A/35/PV.110 General Assembly

As in so many of the discussions on the question of Namibia which the Assembly has been obliged to undertake over the past 35 years, it will again not be easy to assess what. if anything, is achieved by this debate now drawing to its close. This is no fault of the Organization. How- ever, in the view of my delegation at least two desirable things have been achieved: in the first place, the majority of the members of the Assembly at the outset of this debate were afforded an opportunity to demon- strate deep abhorrence of the reprehensible and evil racist regime in Pretoria when the credentials of the delegation of that minority regime were rejected once again by the Assembly. 2. FeT many of us, especially the African States, it was a cause for regret that many States with which we have ties of friendship and whose concepts of justice, law and fair play we share could not bring 'themselves to show practical concern and support for Africa on this all-important question. The rules of the General Assembly, the Charter of the United Nations. respect for the principles of international law-all of these, we were told, had to be respected. Of course. we fully respect the views of all the Members of the United Nations. But as a result of such a stand being taken-a stand which South Africa has already inter- preted as endorsement of its apartheid system at the very time when new and needed stress is being placed on checking and stamping out international terrorism- we feel that an opportunity was lost to rebuff an outstanding international terrorist State of today. NEW YORK 3. No bona fide supporter of the Organization and the principles laid down in the Charter can be opposed to the need to check terrorism in the international arena. Once the question of who is a terrorist is answered-and most of us would wish to see the causes of that terrorism addressed simultaneously with the efforts aimed at its cure-we could not quarrel with any determined efforts aimed at frustrating terrorism; on the contrary, we would welcome and support those efforts. We would do so because the real issue-indeed, the only issue-involved here is sup- port for the establishment of an international climate in which the rule of law can and does prevail. 4. There is, in our view, such a thing as State terrorism, an outlaw State. How else can one charac- terize South Africa's suppression of the people of Namibia, its ruthless denial of basic human rights to millions of people in South Africa on the basis of race? If the savage illegal attacks by South Africa against Angola. Zambia and the other front-line States are not terrorism, then what are they? 5. We have it on the pronouncements of the highest international legal authority, the International Court of Justice. that South Africa's continued presence in Namibia is illegal' and that all States Members of the United Nations are under a legal obligation not to support that illegality in any way. Since that is the case. how can South Africa come to the Assembly, when its persistent, defiant and notoriously illegal acts are to be denounced and punished, and claim any legitimate rights to yet another day in court? South Africa's right to a day in court-in no less a court than the International Court-has come and gone. South Africa's presence, its conduct and continuing role in Namibia have been adjudged by the Interna- tional Court and acknowledged by the membership of the Assembly to be illegal. What, then, is the legal issue or principle here involved? Why at this stage must great stress be placed on the right of an adjudged law-breaker to be heard indefinitely? 6. Respect for law demands that decisions made by judicial tribunals must be carried out at the appropriate point. That is the cnly duty and function which the Assembly and. indeed. all of us are obligated to uphold on the question of Namibia at this time. To do other- wise would. in our view. be to undermine in a most glaring and important way respect for international law and the fragile organs such as the International Court of Justice which struggle against great odds to ensure that law and justice are upheld in the world com- munity. 1 /'('RII! COI1.\('L/U('lIl'I'.\ fill' States of the Continued Presence of South Afric« in Xuniibiu (South West Africa) notwithstanding Sccuritv Council Resolution 27fJ (/1)70). Advisory Opinion, l.Ccl, Rc'/l0l'1.I /lin. p. 16. 8. The international community's involvement and responsibilities in Namibia go back more than 60 years. It is not cynical to recall that this relationship com- menced on a high moral note. The world community, represented by the victorious Powers in the peace talks which followed the end of the First World War, assumed a sacred trust towards the people of Namibia, to be discharged on behalf of the world community by South Africa until the people of Namibia were able to stand on their own feet. The sorrowful saga of South Africa's betrayal of this solemn responsibility is one of the great continuing trt.gedies of this century. But we need not recount the sufferings of the people of Namibia here today. It is sufficient to say that al1 the other Territories which were placed under Mandate or a Trusteeship similar to that involving Namibia have long since attained independence and their spokesmen sit with us in the Assembly today as representatives of sovereign States. The League of Nations, which established the Mandate for Namibia long ago, has passed into history, while its successor, the Organization, for all its 35 years of existence and in spite of the most persistent efforts, has not been able to ensure the attainment of independence by Namibia. 9. The responsibility to ensure Namibian indepen- dence is an awesome one which the Organization cannot escape. The independence of Namibia is not just another case of decolonization; it is a matter of unique responsibility for the United Nations, since the present colonial shackles in which the people of that Territory are now languishing were brought about by actions for which the Organization bears responsibility and which to this day it has always fully accepted. But the acceptance of a responsibility means nothing unless it entails the employment of the most effective means by the bearer of that responsibility to ensure that it is discharged. Herein lies the question that, in all candour, the Assembly must ask itself, and it must answer positively. 10. Four years ago, decades after the deadlock on the question of Namibia's independence had become a cause of despair and frustration for the Organization, those of us who sincerely desired tu see Namibia attain its freedom through a peaceful process were gladdened when five Western countries then on the Security Council, including three permanent members of that body, among them the most powerful and influential friends of the Pretoria regime, took upon themselves the praiseworthy task of spearheading efforts aimed at Namibia's attainment of independence. 11. Two years after those initiatives commenced, our feeling of optimism did not subside when effort" by the Western contact group led to the adoption of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), by which, through 13. Today, on the diplomatic front-though not, happily, on the ground, thanks to the heroic fighting of the Namibian people under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO!- we find ourselves back where we were when first the Organization began seriously to try to resolve this question. If we have understood it, South Africa's latest insistence is that the impartiality of the United Nations must be proved. But since when does a burglar have the right to insist that the legal occupiers of a house must give him equal treatment in that house? How, in any case, can South Africa, which has ruled Namibia for all these years and which even now has more than 70,000 troops stationed there, -itend that it is in a weak position and must be given equal treatment with those undertaking a heroic struggle at great sacrifice for the national liberation of their country? 14. I feel that we are clearly dealing here with peo; le whose concepts of up and down, back and front. right and wrong are unique and so defy normal comprehension. 15. The Organization cannot square the circle, and the people of Namibia cannot have their right to self- determination and independence denied until we are able to do so. Efforts at compromise with the uncom- promising and the uncompromisable have gone on far too long. The United Nations owes it to the people of Namibia, and even more, to itself, to take urgent. effective measures-the best within its power-to ensure, without further delay, the genuine indepen- dence of Namibia with all its national territory, including Walvis Bay, fully inviolate. 16. That is why the Council of Minister lIf the Organization of African Unity [OAUj, at its thirty- sixth ordinary session, held at Addis Ababa from 23 February to I March-following the 20nference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Coun- tries at New Delhi in February, where a similar stand was taken-hasked that the Security Council he con- vened by the middle of April to consider the situation

The United Nations has once again taken direct responsibility for enabling Namibia and its people to achieve genuine indepen- dence. The consideration of agenda item 27 by the General Assembly at its resumed thirty-fifth session is, in our opinion, an urgent task. The struggle of the Namibian people for their independence, which is indeed one of the decisive struggles in the total uprooting of the shameful colonial system, has gained new dimensions. 19. We condemn the racist rulers in Pretoria for their illegal occupation of Namibia and for their use of that Territory as a military springboard for aggression and acts of provocation against neighbouring inde- pendent African States such as Botswana, Zimbabwe, Mozambique and, in particular, Angola and Zambia in order to intimidate those countries and to compel them to stop (heir support for the national liberation movements in Namibia and South Africa. ~O. Moreover, this war of repression and aggression by the Pretoria regime does not confine itself to Namibia and the front-line States, but rather it con- stitutes a serious threat to international peace and security. Relying on the economic and military might, and the collaboration, of capitalist Powers, the South African Government fails to pay the least attention to the repeated expression of world public opinion. 21. The South African Government's refusal to go along with the United Nations plan in Namibia can be deduced from the fact that it aims at a transfer of power 10 the puppet and illegitimate Administration subservient to its interests, in order to maintain its policies of domination and exploitation of the Narni- bian people and their natural resources. The attainment by the racist regime of a nuclear capability with the collaboration of some Western countries feeds the continuation of the South African regime's intra- sigcncc and poses a serious threat not only to the African continent, but to the security of the entire globe. 22. The collaborat ion of Western transnational corporations with the Government of South Africa in the exploitation and depletion of Namibia's human and natural re sources not only strengthens the policies of domination and repression in Namibia but also encourages South Africa to stand against, and in defiance of. the United Nations and its numerous resolution". It is not SUI prising that despite the sincere efforts of the United Nations and the flexibility shown hy SWAPO during the so-called pre-irnplcmentation talks held at Geneva from 7 to 14 January, the South African Government once again resorted to dilatory tactics and played with the conscience of the interna- tional community. n. It was precisely South Africa's intransigence which led to the failure of the Geneva talks. We also hold responsible those quarters which, according to a I need not elaborate further on this new doctrine. 25. The exercise launched by some countries on the first day of this resumed session on the pretext of rules and procedures was but another encouragement of the racist regime by those countries. 26. The Assembly should once again reaffirm the inalienable right of the people of Namibia to self- determination and national independence under the leadership of SWAPO, the sole legitimate and authentic representative of a united Namibia, including Walvis Bay and the offshore islands. 27. It is once more reiterated that the Governments concerned should take immediate measures to ensure compliance with the provisions of Decree No. I for the Protection of the Natural Resources of Namibia [A/35/24, 1'0/. J, annex 11]. 28. My delegation believes that on no pretext what- soever should the Security Council be barred from meeting to consider and decide upon imposing com- prehensive, mandatory and binding sanctions on South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter. This was demanded by the African States and reaffirmed by the New Delhi Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries and by the OAU. 29. The international community should render all- round assistance to the Namibian people, who are under the leadership of SWAPO, for the immediate termination of South Africa's illegal, racist and colonial occupation of that Territory. 30. The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan expresses its militant solidarity with the people of Namibia in their just struggle for freedom and national independence under the leadership of SW APO. J'. My delegation fully endorses the report of the United Nations Council for Namibia 1.1/35/2-1 and Corr.l and 2], which was so eloquently introduced by its President, Mr. Lusaka of Zambia [HUn/l//eeting I. 33. The South African record on the question of Namibia has been a consistent one of prevarication, temporizing and intransigence. The conduct of South Africa at the pre-implementation talks at Geneva brutally dramatized this cynical strategy. At no stage was Pretoria seriously interested in negotiating the substantive issues-the dates for a Namibia cease-fire and the emplacement of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group lUNTAG]. Rather, the South Africans sought to use the occasion to give interna- tional legitimacy to collaborators whose venality mocks the deeply felt nationalism of the Namibian people. A forum that should have been used to achieve decisive progress OP settling a question fraught with frightening potential for international conflict "vas used for propaganda, abuse and vilifica- tion. The United Nations was savegely treated by South Africa at the Geneva talks. Both the intem- perate language used and the deceitful actions of the Pretoria regime at the Geneva meeting have called into question the credibility and authority of the Organization. The Assembly must respond appro- priately to the challenge posed by South Africa's outrageous conduct at Geneva. These actions are the culmination of the disbonest negotiating tactics employed by South Africa ever since the adoption of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). 34. South Africa's subterfuges at Geneva are in "harp contrast to the restraint and statesmanship displayed by SWAPO at the pre-implementation talks. These heroic fighters for the liberation of Namibia did everything possible to make the meeting a decisive turning-point on the road to Namibian independence, in spite of their justifiable scepticism about the meeting's chances of success. SWAPO repeatedly declared its readiness to sign a cease-fire and to agree on a date for the arrival of UNTAG. However, these laudable efforts by SWAPO to find a peaceful solution to the Narnibian problem were not recip- rocated by the South African racists bent on retaining the evil stutus (II/O in Namibia. Just as the Assembly must respond to the challenge posed by South Africa, vo must it respond to the willingness shown by SWAPO at the Geneva meeting to negotiate a peaceful "cl rlemcnt of the Namibian problem. " In finding ways to deal with the situation that 36. Inevitably, therefore, the majority of Member States have reached the conclusion that the Western countries have become so compromised by their involvement in the economic exploitation of Namibia that they cannot play a constructive and objective role in efforts to reach a final settlement of the Namibian question. It is hard to believe that even after the Geneva meeting members of the Western contact group can still accept South Africa's protestations of good faith. If those countries are still unwilling to accept the reality of South Africa's duplicity and to take the measures that such duplicity demands, the international community can only conclude-justifi- ably-that the Western role as mediator is a smoke screen and a stratagem to conceal a basic identifica- tion with South Africa in its unrelenting efforts to maintain control over Namibia. 37. The gravity of the situation at this point does not allow for equivocation or rationalization. The Western countries must decide whether they will join the other members of the international community in applying those measures that will force an obstinate South Africa to remove its illegal presence from Namibia. At a time when international relations are in a state of turbulence and spheres of influence are once more being asserted, South Africa draws strength from its belief that the point of view which sees the world in strategic terms will ensure the survival of its odious apartheid regime and the continuation of its occupation of Namibia. Fundamental rights in Namibia must not be sacrificed for narrow geopolitical and economic con- siderations. All nations must strive to complete the decolonization process with which the Organization is so proudly associated. 38. The international community is at the cross- roads in its search for a final solution of the Namibian conflict, and, particularly in the light of developments at Geneva, it must take an important decision on the direction it must now take. South Africa's arrogance at Geneva is one significant indication of its inflexible and unyielding determination to maintain its illegal presence in Namibia. Towards that end it is stepping up its persecution of Namibian patriots and inciting tribal enmity. It is conscripting Namibians to fight Namibians in a desperate effort to undermine the national liberation struggle and to give that struggle the character of a civil war. At the same time the exploitation of the human and natural resources of the Territory continues in violation of United Nations 39. What, therefore, is to be done now, given the critical point the Namibian question has reached? The answer must lie in the unanimous support of the Assembly for the daft resolutions that have been submitted by the Uni cd Nations Council for Namibia. Key provisior.s of two of those draft resolutions call upon the Security Council to convene in order to impose comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter. The non-aligned movement and the OAU have recently made similar calls. The United Nations cannot afford to be found wanting. Its credibility has been badly damaged by the Geneva charade. The onus is now on the Security Council, and particularly on the Western States permanent members of that organ, to repair the damage done to the Organization. That can be done only by the early adoption of economic sanctions as a necessary measure in the struggle to drive the South African oppressors out of Namibia. 40. It is abundantly clear that the Pretoria regime has no intention of drawing any lessons from the victory ofthe liberation struggle in Zimbabwe. But the outcome of national liberation struggles does not depend on the delusions of colonial oppressors but on the commit- ment, fearlessness and self-sacrifice of freedom fighters. SWAPO is in that great tradition of national liberation movements. With the unstinting and increasing support of the international community for the freedom fighters in Namibia the victory of SWAPO, the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people, is inevitahle. 41. We wish to express our profound thanks to Mr. Lusaka and to the United Nations Council for Namibia for the steadfastness and vigilance with which they have represented the interests of the Narnibian people. We have no doubt that the work of the Council, under the dynamic leadership of Lusaka , will continue to serve as an effective complement to the efforts of SWAPO in the field of hattle. 42. Mr. AZAR G()MEZ (Uruguay) tintcrprrtation [rotn Spuuish ): We arc meeting once again to take up one of the problems that have been before the United Nations since its estahlishmcnt: the situation in southern Africa. 43. Through its representatives Uruguay has expressed its unswerving poxition on this subject and has demonstrated a high degree of consistency in its proposals, which is directly connected with our vision of man and life, and we have worked in consonance with that vision. This constant identification with the humanistic vision of man has led us to express our deep concern that it has as yet not been possible to liberate the people of Namihia from foreign occupation and that recent event'; such as the Geneva meeting have as yet yielded 110 results despite the efforts that have been made and the tireless endcuvou-s of the Secretary-General. 44. Uruguay v. ishe s to reaffirm the right of every nation freely to choose its fate, and thus it energetically ..... we reaffirm that the occupation of Namibia is illegal and contrary to international law, and that it must come to an end; that racial discrimination must be stopped in that country; that the United Nations is responsible for effectively administering that Territory on an interim basis until such time as, through a system of free elections under the direct supervision of the United Nations, its independent and sovereign fate may be determined, as a territory which has not suffered dismemberment, with political systems which it can also choose freely for itself; and that it should be able to establish relations with other peoples, free from all pressures and seeking the good of its people, as Uruguay has done, is doing, and will continue to do.' 2 46. The fundamental equality of men is a concept rooted in our philosophy of life. It was recognized in our first political Constitution, which stipulated that all men are equal before the law and that no distinc- tion between them can be recognized save that based on talent or virtue. That fundamental concept has been reiterated in the various versions of the Uru- guayan Constitution. This conceptual approach. with which Uruguay emerged into independent life, is deeply rooted in our history and finds its practical expression in the way in which Uruguay has been socially constituted. 47. To the nucleus of the population living in what today is Uruguay, which originated in the indigenous population, Africans and Spaniards, were added persons who came from various regions of the world. in particular Europe and the Middle East. One must hear in mind that the most recent group of immigrants to our country were refugees from the various tyran- nical regimes that caused the last world conflagration. The social composition of Uruguay blends with our concept of the world and life and has taught us in practical terms how various races can form a nation. It has led us energetically to condemn all forms of racism and racial discrimination and to incorporate in our penal legislation juridical norms that severely punish such conduct. We have included those norms in our legislation not to punish acts that are perpetrated but rather to demonstrate our profound belief in this respect because we are proud to say that in the histur~ of our country there has never been any serious attempt to engage in this repugnant kind of action. 48. At this time, despite our understanding of the profound indignation of the inhahitants of the I'c rritorv : See (Jaic ial R,', "/'C/.I o( the Gcncrtt! '1.\\('/Ilh/l', \11/111 \1'('( iu! Session, I'I"I//u\' \lc('{II/~I'. lJth meeting. para. 2. 49. Uruguay, which sincerely supports the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and has more- over stipulated in article 6 of its Constitutional Charter that: "In international treaties which the Republic may conclude there shall be proposed a clause to the effect that all differences which may arise between the contracting parties shall be settled by arbitration or other peaceful means"; cannot. accept the institutionalization of the armed struggle. Resort to blind ana indiscriminate violence will make it impossible for there to be peaceful or harmonious coexistence in the future among the various communities. 50. We should like to join in an appeal for action, since the solution of this dispute will be the most eloquent demonstration of this institution's capa- bilities. It is simply, as in so many other items, a matter of political will.

We shall now procee,' to hear representatives who wish to introduce draft resolutions, and I first call on the representative of Algeria to introduce draft resolution A/35/L.50 and A/35/L.59.

After many postponements, whether voluntary or systematically imposed on the interna- tional community to avoid an urgent discussion of the question of Namibia in the United Nations, we have come to the end of a five-day debate which has seen the participation of 89 delegations. This participation, exemplary in every respect, constitutes in substance an obvious rebuttal to those who still want to delay sanctions against South Africa and to persuade the international community to look on passively while the Namibian people are subjected to oppression by the South African racist regime and while more and more acts of aggression are committed by that regime against all neighbouring African countries. 53. The consideration within the United Nations of the question of Namibia has always called forth the broadest and most spontaneous demonstration of solidarity by the international community in its desire to put an end as soon as possible to the illegal occupa- tion of Namibia by South Africa. This commitment on behalf of the cause of decolonization, which has been rendered more serious by an occupation that has been recognized as illegal by the United Nations and the International Court of Justice, has given proof, first of all, of the almost universal isolation of the racist South African Administration and also the urgent need to find a solution to the problem of Namibia 55. Bearing in mind the foregoing, and on behalf of more than 60 sponsors, the Algerian delegation has the honour today, in its dual capacity as a member of the United Nations Council for Namibia and a sponsor of all the resolutions on the question of Namibia, to introduce two of the draft resolutions submitted at this session to the General Assembly on this matter. These two draft resolutions are entitled "Situation in Namibia resulting from the illegal occupation of the Territory by South Africa" [A/35/L.50] and "Situa- tion resulting from South Africa's refusal to comply with United Nations resolutions on Namibia" [A/35/ L.59]. 56. Despite an apparently different approach, these two draft resolutions deal with the same subject and treat all aspects of the political, military, eco- nomic and social situation prevailing in the Territory itself and in neighbouring countries. They advocate the measures necessary to end that situation, which is fraught with grave consequences for international peace and security. • 57. The first draft resolution is sufficiently well- known to Members of the United Nations, since a similar text has been submitted each year in approxi- mately the same form to the international community in order to enlighten it about the efforts made by the United Nations to promote the emancipation of the Namibian people and about the fact that the South African racist regime persists in its determination to maintain under its illegal colonial and racist domina- tion a Territory which was in principle withdrawn from its administration in 1966 and placed under the direct responsibility of the United Nations. 58. That draft resolution likewise informs the interna- tional community about all aspects of the question of Namibia as it appeared at the end of 1980 before the meeting at Geneva. During the period at the end of 1980, we witnessed intense diplomatic activity designed to ensure every chance of success for the implementation of the plan for the peaceful settlement of the Namibian question in conformity with Security Council resolution 435 (1978), activity which sub- sequently caused twice postponed consideration of thel question by the General Assembly during the thirty-: fifth session. The elaboration of draft resolution A/35/L.50, which was drafted in its final form at that time, reflected all the now-justified xcepticisrn of the members of the United Nations Council for Namibia regarding South Africa's true intentions and advocated calling for a meeting of the Security Council "to act 60. The second draft resolution draws a lesson from the latest act of defiance by South Africa at Geneva on 14 January 1981 and takes into consideration the recent evaluation of this question, especially since the beginning of the year, to propose a new interna- tional approach to compel South Africa to withdraw its presence from the Territory. Indeed, this draft resolution calmly and realistically envisages in par- ticular, a number of measures which now appear more necessary than ever, ranging from the mobilization of international public opinion with a view to the imposition of"sanctions on South Africa to the appeal of the international community itself for implementa- tion of Chapter VII of the Charter. Furthermore, it stresses the legitimacy ofthe struggle ofthe Narnibian people under the leadership of SWAPO, its sole renre- sentative, and calls upon the international community to pursue its efforts to put an end to the acts of aggression and repression perpetratea against the Namibian people. 61. The preparation and presentation of this draft resolution is particularly appropriate after South Africa's latest act of defiance, at Geneva, and lucidly sums up, for purposes which we share more than ever, a course of action that we should all undertake. Those objectives (ire based on three main ideas. 62. First, the question of Namibia is a colonial problem plus a case of flagrant illegality. The United Nations, the OAU and the non-aligned countries have recently taken up this matter, at Geneva, Addis Ababa and New Delhi, and during those three successive meetings the consensus was to recognize that a solution to the Namibian problem was more urgent today than ever before and that the Namibian problem was a clear threat to international peace and security. 63. Secondly, South Africa, which thus far has demonstrated an implacable determination to oppose the majority of countries in the international com- munity, draws much of its advantage from its special links with certain Western countries that have not yet managed to exert enough pressure on that recalcitrant regime to force it to comply with international law. 64. Thirdly, the Namihian people. whose sole repre- sentative is SWAPO. has for a long time now. and most recently at Geneva. given proof of its political maturity and keen sense of ncgot iation; hence it is now entitled to expect greater solidarit y on the part of the international community "'0 that it may step up its struggle by all means and regain its inalienable national rights. 68. The first draft resolution, entitled" Intensification and co-ordination of United Nations action in.support of Namibia", has been issued as document A/35/L.51. It has also been published in volume 11 of the report of the United Nations Council for Namibia. 69. The second draft resolution is entitled"Action by intergovernmental and non-governmental organiza- tions with respect to Namibia". This has been issued as document A/35/L.53 and has also been published in the report of the United Nations Council for Namil-:a. 70. In connexion with the Namibian question we have witnessed a full frustrating year of missed op- portunities against the sinister background of false promises, unwholesome subterfuge, gross dishonesty and indefensible manceuvres concocted by the illegal racist Administration in the Territory to paralyse action at the level of the United Nations. While we wait with arms folded, the situation in Namibia con- tinues to slide ominously into near-anarchy. Put in the mildest terms imaginable, this is a matter of grave concern to the entire international community. 71. The South African occupying Administration has not only escalated its provocative policies of repres- sion and suppression within the Territory but has also stepped up its senseless and criminal incursions into the African front-line States, which are them- selves sovereign members of this body. It is indeed sad that even today racist gangsters and their paid agents are still busy committing all sorts of atrocities in southern Angola and western Zambia. And yet the Pretoria regime persists in its immoral justification of those reprehensible and criminal acts on the basis of the obnoxious so-called doctrine of hot pursuit. 72. As has been rightly pointed out by numerous delegations in their statements on this agenda item, no one now doubts the fact that the illegal racist Administration in the Territory seems hell-bent on perpetuating its stranglehold over the Territory, in brazen defiance of the general will of the international community as symbolized in countless resolutions 74. It is not surprising, therefore, that it has now chosen the path of confrontation, as is evident from the blatant display of continued racist intransigence, unparalleled arrogance and provocative postures demonstrated by the South African delegation last January at Geneva. 75. In the circumstances, it is of paramount impor- tance that in its response to this serious threat to peace and stability in southern Africa, as exemplified by South Africa's continued illegal occupation of Namibia, the international community-and the General Assembly, in particular-should not only speak with one voice, but also act in a well co-ordinated manner. The racists must be left with no illusions as to the unbending determination of the Assembly to ensure that Namibians are not denied the basic and elementary rights of self-determination, freedom and independence, which are exercised by all other States emerging from colonial bondage and domination. 76. Even more important is the desirability of ensuring that the signals that are sent to the Pretoria regime from our capitals, particularly over the Namibian issue, convey the correct message if co- ordinated efforts at the level of the United Nations are to attain the expected results. 77. We have found to our dismay and frustration that many pious declarations in favour of the Namibian cause have been lavishly made in the past by certain delegations in the Assembly, while the Governments they represented connived in the illicit activities of the transnational corporations emanating from their own States, activities which have strengthened the eco- nomy of the apartheid State and have thus fostered its current colonialist adventure in Namibia. In draft resolution A/35/L.51 the General Assembly not only calls for the preparation of an indexed handbook on transnational corporations operating in Namibia in defiance of its resolutions; it also broadens the man- date of the United Nations Council for Namibia to enable it to take up with defaulting States the issue of the prevailing ruthless exploitation of Namibian resources in flagrant violation of the Council's Decree No. I. 84. In my statement on 4 March [/071h meetiiu;1 on the question of Namibia, I observed that a new response was necessary to the challenge posed by South Africa's virtual rejection of the United Nations settlement plan for Namibia. To us, South Africa's rejection of the United Nations plan was a foregone conclusion. Rut we are indeed surprised that even the authors of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), who had so laboriously negotiated for its implementa- tion, also seem to he retreating from it. It appears from their statement of .'1 March in this Hall [/OC)lh nicctins; I that there is no determination any longer to seek the implementation of the plan. Instead they have merely reaffirmed their commitment to certain 85. In these circumstances the United Nations Council for Namibia, as the only legal Administering Authority for that Territory, has a paramount role to play this year. The draft resolution on the programme of work of the Council has been drawn up in recogni- tion of the imperative need to intensify its efforts to fulfil its mandate in the face of South Africa's persistent intransigence. The activities outlined in the draft resolution chart a new course of action which, if pursued with the support of the entire membership of the United Nations, will lead to the early inde- pendence of Namibia. In essence the draft resolution se-ks to approve the report of the Council for the year 1980, which has been praised universally during the debate, renews the mandate of the Council to discharge its responsibilities as the legal Administering Authority for Namibia and outlines the major activities it should undertake during 1981. The draft resolution also seeks to sanction adequate financial provision for the Council's activities, including support for the Office of SWAPO in New York. 86. Among the activities being entrusted to the Council this year is a new programme of co-operation with non-governmental organizations which are actively engaged in supporting the struggle of the Namibian people. This programme is designed to complement the significant efforts being made by a number of dedicated individuals and organizations to influence public opinion in Western Europe and the United States, where there is a considerable dearth of appreciation of the plight of Namibia. The Assembly would request the Council actively to co-operate with those organizations to enable them to be more effec- tive. Such co-operation between the Council and the non-governmental organizations was demonstrated du-ing the uranium hearings last year, at which a number of researchers provided valuable evidence which enabled the Council to make suitable recom- mendations to counter the illegal activities of foreign economic interests in Namibia. 87. The programme of work of the Council as con- tained in the draft resolution places a heavy responsi- bility on the Council. The member countries of the Council have always been enthusiastic about taking on additional responsibilities in keeping with their commitment to its mandate. My delegation wishes the Council well during the decisive struggle ahead and renews its determination to spare no effort in dis- charging its responsibiiities as one of the Council's Vice-Presidents. 88. The sponsors hope that the draft resolution will be adopted by the General Assembly by an over- whelming majority, if not unanimously.

I call on the representative of Turkey to introduce draft resolution A/35/L,54. 95. The Institute, which is autonomous. is adrninis- tered by a Senate consisting of 15 members. lAhich reports to the United Nations Council for Namibia. The Institute is financed by the United Na.ion.. Fund for Namibia and more specifically by a component of the Fund known as the Trust Fund for the Institute. 9~. The Institute's charter, in which all those dispo..,i- hens have been laid down, l.as been approved hy the General Assembly. 97. The cost of operating the Institute is appro xi- mately $2 million per annum, derived from voluntary contributions to the Trust Fund for the In..,titutc. together with an allocation from UN DP. 98. The draft resolution on the Institute for Namibia. which it is my pleasure to introduce. affirms the sup- port of the United Nations for the Institute and (0111- mends the efforts of the Institute to provide substuntiul support for the struggle for freedom of the Narnibian people. It expresses appreciation to all State". specialized agencies and other organizations lA irhin the United Nations system, as well as to non-govern mental organizations, which have made co ntriburion-, to the Trust Fund for the Institute and have provided assistance to the Institute. In addition. it rcquc st- the President of the United Nations Council for Namibi« to renew his appeals for generous voluut.uy contribu- tions to the Trust Fund of the Institute for Namihi., 99. On behalf of all the sponsors. I nprn ... the hope that this draft resolution will obtain the 0\ ...- sernblys approval. 102. The Nationhood Programme, which is con- Jucted within the framework of the United Nations Fund for Namibia, was launched by the General Assembly in 1976. Its goal is to provide further assistance to the Namibian people during the present period of struggle for independence and the initial years following the attainment of independence. My Government had the honour of initiating the action that led to the General Assembly decision in 1976. The Nationhood Programme is intended to encompass all measures of assistance to Namibians and to ensure that ..heir planning and implementation are channelled into a harmonious and comprehensive plan of action within the United Nations framework. 103. The General Assembly called upon the United Nations Council for Namibia to plan and implement the Nationhood Programme in consultation with the representatives of SWAPO. I shall give a few figures on the practical achievements of the Programme. 104. By the end of last year the Council had approved 46 pre-independence projects. By the time those projects are completed they will have required a total expenditure of $9.6 million. The projects deal with the productive sector of the economy, the physical infra- structure and services, including transportation, trade and energy, and administrative services. 105. For its part, UNDP has made a contribution to the Nationhood Programme amounting to $2.5 mil- lion for the year 1981. The sponsors of the draft resolu- tion greatly appreciate that valuable contribution. 106. A particularly important project approved by the Council in 1980 was entitled "Assistance to establish a pilot vocational training centre". It is expected that that Centre will become operational at its location in Angola during 1981. The Government of Angola is to be commended for its continued co- operation in this respect. 107. The essence of the operative part of the draft resolution is to request the Secretary-General and the President of the United Nations Council for Namibia to continue to implement the Nationhood Programme and to appeal to Governments and other organizations for additional financial contributions to the Nation- hood Programme for Namibia. I therefore trust that this draft resolution will meet with the overwhelming support of the General Assembly.

I now call on the representa- tive of Venezuela, who will introduce draft resolution A/35/L.56.

It is my honour to introduce draft resolution A/35/ L.56, entitled" United Nations Fund for Namibia". 110. Since its establishment in 1971, the Fund has grown to become an important means of support for the Namihian people in its struggle for independence. From its precarious beginnings to its present stage. has had to channel its resources through three accounts: the general account, which deals with the usual activities of the Fund; the account of the Nation- hood Programme for Namibia; and the account of the United Nations Institute for Namibia. The general account must also keep the financial status of the accounts of the Nationhood Programme for Namibia and the United Nations Institute at satisfactory levels. 112. The draft resolution is concerned specifically with the general activities of the Fund. Draft resolu- tions on the Nationhood Programme for Namibia and the United Nations Institute for Namibia will be introduced separately. 113. The General Assembly's decision to establish the United Nations Fund for Namibia came about as a result of the request addressed to the Assembly by the Security Council in its resolution 283 (1970) and in large measure because of the international com- munity's commitment to the self-determination, free- dom and independence of the Narnibian people. The Security Council determined the need to establish a Fund to assist Narnibians who were suffering persecution at the hands of the racist regime of South Africa and to finance a comprehensive programme of education and training for Narnibians , with special emphasis on the future administrative responsibilities they will assume in the Territory. 114. After a period during which the United Nations Council for Namibia acted as adviser to the Secre- tary-General on matters relating to the Fund, t.he Assembly, in 1973, designated the Council itselfas the body responsible for the operation and administration of the Fund in the capacity of trustee. The Council also drew up the guidelines for the Fund. which were approved by the General Assembly in 1976 and were revised in 1979. 115. The general activities of the Fund are aimed mainly at providing aid in the educational. social and relief fields. In the educational field, this aid meets needs at the primary and secondary educational levels and those of remedial education, vocational training and university education. At present, 129 Namibians pursuing their studies with scholarshi-« provided by the Fund. In the social field, medical and health assistance is provided. and there are nutrition and social welfare programmes as well. The Fund also provides assistance to refugees, and a new project started in 19RO helps more than 5.000 Narnibian refugee children of less than seven years of age. 116. The draft resolution takes note of th.. Council' ... report on the Fund and approves the conclusions and rccornmendations contained in it. The draft resolu- 123, No less urgent is the need to expose the-assis- tance rendered by certain Western States to South Africa; this ~ssistance represents the material basis for the confideoce with which the racists continue to challenge the world community and the decisions of the Organization. 129. Based on those premises, the draft resolution in its o.perative part proposes that the General As- Sf mbly decide on the launching of a world campaign to support United Nations resolutions for a free and independent Namibia according to a programme of activities to be formulated by the United Nations Council for Namibia in co-operation with the appro- priate United Nations organs. A general outline of the activities to be included in that programme is also given in the operative part. 130. In addition, this year the Secretary-General is requested to undertake, in consultation with the Council, the preparation of a comprehensive United Nations economic map of Namibia. 131. The operative part of the draft resolution also provides that the implementation of the programme of dissemination of information on Namibia shall be carried out by the United Nations Council for Namibia, assisted by the Department of Public Information. In this respect all specialized agencies and other organizations within the United Nations system are also requested to intensify the dissemination of information on Namibia in consultation with the Council. 132. 0'1 behalf of the United Nations Council for Namibia and the sponsors, I should like to express the sincere hope that the draft resolution will meet the approval of the overwhelming majority of the members of the General Assembly. 133. The PRESIDENT: I call on the representative of Yugoslavia to introduce the draft resolution in document A/35/L.58. 134. Mr. STARCEVIC (Yugoslavia): On behalf of the sponsors, I should like to introduce draft resolu

I shall now call on those representatives who wish to explain their votes before the voting. 145. Before doing so, I should like to remind mem- bers that the General Assembly decided that explana- 148. Portugal deeply regrets that despite the stren- uous efforts of the Western contact group, the front- line States, and the Secretary-General and his staff, it was not possible to set a calendar for the indepen- dence of Namibia during the pre-implernentation meeting at Geneva. But it is none the less true that for the first time all the leaders of the Namibian people agreed to meet face to face with a view to settling their differences through negotiated means. My Government welcomes this important step and expresses the hope that the mutual mistrust which has long existed between the parties will thus gradually disappear, paving the way for the creation of a spirit of co-operation and understanding among those who in the future will have to share the heavy responsibility of shaping the destiny of their country. 149. We are at a critical juncture, for the dangers underlying the current standstill are indeed very grave both for southern Africa and for the world at large. My country therefore addresses a pressing appeal to the Government of South Africa to reconsider its position and once again to join the negotiating forces so that a final agreement may soon be reached on a cease-fire. We feel that this can be achieved if the international community throws its full weight behind, and reiterates its support for, the United Nations plan, ,whatever difficulties are encountered, because it is the best possible basis for the settlement of the Nami- bian problem. 150. Those are the fundamental guidelines that have inspired the attitude of the Portuguese delegation in considering the different draft resolutions before us. Our firm commitment to the cause of the independence of the Namibian people prompts us to vote in favour of all draft resolutions that would contribute to achieve that goal as expeditiously as possible. However, my delegation has some reservations concerning draft 153. The situation that currently exists in Namibia " ": matter of great concern to the broad majority of the international community. As a direct result of that concern, and in order to speed up the indepen- dence process, the General Assembly is meeting in the resumed thirty-fifth session. There is natural im- patience to see peace restored and to satisfy the national aspiration of a people to choose its own destiny like any other State. That explains the attitude that has been taken by the United Nations in this emergency. However, the obstructionist policy of the Power occupying the Territory disregards the historical evolution leading to decolonization, the process wisely set forth in the Charter, and that may have negative consequences for that Power. 154. My delegation considers that the draft resolu- tions that have been submitted to the Assembly reflect our objective and we shall therefore support them, while, as in the past. reserving our position regarding provisions calling for armed struggle. which we consider to be incompatible with the provisions of the Charter and the norms of coexistence that should govern relations among peoples and nations. as well as specific references to countries whose posi- tions have been condernend, as our delegation con- siders that to be an improper policy for the United Nations to adopt. Rather the United Nations should 157. Because of those considerations my delega- tion will vote in favour of all the draft resolutions before us. Furthermore, we should like to join the sponsors of draft resolutions A/35/L.53, A/35/L.54, A/35/L.56 and A/35/L.58. However, for reasons we have stated many times in the past, my delegation reserves its position with regard to operative para- graph 29 of draft resolution A/35/L.50 and operative paragraph 13 of draft resolution A/35/L.59. 158. Mr. FRANCIS (New Zealand): New Zealand has joined with other delegations at this resumed ses- sion in deploring South Africa' s continued illegal occupation of Namibia and the inhumanity of the policies it has been pursuing in that Territory. We especially regretted South Africa' s failure to seize the unique opportunity offered at the meeting at Geneva to implement the United Nations plan. a plan which we had all hoped would this year lead to the 'nde- pendence of Namibia. Nevertheless, we believe that efforts to achieve a negotiated settlement in Namibia must continue. New Zealand will therefore support the seven draft resolutions under consideration which appear to us to encourage a peaceful and just settlement. 159. We will abstain. however. on three draft resolu- tions-A/35/L.50. A/35/L.58 and A/35/L.5Q. These contain a number of elements which my Government cannot endorse. 160. New Zealand accepts the proposition that SWAPO has a major and indispensable role in any settlement, but we do not . zcognize that organization as being the sole authentic representative of the people of Namibia. To accord such recognition would. in our view. prejudge the outcome of the elections still to be held in Namibia. 161. Neither do we accept the endorsement of armed struggle. for that is not in keeping with our commit- ment to peaceful change. 162. For the same reason. we cannot support the call to the international community to render all pos- sible military assistance to SWAPO. 163. Finally. we have reservations about the strong criticism which has been directed at certain States. This is not because we in any way endorse those 165. Grenada fully supports draft resolutions A/35/ L.50 to A/35/L.59 emanating from the debates of the previous days, and in doing so we wish to state that Grenada is unequivocal on the question of Namibia. Our position rests on our belief that the people of that ravaged country, like other peoples, have an inalien- able right to self-determination and genuine indepen- dence. Moreover, our belief finds eloquent expression in General Assembly resolutions 1514 (XV) and 2621 (XXV), both of which assert the need for an end to the repugnant system of colonialism. 166. It is undoubtedly true to say that we have come a long way since 1945, but for those of us who cherish freedom and genuine independence, the main- tenance of colonialism is inadmissible. The convening of the talks at Genevr. rekindled our hopes that the decolonization of Namibia could be achieved through negotiations. The failure of those talks could be attributed only to the racist nature of the South African regime. We praise SWAPO, the sole authentic representative of the Namibian people, for its willingness to sign a cease-fire and to set a date for the arrival of the UNTAG in Namibia. 167. South Africa continues to occupy Namibia in defiance of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and opinions of the International Court of Justice. Pretoria stubbornly refuses to recognize the 1 I 1 • /