise and to seek solutions based on co-operation. This pattern, represented by the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. cannot, perhaps, constItut~a ~o.del in a larger interna- tional context. But the baSIC spmt-anapproach based on the indivisibility of security and mutual interdepen- dence-reflects a broader trend in the nature ofintei-na- tional relations in which responsibility is shared and a common interest is jointly recognized. This spirit is needed in the United Nations also, 231. This thirty-fourth session of the General AsseITl- 232. The goal of the United Nations in the Middle East is to establish ajust and lasting peace. This presup- poses that all Governments and parties concerned will commit themselves to the search for peace in the re- gion. Time itself does not work in favour of ajust and durable peace in the Middle East. The Finnish Govern- ment had expressed the hope that the Treaty of Peace between Israel and Egypt would promote the achieve- ment ofa comprehensive settlement. Such a settlement alone can bring ajust and lasting peace to the region. It is the well-known and unchanged position of my Gov- ernment that a comprehensive solution to the Middle East conflict must be based on Security Council resolu- tions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). Further, the solution requires recognition of the legitimate rights ofthe Pales- timans, including their right to national self-determina- tion. The Palestinians must be fully involved in any settlement and be able to participate in its negotiation. Israel has to withdraw from Arab territories occupied in 1967. Likewise, it is imperative that the right of Israel and its neighbours to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries be guaranteed. 233. It is essential that all parties to the conflict dem- onstrate a spirit of accomodation and moderation and avoid measures that would further complicate the peace efforts. The Finnish Government deplores in particular the failure of the Government of Israel to abide by United Nations resolutions with regard to settlements in occupied Arab territories. 234. The cycle of violence in southern Lebanon has seriously endangered the safety of the civilian popula- tion and has hindered implementation ofthe mandate of UNIFIL. The Finnish Government fully supports res- toration of the authority and sovereignty of the Gov- ernment of Lebanon over its territory. 235. While the search for peace goes on, the United Nations peace-keeping forces in southern Lebanon, on the Golan Heights and in Cyprus continue to play an invaluable role in the maintenance of international peace and security. Their presence, which must not be a substitute for the peaceful settlement of these con- flicts, should be fully utilized by the parties for peace- ma.kin~. These operations put a heavy burden on the OrganIzation, and particularly on the troop- contributing countries. The General Assembly should therefore bear in mind the need further to strengthen the peace-keeping capabilities of the United Nations. This would also help the Organization to respond more efficiently to new demands that it carry out peace- keeping operations. 236. The situation in southern Africa is perhaps the gravest challenge to the capacity and, indeed, to the very credibility of the United Nations. The policy of apartheid is at the core of the problems in the area. PU~sU1t of the practice of that doctrine in the face of umve~sal c01!d~mnation. Systematic violations of hu- man nghts wlthm South Africa itself and acts of armed violencC? against neighbouring countries are inherent in that polIcy. As long as it continues, the United Nations has,no alternative ~ut to increase international pressure agamst South Afnca. The Nordic countries will con- tinue their active involvement in this work. 237. As f~r Finland, we still maintain a degreeofhope for a. ne~otIated settlement aimed at majority rule and genume mdependence in both Namibia and Zimbabwe. This is so not only because of our general conviction that international conflicts should be solved by peaceful means but also because we sincerely believe that nego- tiations are the best and most realistic method of seek- ing independence for those countries in a way that is acceptable to the international community. It is obvi- ous that the sanctions imposed on Rhodesia by the Security Council must be maintained until an interna- tionally acceptable solution has been reached. 238. It is against this background that we continue to give 0!1r support to the ongoing efforts to implement the Secunty Council plan for the independence ofNamibia and welcome the initiative of her Majesty's Govern- ment in the United Kingdom, endorsed by the Com- monwealth countries, to bring all the parties directly involved in the Rhodesian issue to the Rhodesia Con- stitutional Conference in London. These recent de- velopments are encouraging but, at the same time, they may very well be the last chance to achieve peaceful solutions. Were it not for the patience and statesmanlike flexibility shown by the front-line States and other African countries, there would exist no such chance at all. 239. Finland, together with the other Nordic coun- tries, has declared its readiness to assist in the process of transition towards the independence ofNamibia and Rhodesia. That commitment stands. 240. The Government of Finland, on the basis of its Nordic traditions of freedom, solidarity and justice, stands ready to support effective international respect for human rights. I have had the occasion to state from this rostrum the view of my Government that human rights are a matter of importance for peace and good relations between States. This applies with equal em- phasis to all human rights, civil and political as well as economic, social and cultural. It applies also to the work being done, particularly now, during ~e Interna- tional Year of the Child, to secure the el\loyment of human rights for children, the generations ofthe future. 241. The plight of r~fugeesis ~:me aspect ofthe general question of human nghts, WhiCh has recently been at the centre ofattention because ofevents ifol South-.East Asia. It is encouraging to note that ~he mt~matlOJ?al community has been able to take actIOn qUlc~IY With respect to the sitl;lation o~ refugees and displaced persons in that region, partlc~larlY as a. result Qf the Geneva Meeting in July of thiS year. ThiS shows that co-ordinated steps can be agreed to on a l~rge scal~ and that they can produce co~crete results 10 matters of international human concern. 243. On the threshold of the 1980s the international community seems to have accepted the fact that there can be no return to the old economic order which has prevailed since the Second World War. Despite its ob- vious short-comings, that order at least bore the sem- blance of being based on a set of established ground rules. At present, rampant inflation, the threat ofworld- wide recession, the glaring contradictions of waste and want, all point in one direction. The current turmoil in the world economy must be resolved by the establish- ment ofa New International Economic Order reflecting these new economic realities. Otherwise, we shall run the risk of losing whatever control we may still have over the international economy. But the New Interna- tional Economic Order must also reflect long-term con· siderations of central importance, in particular with respect to the rational use of the world's finite natural resources and the preservation of man's environment, which are the key questions in all global economic and social planning. 244. The world community is also beginning to realize that the establishment ofsuch a new order is not possi- ble without necessary adjustments in the production and consumption patterns in all countries. It is im- portant to perceive these inescapable adjustments as a continuous process. In Finland, adjustments to chang- ing conditions in the international economy through structural changes in production remain an essential element of our economic tradition, which is based on a market economy. Against this background, my Gov- 245. The proposals which emerged from the recent Conference of non-aligned countries and which were further considered in the Committee of the Whole Es· tablished under General Assembly Resolution 32/174 are, in our view, a valuable contribution to this process ofnegotiation. My Government has repeatedly stressed that global issues, such as energy, should as far as possible be debated in global forums. The time has lUc!eed come to formulate instruments of economic and social policy for the rest of this century. The main instrument in the United Nations must be the interna· tional development strategy for the 1980s. In this con· text we welcome all initiatives which sincerely aim at an open and universal dialogue on the most pressing and immediate problems of the world economy and which hold the promise ofproviding the international commu- nity with unity of purpose on economic matters. 246. The mfst important task ofthe United Nations in the 1980s wi! be the promotion ofdetente and disarma· ment, and the realization of a New International Economic Order in accordance with sound ecological principles. We must focus our action not only on ourselves but also on the coming generations. 247. Our principal concern should be the individual human being, his welfare, his dignity and the quality of his life. In short, our task is to implement the ideals of the Charter of the United Nations.