A/35/PV.104 General Assembly

The question of Namibia is an old one which has been debated in the United Nations since 1946. Although many years have elapsed since that time, we see that so far the United Nations has not succeeded in finding any solution to this problem.in spite of the many resolutions which have been adopted on this subject. This shows that the international community has not succeeded in coun- tering the policy of defiance and illegality adopted by the racist Government of South Africa. The Mem- bers of the Organization have officially undertaken to help the people of Namibia, to defend its interests 56. My delegation condemns South Africa's refusal to withdraw from Namibia, particularly because of the intransigence of that country and its maneeuvrings at the meeting in Geneva regarding the implementa- tion of the United Nations plan for the granting of independence to Namibia, which led tothe failure of that meeting. That is why we call on all countries in the world, and particularly the Western countries, to adopt a firm and positive position in the General Assembly and the Security Council, to condemn South Africa and to apply Chapter VII of the Char- ter. We call also for their continued material, moral and political assistance to the people of Namibia in its struggle against the illegal occupation of the region by South Africa. 57. It appears that South Africa believes it can pursue with impunity its policy of defiance of the will of the international community. As long as South Africa receives assistance and support from certain countries, we shall have no choice but to call on those countries to halt their political and economic assistance to South Africa so as to bring it into line with the international will. 58. The decision of the General Assembly to refuse the presence of the delegation of South Africa shows that it is abiding by the will of the international com- munity to apply international principles and rules. 59. The report of the United Nations Council for Namibia [A/35/24 and Corr.I and 2], the report of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [see A/35/23/Rev.l i concerning Namibia, and the various reports submitted by the Secretary-General relating to measures taken in accordance with Secu- rity Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978) pro- vide a positive framework for the efforts of the inter- national community to support the right of the Namibian people to achieve independence. We sup- port all the recommendations in those reports. 60. The United Arab Emirates condemns South Africa and its occupation of Namibia. We condemn it because it refuses to comply with the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly. We also condemn all South Africa's maneeuvres aimed at imposing an internal settlement in Namibia not in keeping with the principles and objectives of the 62. My country's position on this question is firm and unalterable. We have reiterated it many times in international conferences and bodies, and it can be summed up as follows. First, the political solution to the question of Namibia must lead to an end to the illegal occupation by the Government of South Africa and must force that Government to withdraw its arme.d. fo~ce~ fr?m Nam~bia so that that country may exercise Its inalienable right to self-determination and independence. Secondly, free elections under the control of the United Nations must be held in Nami- bia, including Walvis Bay, in accordance with Secu- rity Council resolution 385 (1976). Thirdly, SWAPO is .t~e sole lawful representati~e of the people of Na- mibia, and we are deeply convinced that a solution to the problem of Namibia cannot be found without its participation. Fourthly, the United Nations must shoulder its direct responsibilities for the people of Namibia so long as it has not achieved self-determi- nation and national independence. 63. Finally, I should like to reaffirm that the United Arab Emirates will continue its political, material and moral support for the people of Namibia and its sole lawful representative, SWAPO, until final victory leads to the establishment "f a free and sovereign State.

Ever since it was first established, the United Nations has had to deal with the question of Namibia, or South West Africa, as the Territory was then called. Although the Territory has not yet gained its independence, as a result of threee decades of continuous and tireless efforts in this world body the interrational community has reached a consensus on a number of points which could provide the basis for a just and lasting solution to this question. There is general agreement, for example, on the illegality of the continued presence of the South African authorities in Namibia and that consequently all acts by the Government of South Africa concerning Namibia are illegal and null and void. Further, there is a consensus on the need to hold free and fair elections under the supervision and con- trol of the United Nations so that all the people of Namibia, as a single political entity, can freely deter- mine their own future. These elements are embodied in Security Council resolution 385 (1976). 65. In April 1978 the five Western countries then serving on the Security Council announced a settle- ment proposal in accordance with the provisions of Security Council resolution 385 (1976), which raised the expectation that Namibia would at long last achieve independence. This proposal was the prod- uct of lengthy discussions with both South Africa and SWAPO, as well as with other parties concerned, in particular, the front-line States. In September of that year the Security Council, with its resolution 435 1978), endorsed the Secretary-General's implemen- tation plan for the settlement proposal and decided to 67. We remind the Government of South Africa once again of the fact that it declared its readiness to respect the territorial integrity of Namibia and to allow the Namibian people to exercise their right to self-determination and gain their independence. ~urther, South Africa accepted the proposal of the five Western countries which prescribes the modality of the peaceful transition to independence under the supervision and control of the United Nations. Re- grettably, the Government of South Africa has not proceeded to an early solution of the question. 68. As part of the latest round of efforts to break this deadlock, in October 1980 the Secretary-General once again dispatched a team to South Africa; his report is contained in document S/l4266. 1 My dele- gation unreservedly supports this report, which con- ~aIns a well-balanced consideration of the conflicting Interests. Also, the report proposed a pre-implernen- tation meeting, which was recently convened at Geneva, as a means of facilitating an agreement on a date for a cease-fire and implementing the settlement proposal, and of creating the necessary climate of confidence and understanding. 69. I should like to express my delegation's deep appreciation of the efforts exerted by the Secretary- General and the team led by Mr. Brian Urquhart in prepanng and conducting the meeting. Recognition should also be given to SWAPO, the front-line States Nigeria, the OAU and the countries of the Wester~ contact group for the invaluable efforts they made to achieve the objectives of the meeting. 70. In ~pite of these serious efforts, as well as the ~xpectatlOn that Namibia would certainly achieve Independence by the end of this year in accordance with. Security Council resolution 435 (1978), the meeting at Geneva failed to attain its objectives. A detailed description of the pre-implernentation meeting is included in the report of the Secretary- General concerning the implementation of Security Council resolutions 435 (1978) and 439 (1978), of 19 January 1981.2 My Government examined this report with great interest and utmost care. 71. Regardless of the over-all outcome of the meeting, we should not overlook the fact that it provided all 72. Unfortunately, however, because of the intran- sigent attitude of South Africa, the meeting had to be adjourned without reaching an agreement on a date for a cease-fire. Thus v.e are confronted with the re- grettable situation wl ereby yet another round of endeavour is required before a peaceful and interna- tionally acceptable solution of the Namibian ques- tion can be achieved. 73. My delegation strongly deplores the position of South Africa and would like to know under what conditions or circumstances it would finally agree to set a date for a cease-fire. If the South African author- ities are trying to buy more time in order to consolidate the position of the so-called internal parties in Nami- bia, it must be pointed out that such an attempt not only diminishes chances for a peaceful solution but also seriously exacerbates the difficulties. 74. As the Secretary-General has pointed out in his report, the outcome of the meeting at Geneva must give rise to the most serious international concern. Once again my delegation joins him in urging the Gov- ernment of South Africa to review as soon as pos- sible the implications of the meeting and to recon- sider its position with regard to resolution 435 (1978) so that this precious opportunity to achieve a long- awaited an internationally acceptable solution will not be lost. 75. Japan has consistently supported and highly valued the efforts of the five Western countries in seeking a solution to this problem, as demonstrated in particular by their settlement proposal, the adop- tion of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and their initiatives for conciliation and mediation. Japan earnestly hopes that such efforts will be continued. In the deliberations at this resumed session, con- structive efforts should be made to achieve our com- mon goal of the early realization of independence through peaceful means by avoiding unnecessary conflicts and disagreement among Member States. My delegation would encourage those parties closely concerned to renew their efforts in the hope ofbreaking the current deadlock so that an early implementation of resolution 435 (1978) may be secured. As a member of the Security Council, Japan intends to co-operate to the maximum extent with every effort towards the earliest possible achievement of Namibian indepen- dence. 76. Indeed, the Government of Japan has been co-operating to the best of its ability with the joint efforts of the international community. I wish at this time to reiterate some of the measures which the Government of Japan has taken in this regard. 77. First, Japan has prohibited direct investment in Namibia by Japanese nationals or corporate bodies under its jurisdiction, and it will continue to do so. No Japanese national is participating in the manage- ment of any enterprise in Namibia. 79. Thirdly, as a "art of our contribution to the United Nations efforts to ensure Namibia's peaceful transition to independence, my country has made it clear that when UNTAG is established, Japan will take an active part in its operations by providing ci- vilian experts to supervise elections as well as to join in the necessary logistic support. It is our earnest hope that UNTAG will be established and start func- tioning in the near future. 80. Fourthly, as regards our support of the Nami- bian people both in their ongoing struggle for inde- pendence and in their preparations for nation-building once independence is achieved, Japan has made vol- untary contributions to the United Nations Fund for Namibia, the Trust Fund for the United Nations Institute for Namibia and the United Nations Educa- tional and Training Programme for Southern Africa. Japan's contributions to those funds have steadily increased, with last year's contribution amounting to $US360,000. In view of the crucial importance of human resources development in preparing for inde- pendence, my Government will increase its voluntary contribution to the Trust Fund for the United Nations Institute for Namibia by more than 25 per cent in fis- cal year 1981, subject to the approval of the national Diet. 81. My delegation reaffirms its intention to continue to co-operate with the United Nations in pursuing our common goal of the early realization of Namibia's independence through peaceful means. Japan will make every possible effort to extend, through the United Nations, its co-operation to the people of Na- mibia and will continue to extend co-operation through- out the period of nation-building following the achieve- ment of Namibia's independence. 82. In this connexion I should like to make some comments on the report of the United Nations Coun- cil for Namibia, which its President very ably and eloquently introduced at the 103rd meeting and which well describes the active role the Council plays in administering various programmes relating to Na- mibia and in mobilizing world opinion. My delegation attaches great importance to the United Nations Council for Namibia and commends its efforts to- wards the early realization of Namibian indepen- dence. However, my delegation has reservations on some parts of the report, in particular those related to support for armed struggle. It is Japan's steadfast conviction that any international conflict and dispute must be resolved not by the use or threat of force but by peaceful means. Therefore we cannot support any armed struggle even in the settlement of the Namibian question. 83. I have just presented the position which Japan has consistently upheld in regard to Namibia. I can only add that if the intransigent attitude of South Africa results in the failure of the international com- munity's efforts, the international community will tries and Peoples. The basic question in the case of Namibia is how expeditiously we can achieve this end so that the people of Namibia can rightfully pursue their destiny without any further bloodshed. 86. The convening of the Geneva pre-implementa- tion talks rekindled our hopes that the decolonization of Namibia could be achieved through peaceful means. It is unfortunate that the racist leadership of South Africa chose the path of intransigence and missed a great opportunity to bring about a peaceful transition to the freedom of Namibia. It has been cor- rectly observed by Mr. Sam Nujoma, the President of SWAPO, during a press conference at Geneva on 12 January 1981, that the South African regime has in the course of more than three years of nego ...ations deliberately placed one obstacle after another in the way of the implementation of Security Council reso- lution 435 (1978). It has raised innumerable objections to everyone of the Secretary-General's reports, and as each of its demands has been met it has raised a new one, every time injecting issues that are extra- neous to the negotiations. 87. We congratulate the far-sighted leadership of SWAPO for its readiness to sign a cease-fire and to agree to a target date for the arrival of UNTAG in Namibia, but we also share the frustrations of all peace-loving nations over South Africa's railure to make a similar commitment regarding its willingness to sign a peace treaty and to agree to a firm date for the beginning of the process of the implementation of the relevant Security Council resolutions. 88. My delegation deeply appreciates the efforts of the Secretary-General to bring an end to the tragedy which is Namibia. We cannot but put on record our appreciation also of the patient efforts of the front- line States and Nigeria. 89. It is unfortunate that South Africa continues illegally to occupy Namibia, in defiance of the rele- vant resolutions of the United Nations and the opin- ions of the International Court of Justice. South Africa has persistently refused to recognize the United Nations Council for Namibia and has prevented the Council, which is in fact the legal Administering Authority of the Territory until independence, from entering .the Territory. It is a paradox that today South Africa questions the "impartiality" of the _I See A/AC.131/L.163. 94. For the first time in many years, at the thirty- fifth session of the General Assembly, the question of Southern Rhodesia did not appear on the agenda. We must do everything in our power to remove from the agenda of the next session, the thirty-sixth, the question of Namibia as well. 95. At the same time, a particular feature of the present stage of the development of events in south- ern Africa is that the formation of independent Africa is taking place in circumstances of ever-increasing struggle. The forces of national liberation and progress are being resisted by the forces of colonialism, racism and imperialism, which are striving to curb this irre- versible process and even to reverse the course of history. In his report Mr. Brezhnev made the fol- lowing point, with regard to these forces of social retrogression: "With utter contempt for the rights and aspira- tions of nations, they are trying to portray the lib- eration struggle of the masses as 'terrorism'. In- deed, they have set out to achieve the unachievable -to set up a barrier to the progressive changes in the world and once again to become the rulers of peoples' destiny." 96. This, then, is the context in which we should today view the problem of Namibia, a context of a sharp and fundamental clash between two tenden- cies-the anti-colonialist and the neo-colonialist. 97. It is in Namibia and, indeed, in South Africa itself that we find the quintessence of the inhuman system of exploiting and oppressing the indigenous population, and operating in defence of that system we find the whole machinery of repression, armed to the teeth and relying on all the military might of the Western world. 98. For scores of years of their illegal occupation, the South African racists have been converting Na- mibia into a preserve of colonialism and apartheid. On the one hand, we have a handful of white exploit- ers prospering through plunder and violence, and, on the other hand, we have the African majority lan- guishing in poverty and stripped of their rights. 99. The United Nations Council for Namibia, under the chairmanship of the Ambassador of Zambia, Mr. Lusaka, has done a great deal of important work in exposing the crimes committed by the South Afri- can racists and the Western monopolies in Namibia and has done a great deaf to rally world public opinion to the side of the struggle against these crimes and the IOl. In order to maintain the inhumanly exploited population of Namibia in a state of obedience, the Pretoria regime brutally mistreats the indigenous inhabitants of the Territory on a massive scale, espe- cially the patriots who oppose the colonial racist regime. 102. The breaking up of rallies and demonstrations, firing upon participants in them, imprisonments with- out trial, the use of hired killers and the incitement of tribal enmities, the encouragement and installation of inhuman regimes obedient to the Pretoria regime -this is the policy by means of which South Africa is keepii.g its grip 0\1 Namibia. 103. In recent years there has been a sharp inten- sification of the military occupation of Namibia: more than 70,000 South African soldiers and police are now in that Territory, and this army is waging a veritable war against the indigenous inhabitants of Namibia. 104. The colonialist racist regime established in Namibia has attracted there many Western compa- nies which are plundering the rich mineral resources of the Territory and earning unprecedented profits, which they take out of the country. In spite of the decisions of the United Nations, foreign companies are continuing to widen their exploitation of the nat- ural resources of Namibia. 105. In this barbarous exploitation of the natural and human resources of Namibia by transnational monopolies, we find one of the reasons that a number of Western Powers, although in words they some- times censure the actions and policy of the Govern- ment of South Africa in Namibia, in practice support the racist regime of Pretoria and co-operate closely with it. South Africa has been and remains for them a close and valuable ally politically, economically and militarily. They view South Africa as a bastion of the West in the fight against the national liberation movement and as a base for neo-colonialist opera- tions against independent Africa. 106. Thanks to the broad and comprehensive sup- port of North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] 107. However, neither the cruel exploitation by the colonialists nor the latest weapons used by its tor- mentors can break the will of the Namibian people to attain genuine independence. 108. The colonialist policy of the South African racists is encountering ever more vigorous resistance from the people of Namibia, which has no intention of resigning itself to oppression. Having assumed leadership of the liberation struggle of the Namibian people, SWAPO has won trust and widespread sup- port from the population of the country and from many far beyond its borders. SWAPO has become the acknowledged leader of the Namibian people, capable of assuming responsibility for solving any problems related to the attainment of independence and to leadership of the country. The international authority of SWAPO has been consolidated; it is re- cognized by the United Nations and the OAU as the sole legitimate and authentic representative of the Namibian people. 109. In condemning the cruel punitive operations of South Africa within Namibia, we wanted to stress particularly the fact that the rulers in Pretoria are making wide use of the Territory of Namibia as a military springboard for aggression and acts of provo- cation against neighbouring independent African States. They are trying to intimidate the peoples of those countries, to compel them to give up their assis- tance to the national liberation movements in south- ern Africa. 110. The aggressive actions of the Pretoria racists against neighbouring countries have been repeatedly condemned by the Security Council as a flagrant vio- lation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of independent African States and as a direct threat to international peace and security. However, despite all United Nations decisions and the urgent demands of the international community, the apartheid regime is continuing these acts of armed aggression. And this is demonstrated by the continuation, in the most recent weeks and days, indeed, of acts of banditry by the racist military clique against Angola and Mo- zambique, and also against other front-line States. But by acting in this fashion, the South African racists are playing with fire, and this is something that must be made absolutely and abundantly clear today. Ill. The United Nations-its Security Council and General Assembly-has adopted quite a few highly authoritative decisions on the question of Namibia. These decisions have confirmed that South Africa is illegally occupying the Territory of Namibia. The military actions of Pretoria against the people of Na- mibia and neighbouring States are viewed by the United Nations as acts of aggression. The inalienable right of the people of Namibia to fight for freedom, independence and self-determination by all the means at its disposal, including armed struggle, has also been repeatedly recognized by the OAU and the United Nations. The United Nations in its decisions has recognized and repeatedly confirmed that the 112. The United Nations has repeatedly stressed in its decisions that the policy pursued in Namibia by the racist South African regime has created a serious threat to peace and security. This threat becomes ever more ominous in the light of the fact that at the present time South Africa possesses the potential for creating its own nuclear weapons. Accordingly, a vastly greater threat is posed, not only to the security of the countries of the African continent, but, indeed, to the cause of international security as a whole. lB. The specific situation in which the present dis- cussion of the question of Namibia is going on is the following. Over the two and a half years that have elapsed since the adoption of Security Council reso- lution 435 (1978), the Pretoria regime has been im- posing endless talks on the United Nations-or, rather, the appearance of talks. It has kept on im- posing new conditions, with the clear aim of playing for time, in order to consolidate the puppet regime it has set up in Namibia and to thwart implementation of United Nations demands for the granting of gen- uine independence for Namibia. In pursuing this course, the South African racists have been relying -let us not mince words, and we must not do that today-have been relying on the position of Western countries which, in response to the appeals of Afri- can countries for them to exert pressure on their South African partner, have been getting away with empty talk. The culmination of these manceuvres and this procrastination by South Africa and the Western Powers was the convening at Geneva of the so-called pre-irnplementation meeting. And, as was to be expected, it was a total failure. The same South Afri- can racists are continuing their dilatory policy in order to play for time and to guarantee a neo-colonial- ist solution to the Namibian problem. And here again they are being supported by the very same Western countries from which we hear appeals for patience and reflection. However, we should not wait any longer, which is why all those who truly favour genuine inde- pendence for Namibia are now proposing the earliest possible implementation of effective measures to force South Africa to comply with United Nations resolutions on the granting. of genuine independence to Namibia. To that end there is, in particular, the demand that the Security Council apply against South Africa comprehensive and binding sanctions, under Chapter VII of the Charter. That decision was taken by the Co-ordinating Committee for the Liberation of Africa at the meeting at Arusha in January of this year, and the Foreign Ministers of the non-aligned countries said more or less the same thing. at the New Delhi Conference in February this year. 114. The Soviet Union has always been, and re- mains, a faithful ally of the African States, which, having thrown off the shackles of colonial oppression, are continuing to wage a fierce struggle for the final elimination of colonialism and racism in order to overcome the consequences of colonialism and in order to consolidate their independence and develop their national economies and cultures. It is appro- priate to point out in this regard that in his report to 122. On the other hand, the delegation of Venezuela would like to express its appreciation of the respon- sible and constructive attitude of SWAPO, which has shown itself ready to negotiate at all times, despite the provocations to which it was subjected during the Geneva meeting by the South African racists. We should like to extend our expression of gratitude to the front-line States and Nigeria, which attended the meeting as observers. 11( The Soviet Union wishes to express its solidar- ity with the people of Namibia and firmly supports it in its struggle, under the leadership of SWAPO, for freedom and genuine independence. It has rendered and will contihue to render to that people compre- hensive-yes, comprehensive-assistance and sup- port in this just struggle, in compliance with the deci- sions of the United Nations on this subject. 123. It is of course also true that the failure is not the sole responsibility of the racist regime of South Africa, since we all know that it could not persist in its sinister actions without the support of some of the countries that we have repeatedly denounced in the past, which share in the profits of the illegal exploita- tion of the human and natural resources of Namibia. Some of those countries have also disregarded the mandatory arms embargo imposed on South Africa by the Security Council and are continuing to supply weapons and military equipment, which have been used ruthlessly against the people of Namibia to deny it its rights to self-determination, freedom and inde- pendence. 117. We earnestly favour the adoption by the Gen- eral Assernblv at this session of a decision aimed at ensuring genuine independence for Namibia as early as possible. 118. In the view of the Soviet delegation the draft resolutions prepared by the United Nations Council for Namibia, of which the USSR is a member, have outlined the proper course for further action on the part of the Security Council and other United Nations organs in order to halt the racist occupation of Nami- bia and to grant that country genuine independence as soon as possible. The application by the Security Council of comprehensive and binding sanctions against South Africa, pursuant to Chapter VII of the Charter, would be an extremely effective step in that direction, and the Soviet delegation fully sup- ports that proposal. 124. In the meantime, the racist regime of Pretoria is continuing to launch unprovoked attacks and other acts of aggression against independent African coun- tries, thus posing a serious threat to international peace and security.

The delegation of Venezuela, in participating once again in the con- sideration of the question of Namibia, is fully con- vinced that to continue to support the cause of the Namibian people is to continue to support the cause of the United Nations. Venezuela is once again partici- pating in the consideration of the question of Namibia with an even greater commitment to the early exercise of self-determination, freedom and independence by the people of Namibia. 125. An opportunity was lost in Geneva, perhaps the very last, to bring about a negotiated settlement of the problem. Since the Geneva meeting the Narni- bian people have no option other than to step up its armed struggle and pursue it to the end. Our delega- tion believes that the patience of the international community is also at an end. We believe that the United Nations should spare neither determination nor resources to bring about the independence of Namibia. We regret that reason did not prevail in re- solving the situation in Namibia. With those efforts at an end, the international community is morally obliged to seek the urgent convening of the Security Council to impose broad and binding sanctions on the racist regime of South Africa, pursuant to Chapter VII of the Charter, in order to ensure compliance with the resolutions and decisions of the United Nations on Namibia and to put an end to the illegal colonial occupation by South Africa of the Territory. 120. As a member of the United Nations Council for Namibia my delegation has followed closely and with unflagging interest and concern the efforts of the international community to bring about a negotiated solution of the problem. 121. We should therefore like to express our pro- found disappointment at the recent failure of the Ge- 150. In Senegal's view, we have to strengthen the powers of the United Nations Council for Namibia. That Council remains the legal Administering Author- ity in Namibia so long as Namibia has not attained genuine independence. It is working strenuously to strip the Government of South Africa of the illegal representation of the Territory which it is trying to assume. In this connexion the Council deserves the complete support of all the Members of the Organi- zation. 151. We also have to give SWAPO, the sole and genuine liberation movement of the Namibian people, in accordance with the decisions of the Co-ordinating Committee for the Liberation of Africa, all material, moral, diplomatic and military assistance to allow it effectively to achieve the aspirations of the Namibian people to genuine independence within a united Na- mibia. It is fit.ing here to welcome the spirit of initia- tive, open-rnindedness, co-operation and conciliation -in a word, th~ political maturity-demonstrated by SWAPO throughout the exercise that led to the settlement plan adopted by the Security Council and, more recently, at Geneva, where it agreed to sign a cease-fire and promote the work of UNTAG in Na- mibia. 152. Senegal, along with the OAU, supports the appeal made by the non-aligned countries to the Security Council to consider mandatory sanctions against South Africa under Chapter VI! of the Char- ter, for constant violations by the South African regime of the principles set forth in the Charter justify the taking of forceful measures against it in order to compel it to abide by the Charter. 153. The resumption of the thirty-fifth session comes at a time when the United Nations is cele- brating the twentieth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Coun- tries and Peoples, contained in resolution 1514 (XV). Senegal hopes that the decisions we shall adopt at the current session will at last meet the hopes that the valiant Namibian people have placed in us, "the peo- ples of the United Nations". S Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence uf South Afric . in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Se- curity Council Resolution 276 (\970), Advisory Opinion. l.C.J. Reports 1971, p. 16.