A/35/PV.14 General Assembly

' It is my privilege to address this premier international body and to convey to its members the fraternal greetingsof the peopleofSri Lanka. I do so as the first Prime Ministerof the Democratic Socialist Republicof Sri Lanka under the New RepublicanConstitu- tion of 1978. 3. As representatives will know. our newConstitution was adopted by the freely elected representatives of the peopleof Sri Lanka after a popular mandate which brought our Government into power with a five-sixths majority in Parliament. 4. I have approached my task today not to indulge myself in the purple of high-flown rhetoric or to lecturethisdistin- guished audience on all the problems of the world. I do not pretend to have a key to unlock the door to Utopia. I come before you in a spirit of humilityto join you in the common quest of mankind for peace. for justice and for equality. 5. These are values which the people of my country hold sacred in the light of experience gained over many years in the practice of democracy. Next year wecommemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the attainment of universal adult franchise. They are also values which our people havecon- sistently accepted as truths. by virtue of their deeply reli- gious tradition. J Mr. Premadasa spoke in Singhalese. The English version of his statement was supplied by the delegation. NEW YORK 6. I come before you to share some of my own thoughts, moulded in the crucibleofworking with people at all levels, in the slums,in the villages, in government and out of government, during a political career spanning over three decades. 7. May I, at the outset, extend to you, Mr. President, the warm congratulations ofmyselfand my delegation on your election as President of this thirty-fifth sessionof the Gen- eral Assembly. Your country and mine have enjoyed a long and fruitful bond of friendship and co-operation, which we in Sri Lanka value veryhighly. Your rich diplomatic expe- rienceand your practical wisdom will, lam sure, beinvalua- ble assets in guiding the deliberations of this session. May I offer the good wishes of mydelegationand assureyou ofour co-operation in the discharge of your duties. 8. I would like to take this opportunity of expressing my appreciation to the outgoing President, Ambassador Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania. His tenure of office is probably unique for the number of special and extraordi- nary sessions he had to presideover. Hisimpartiality,under- standing and sagacity were of inestimable value during all those sessions. 9. It is also a pleasant task today to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, whoseconsistent dedication to the cause of peace and tireless efforts in pursuit of it are well known, for the work he is doing. 10. This year, the international community is the poorer for having lost some of its most eminent leaders.The death of Josip Broz Tito of Yugoslavia removed from our midst the last of the giants of the Second World War era. Few world leaders have helped to mould the structure of post- war international relations as President Tito did. We in Sri Lanka remember him with admiration and affection as a founding father of non-alignment, a policywhich my Presi dent, Mr. J. R. Jayewardene, has said "runs like a golden thread through the fabric of our country's foreign policy". II. We mourn with the people of Japan the passing of their Prime Minister Ohira. We grieve with the people of Botswana over the loss of their founder President Sir Seretse' Kharna, and we sympathize with the people of Jordan over the untimely death of their Prime Minister, Sharif Abdul Hamid Sharaf. 12. At this session we welcome to our midst two new Members-Zimbabwe and Saint Vincent and the Grena- dines. My welcome to Zimbabwe must inevitably be tinged with a very personal note of happiness. I had the privilege of 13. It is a matter of personal gratification to me that the cause we argued for and supported on behalfofthat country has been achieved and that Zimbabwe has emerged to join us as a sovereign State inthis international body. The admis- sion of these two Members illustrates once again the funda- mental principle of universality in our membership and the equality of all Member States, irrespective of size, power, population or prestige. 14. I have the honour to convey to this august Assembly the greetings of President J. R. Jayewardene and his good wishes for the success of this session. 15. Over the .last few months the view has been expressed increasingly by world leaders that the international situation is deteriorating. Indeed, I think there is hardly anyone who would disagree with this. The disagreement, if any, is in identifying the causes of this deterioration. 16. We are without doubt at a crucial juncture in interna- tional relations. What we do, much more than what we say, will shape the international order in the next two decades of the century. Perhaps today more than at any other time in human history we stand at a decisive crossroads. One way could lead us to a world of immense possibilities for the good of the human race; the other could be the path of decline and the destruction of all human values as we know them today. 17. What is our response going to be to this challenge? 18. The dimensions of the challenge are so large, the issues so complex that the response must perforce emerge from the Organization. Certainly.the problems cannot be solved by nations acting on their own or as small groups of countries. Unfortunately, at a time when our response should be glo- bal, we see increasing signs of nations trying to seek solu- tions to the problems individually. 19. Thirty-five years ago, the world established this inter- national body, the United Nations, whose Charter still rep- resents the highest ideals of mankind. It is a matter for concern that its credibility as an institution which is still capable of assisting in the resolution of these problems is being doubted today. The crisis situation we face makes it even more imperative that we act purposefully and posi- tively through the mechanisms that the United Nations system provides for joint and collective action. 20. In our own region we welcome the convening in 1981, under the aegis of the United Nations, of a Conference on the Indian Ocean for the implementation ofthe Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)].This is a collective effort on the part of the Indian Ocean countries and others to ensure that the Indian Ocean will, in fact, be a peaceful place. We seek this peace in order to permit the countries in our region to focus their attention, concentrate their energies and employ their resources to build prosperous economies for their citizens. We cannot afford the grotesque distortions that tensions, militarization 21. Sri Lanka has long been known as a centre of Thera- vada Buddhism. This is a philosophy where among the noble truths non-violence isofparamount significance. This emphasis on ahimsa, or non-violence, has made Buddhism a major international force and a means of promoting under- standing among nations during its long historical career of over 2,500 years. The best-known instance occurred at the very outset, when it inspired the famous dharmavijaya-« victory of righteousness-of Emperor Dharma Asoka, in which he attempted to establish a moral basis for relations between States. Emperor Dharrna Asoka sent personal emissaries to contemporary rulers in western and southern Asia bearing messages ofgoodwill and advocating a code of righteous conduct which to a large extent embodied the tenets of Buddhism. 22. The Emperor's action is unique in history and repre- sents the only initiative of its kind by a ruler to bring a moral approach to international relations. Perhaps what is lacking in our countries is a moral approach to world problems and international understanding: and this may be the root ofour crisis. Over the ages, human society has endeavoured to move from the rule of the jungle to the rule oflaw. Could we not work for the reconstruction ofa world society based on the law of love, non-violence? Could we, from here, set an example to all to follow this rule at every level of life, in our personal relations as well as in relations between nations? This, in my view, would be the ultimate fulfilment of this unique Organization to which we belong. 23. Armed conflicts and the threat ofsuch conflicts remain a danger to mankind. J"he international situation has many flashpoints. To continue to let them exist and to allow new flashpoints to emerge leads to a dangerous mood of cyni- cism and indifference where the use of force is tolerated and accepted as inevitable. 24. There is disenchantment, too, among those who fol- low the rules, those who are law abiding; they feel that the lawless win the day. How often have we seen the righteous suffer while the wrongdoer prospers? It is the same in inter- national relations as it is in normal society. Must one shout to be heard? Must one be feared to be respected? Must one threaten to be assisted? Are democracy and human rights to be taken for granted? Is force, and the threat of force, the only password to success? The world seems to be frighten- ingly close to such a mood of cynicism. 25. There is glib talk ofa new cold war and plentiful offers of military aid. We must therefore take positive and collec- tive action, not only to create our zone of peace, but to ensure that a hundred zones of peace are created, both in space and in the minds of men. 26. In this context, the non-aligned movement, with whose origins Sri Lanka is proud to be associated, continues to have a vital role to play. Ninety-four of the 154 nations of this world body subscribe to the principles of non- alignment. Many more, as observers and guests, haw broad sympathy with the aims and aspirations of the movement. 28. We see this disparity between intent and achievement in other areas as well. In the area of concessionary aid- official development assistance-e-we solemnly declared at the commencement of the 1970s that official development assistance should be at the levelofat least 0.77 percent ofthe gross national product ofdeveloped countries if the develop- ing world economies were to be rehabilitated. At the end of that decade the actual figure was only half of this: 0.35 per cent of the gross national product. 29. The prospects for the future, in the light ofthe deepen- ing recession that the developed world faces seem, therefore, even more stark. The difference between the intention and the act which these two examples illustrate is, if I may say so, a result of our inability to see the mutualityofour interests and, consequently, of our attempts to resolve unilaterally the problems we foresee. 30. The facts are clear in the case of both protectionism and aid. It has been demonstrated that a progressive lower- ing of trade barriers in the North would not only reduce the number of unemployed in the third world but even result in an increase in jobs in the North as a direct consequence of the increase in North-South trade. It has also been shown that protectionism holds a greater threat to jobs in the North, and self-interest would require the abandonment of policies which appear so self-evidently short-sighted. 31. The idea that there should be a re-allocation of indus- tries in the world which would benefit the developing coun- tries is not likely to be easily accepted. But it is a fact that, in terms of the global economy, many industries in the devel- oped world are no longer economically viable. 32. When developing countries take similar steps and band together to increase export earnings, they are criticized for taking measures contrary to the common good. What then, I ask, is the justice in this situation? Must we confront each other by adversary strategies of this kind? 33. The case of official development assistance is equally as clear. It is surely in the interests of the developed world to provide the poor countries with the concessionary aid that can help to restructure their economies. For as they grow in s.rength, their imports will grow with resultant benefits to the developed economies. But the sad fact is that at the present time, when concessionary finance is most needed, there is talk in the developed world ofholding back inflation and the need to cut down public expenditure. 34. I hope that official development assistance will not be an area that has to bear these cuts. If the cut has to fall on 35. In addition to the moral dimension that should moti- vate the giver of aid, there is the more emphatic considera- tion of self-interest. The interdependence of the world economies is such that if the poorfalter, they willnot be able to buy the goods of the rich. The poverty of the poor- which in many cases they have learned to live with-will inevitably pull down the rich as well. 36. There is also the continuing anomaly that confronts us of aid flows being reduced while defence expenditures increase. In the light of third world poverty, the difference between annual global military expenditure, now approach- ing $450 billion, and official development assistance ofsome $20 billion can only be termed outrageous. 37. This means not only money but also the diversion of real resources, such as manpower in the form of scientists and engineers, and of the most modern technologies which could otherwise be used in the solution of the problems constraining growth in the less developed world. 38. We also know, speaking on behalfofa country which spends lessthan 3 per cent of its national budget on defence, that the disease seems to have spread. that even some of the poorest of our countries deem it necessary to spend heavily onarmaments. These modern weapons of war which some- times come in as aid are possibly the best examples of a misdirected transfer of resources. It is an open question whether money spent on armaments or defence would in the long run contribute more to international security than money spent on aid to the poorer countries. 39. Why is it that when religions of the world- Christianity, Hinduism, Islam and Buddhism-proclaim the folly of war and greed for power, nations continue to arm themselves? The Dhammapada-the words of the Buddha-touches the crux of this dilemma in the saying: "From craving springs grief, from craving springs fear, "For him who is whollyfreefrom craving there isno grief; "Whence can there be fear?'? In the search for peace-in our task of waging war against war-perhaps we need to heed the teachings of our great religions and free ourselves from fear. 40. As bilateral aid flows are likely to be reduced in the face of the impending recession, the need for a multilateral funding agency, such as the proposed world development fund, gains heightened significance. The mechanisms by which the surpluses of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries [OPEq could be recycled to provide concessionary finance to the developing countries have been clearly described in recent studies. It is our hope that the creation of such a development fund willbe speedily effected and will provide yet another source ofcapital for the restruc- turing of the economies of the poorer countries. 41. I should like also to make the plea that the increasingly stringent conditions imposed by the multilateral develop- 42. We have just concluded the eleventh special session devoted to international economic co-operation and devel- opment. We have identified several areas in which consider- able work has yet to be done. I am heartened that the process of negotiation on a broad level of participation will engender fruitful results. 43. I want to emphasize the word "negotiation". We should not be preoccupied with speeches or strategies. It is unfortunate but true that development strategies have not done much to enhance development. 44. We have succeeded in the last 35 years in safeguarding ourselves from the scourge of global war. We have not, however, saved ourselves from the scourge of poverty, which brings sorrow to mankind and affronts the dignity and worth of the human person. 45. In global terms the poverty line seems to coincide with the North-South divide. One quarter of the world's popula- tion living in the North enjoys three quarters of the world's income while three quarters of the world's population living in the South have to share the remaining quarter of the world's income. 46. The inequality in the use of real resources and the depth of the problem of poverty are tellingly expressed in this equation. The international community has engaged in numerous exercises to reduce this disparity and to remove this scourge. 47. Most recently we have had the Independent Commis- sion on International Development Issues, popularly referred to as the Brandt Commission. Eleven years before Brandt, we had Pearson. It is chastening to recall some of the words of the Commission on International Develop" ment headed by the late Lester Pearson: "International development is a great challenge ofour age. Our response to it will show whether we understand the implications of interdependence or whether we prefer to delude ourselves that the poverty and deprivation of the great majority of mankind can be ignored without tragic consequences for all."! 48. The Brandt Commission is no less cogent in stressing interdependence; no less concerned with the moral impera- tive of development; and no less bold and imaginative in the action plan proposed, both for the present and for the future. Sadly, what gives cause for despair is the reaction of the world community to those significant reports. Rather than stimulate negotiation, the Brandt Commission report" is in danger of being placed on a shelf, along with similar reports of the past. 3 Partners indevelopment: report of the Commission on International Development (New York, Praeger Publishers, Inc., 1969), p. 1J. 4 See North-South: A program/or survival: report of the Independent Commission on International Development Issues under the Chairman- ship of Willy Brandt (Cambridge. Massachusetts, The MIT Press. 1980). 50. We in the developing countries are not asking for charity on a global scale. We do not believe that poverty can be alleviated by charity, it must be eliminated by removing exploitation. We cannot make everyone and every country equal; we can give everyone and every country an equal opportunity. 51. The exploitation which leads to poverty is endemic in the structure of international economic relations today. That is why the structure has to be changed. That is why we talk of a new international economic order. It is an order where human rights are respected, where economic inequali- ties and poverty are eliminated and where malnutrition and illiteracy are removed. 52. lam not talking of a new order which must exist among nations and among nations alone. We have to insti- tute that order in our own countries. We cannot have world peace without being at peace ourselves, within our country, within our society, within our family and, if I may say so, within each of us ourselves. 53. Before we ask for restraint from others we must prac- tise restraint and control ourselves. We cannot have a new international economic order abroad and an old economic order of exploitation at home. We cannot ask for the elimi- nation of exploitation and inequalities among nations and allow economic depression and disparities to flourish within our nations. 54. The emancipation of mankind from exploitation must take place both nationally and internationally. The structu- ral imbalances and inequalities within nations are linked together. That is as true for the South as it is for the North. These are many glasshouses. Let us change those houses. Let us also not throw stones. 55. A large part of my life and my own political endea- vours have been in the fields of local government and hous- ing. The need, therefore, for involving the people in the decision-making process, both locally and internationally, is clear to me. 56. I see the provision of adequate housing as a .basic aspect of the global assault on poverty. We must eliminate the problems of overcrowding, lack of sanitation and inse- curity. Housing is important in creating the environment in which our people have to live. In the rush for development, urbanization has run out of control, spawning ugly slums and ghettos, depopulating rural areas and overcrowding conurbations. Urban poverty, congestion and squalor are problems common to many of our developing countries. 57. It is said that as much as 20 per cent of our People in the developing countries are seriously undernourished; 50 per cent do not have pure water; 60 per cent do not have 58. There are equally depressing figures for unemploy- ment, education and other basicneeds. Eachof usinhisown way is attempting to tackle theseformidable problems. It is my beliefthat housing provides a key to the eliminationof several of these disadvantages. The problem of housing is not confined to Sri Lanka. It is not a problem confined to Asia. It is a global problem. 59. I therefore call for the declaration ofan international year dedicated to homes for the homeless. Perhaps the year could be focused especially on the rehabilitation of the shanty dweller. The replacement of shantiesbydecenthous- ing is not a peripheral part of development. It isat the very core. It is an investment in mankind. 60. I have touched, if only briefly, on some of the issues that the world will increasingly haveto confront and resolve in the yearsahead. Standing as wedo on thethresholdof the decade of the 1980s, it isour duty to face the problems fully and squarely. 61. Conflict, as much as co-operation, has been a part of the history of the human race. In past times the cause of conflict between peoples was almost parochial; language, race and religion have divided men and in their name men have fought and died. Sadly, even today, these symbols which man created continue to divide man. We-have also had major confrontations on ideology, and wehavespoken much of the antagonism between East and West. 62. The issues which have so clearly emerged today as symptoms of themalaise whichafflicts theworld-inflation, the imbalance of payments, the monetary system, food, security, the commodity problem, and the like-indicate that future battle lines would be drawn on even a more fundamental basis,perhaps between poor and rich,between South and North. 63. It is surely to forestall this conflict that the debate between the North and the South must be expanded into a dialogue and then quickened into an agreed agenda of action for today, tomorrow and the day after. 64. I believe that our collective will and our united action, not only at the national level but in the global context, will enable us to overcome the challenges of the present. We cannot pass the buck. It is our world. We must not only survive in it. We must improve it "May the rain fall in time, "May the harvest be rich, "May the world be prosperous, "May the rulers be righteous."!

On behalf of the General Assem- bly I wish to thank the Prime Ministerof Sri Lanka for the important statement he has just made, and on behalf of myselfand mycountry I should liketo expressmygratitude for the kind words addressed to me and to my people.

Permit me first of all, Sir, to extend to you the warmest congratulations on behalf of the Greek delegation on your unanimous election to the presidency of the Gen- eral Assembly. This important post could not have been entrusted to a more experienced diplomat, a diplomat more committed to the ideals of the Charter and more aware of the serious responsibilities entailed in this task. Further- more, you represent a country whichislinkedwith mineby tiesof closefriendshipand a long-standingcommon cultural heritage,and whichbelongsto thegreat European family,to which Greece will shortly be admitted. 67. We should also liketo congratulate the outgoing Presi- dent, Mr. SalimAhmed Salim,a worthy son of Africa, who conducted the proceedings of the General Assembly throughout a particularly difficult period with a skill,flexi- bility and efficiency which were truly exemplary. 68. It is also a pleasure for me to convey the congratula- tions of my delegation to the Secretary-General, who has placed hisgreat talents, authority and prestigein the service of peace in the world, as wecan seeonceagain in readinghis report to the Assembly on the work of the Organization [Al35/1]. The tireless efforts of Mr. Waldheim to curb the major international crisesof our timeand assistin bringing about a settlement of them havewonfor himtheadmiration and respect of all. 69. I should also like to welcome the proclamation of the independence of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and bid the representativesof this newMember welcome among us, while expressing the conviction that they will play a con- structive role in the United Nations. 70. The development of the international situation over the 12 months which have elapsed since the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly has, unfortunately, not been very encouraging. The major problems facing the world, with one or two exceptions, have become increas- ingly mired in stagnation, thus depriving whole peoples of any hope of a better future. Furthermore, new problems have emerged on the international scenecreatingan atmos- phere of crisis that endangers the processof detente, which alone can enable mankind to apply itselfto the major eco- nomic and social challenges confronting it, on the handling of which depends its very survival. 71. Among the major problems of our time, that of the Middle East has the grim privilege of being the oldest and perhaps the most complicated. After three warsand numer- ous local conflicts, this region, with the countries of which Greece has long maintained verycloselinks,continuesto be . a powderkeg ready to explode at any time. 72. The Greek Government considers that the solution to this problem should liein the scrupulous application of the following principles: first, evacuation of all Arab territo- ries occupied by Israel since the 1967 war, including East Jerusalem; secondly, recognition of the right of the Pales- tinian people to self-determination, one of the options of 73. Faithful to these principles, the Greek Government has always expressed disapproval, as indeed have the vast majority of Member States, of the Israeli policy of modify- ing the demographic nature of the occupied territories, either by the establishment of new settlements or by other means. 74. Similarly, my Government wishes to associate itself fully with Security Council resolution 476 (1980), which opposes any change in the status ofJerusalem. I should like to take this opportunity to reaffirm our conviction that the' right of free access to the city of Jerusalem must remain inviolable for the benefit of the faithful ofthe three mono- theistic religions, for whom the Holy Places have a sacred character. 75. Furthermore, we deplore armed incursions into Leba- nese territory, and we appeal for an end to be put to all these acts ofviolence in Lebanon. The international community is in duty bound to ensure absolute respect for the territorial integrity of Lebanon and the restoration ofthe authority of the Lebanese Government over the entire territory of the country. It must also ensure that UNIFIL enjoys conditions which will enable it to continue unhindered the admirable work which it has been doing in southern Lebanon. 76. The importance of the Middle East problem is such that all those who can contribute to its solution should spare no effort to do so. For this reason we take pleasure at the declaration of the heads of State and Government and Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the countries of the Euro- pean Community issued at Venice on 13 June [see AI351299-SI14009J, the outlines ofwhich converge with the policy of my own Government. 77. We have also noted with satisfaction the mission entrusted to the current President of the Council of the European Community to contact the parties involved, with the aim ofexploring the possibilities ofa negotiated solution of the conflict. We believe that such negotiations should be open to all interested parties, including the Palestine Libera- tion Organization [PLO]. 78. We have seen in southern Africa a development that is both important and instructive: the long struggle of the people of Zimbabwe for its independence has finally been successful and has led to the election of a Parliament and a Government representing all the ethnic elements of the country. That outcome of the long drawn out Rhodesian crisis, an outcome made possible thanks tothe political will of all the signatories of the Lancaster House Agreement, demonstrates the moral superiority of reason over force, of conciliation over hatred, and of good will over intransi- gence. The wisdom and political maturity displayed by the Government of Zimbabwe since it took power has won it the admiration .of all. It is therefore with particular satisfac- tion that the Greek delegation again wishes the noble people of Zimbabwe success, happiness and prosperity. 80. What happened in Zimbabwe should set an example for Namibia. The plan ofthe five Western countries endorsed by the Security Council in its resolution 435 (1978) is an excellent basis for the free expression of the will of the inhabitants of the Territory and its accession to indepen- dence. The South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] and the front-line States have demonstrated their political will to see that plan implemented. Let us hope that South Africa, whose responsibilities towards the Namibian people are particularly heavy, will follow suit. That is some- thing that world public opinion demands. 81. With regard to the problem of apartheid, there has, unfortunately, been no sign that the Pretoria Government has any intention ofdeparting from that odious policy, which is condemned by the universal conscience. This intolerable situation cannot continue much longer without provoking strong reactions both within the country and from the inter- national community. 82. When, at the outset, I said that new sources of tension had emerged over the last few months in addition to the already existing confrontations of the post-war era, which can virtually be called traditional, I was in particular refer- ring to the crises whose impact on world peace and stability is difficult to estimate: the invasion ofAfghanistan by Soviet troops and, for a week now, the conflict between Iraq and Iran. 83. The taking of hostages and the detention to this very day of diplomats and other American officials in Teheran should be considered a very serious violation of interna- tionallaw that may welljeopardize the very bases ofinterna- tional relations. The attit . .f the Iranian authorities with regard to that incident was L.lianimously condemned by the Members of the Organization and by its supreme legal authority, the International Court of Justice. On the strength of the ties of friendship that have always existed between the Greek and the Iranian peoples, my Govern- ment once again urgently appeals to the Iranian Govern- ment to comply with the requirements ofthe law ofnations, which it may in turn invoke in order to settle its differences with the United States. 84. The Soviet invasion in Afghanistan, like that of the Vietnamese troops in Cambodia one year earlier, isan event fraught with serious consequences. Respect for the indepen- dence and territorial integrity of States, which constitutes one of tl.e foundations ofthe Charterofthe United Nations, is a rule not only of law but also, and above all, of morality, which should provide the foundation for all international order. If the great and the powerful do not pay all the necessary respect to those principles, there is the risk of intimidation and violence becoming the supreme laws of international life. 85. Aft for the conflict between Iraq and Iran, which is liable at any moment to assume alarming proportions, I should like to associate myself with all my colleagues who have from this rostrum appealed to the two countries t J have recourse to peaceful means to settle their disputes. 86. Lastly we should like to state our complete agreement with the statement of the Foreign Ministers ofthe European Community with regard to the need to ensure freedom of navigation in the Gulf. That need, which is obvious, is increased by the fact that a large number of countries, including Greece, depend, with regard to their energy needs, to a considerable extent on deliveries ofoil from that region. 87. The crises I have just mentioned, with all the dangers they entail for peace in the world" make it absolutely clear that it is necessary and urgent for there to be effective disarmament. Furthermore, one of the indispensable condi- tions for any true effort at disarmament is the gradual elimination of sources of friction as wellas suspicion among States. That can be brought about only ifall the countries of the world, whatever their power or their resources, refrain from recourse to force or the threat of it and make use ofthe means available to them under the Charter and other docu- ments of international law to eliminate causes of friction among themselves. Only thus can the current disarmament negotiations, or those contemplated for rhefuture, have any chance of proving fruitful. 88. Another aspect of disarmament, and byno means the least important, is the release of funds to be used in the fulfilment of the major economic and social aspirations of our time. But that requires the sincere co-operation of all countries, beginning with the nuclear Powers and that, in turn, presupposes effective international control over any arms limitations provided for in agreements already signed or to be signed. 89. My country's willingness to contribute to understand- ing among all European peoples has been manifested in the constructive attitude it adopted in the very opening phases of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, held at Helsinki in 1975. It is in the same positive spirit that we approach the second reviewsession ofthe Conference, to be held at Madrid, the major objective ofwhich should be to maintain the momentum provided by the Helsinki Confer- ence for the development of harmonious relations among countries belonging to different socio-economic systems. 90. But in the view of my Government it will be easier to attain that objective if at Madrid we undertake a frank and objective examination ofwhat has been done so far and ifwe ensure the application of the provisions of the Final Act of the Conference as a whole. 91. With regard to a field in which the prospects seem to be rather better-that is, the field of international economic co-operation, one of the most constant and encouraging characteristics of recent years has been the Organization's growing awareness of the major social and economic prob- lems confronting our world. The elimination ofpoverty and hunger; the narrowing of the very wide gulf now separating the rich countries from the poor countries; the struggle 92. That is why we greeted with great hope the initiation, a few years ago, of the long process that led to the eleventh special session of the General Assembly, one of the major goals of which, as we know, was the undertaking ofprepara- tions for negotiations covering the major problems of an economic nature to which I have just referred. 93. That session did not, of course, yield all the results we had hoped for. If on one of its aspects-the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Devel- opment Decade-we have brought about a consensus which gives us the broad outlines for economic co-operation for the current decade, on the other hand in another aspect-global negotiations-we find ourselvesat present in a deadlock. I hope that this deadlock is only temporary. We know that the developing countries considerglobal negotia- tions as the means of ensuring acceptance oftheir legitimate demands. To disappoint them would be a serious mistake, with incalculable consequences. 94. We should not like to minimize the obstacles that remain to be overcome if these negotiations are to be started on time, but it would be wrong to dramatize them. It isour conviction that in the course of the present session it will be possible to eliminate differences in viewpoints, because we do not think that there are leaders in the world who fail to realize the magnitude of the problems and the imperative need to tackle them as soon as possible. 95. If there were any need for proof that it is possible to resolve even the thorniest problems provided there is the necessary political will,one has only to consider the progress achieved by the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. Greece, a pre-eminently maritime country, took an active part in that Conference and, we hope, made a positive contribution to it. The work, as was so wellpointed out by the Secretary-General in his report on the work ofthe Organization [see A/35/I, sect. Xl], confounded the pessi- mists and proved that agreement ispossible if negotiators act in a spirit of genuine compromise.' We hope that the few points that still remain will be settled at the next session of the Conference and that we will succeed in signing and applying a convention that will make it possible for coun- tries not only to settle their differences and to avoid disputes in the future, but also to devote themselves to the common exploitation ofthe resources ofthe oceans and sea-bed to the benefit of all the inhabitants of our planet. 96. I should like now to deal with a subject that isa matter of particular importance to Greece: that of human rights. 97. If the Organization had only one raison d'etre, it could well be that of ensuring for all the inhabitants ofour planet the free exercise and enjoyment of their fundamental rights: that of the freedom ofopinion but also the freedevelopment of the personality; the right to proper education, but also the right to a satisfactory standard of living; the free election of 98. What makes the role of the United Nations particu- larly delicate in this case is the need to prevent this sacred cause from servingas a pretext for purposes that are alien to it. This is, indeed, a difficult task, which warrants as much attention as possible from the competent organs and the countries therein represented. 99. While on the subject of human rights, I should like to mention a specificcase. About 2,000 people disappeared in tilt: aftermath of the hostilities in Cyprus in 1974. We still know nothing about what became of these people, some of whom were of Greek nationality, and this in spite of resolu- tions of the General Assembly and its organs which pro- vided for an international inquiry on the spot. Such an inquiry has not yet been carried out becauseof the refusalof the Turkish Cypriot leaders, who had, however, agreed to this when Mr. Waldheim went to Nicosia in May 1979. 100. The purelymanitarian aspect of this question should prompt the Turkish Cypriot side,as well as any other authority that is in a position todo so, to help the Organiza- tion to obtain information as to the fate of the people I have mentioned and thus do something to reduce the distress of their kith and kin. lOt. To conclude, I shall refer to the problem of Cyprus. The fact that I can do this briefly is in itselfencouraging. It proves that the prospects for an agreed solution have become a reality once again, thanks to the resumption of the intercommunal talks. May all those who have contributed to this positive development find in thisan expression of our gratitude to them. 102. I should like to express the hope of my Government that this time the talks, even if they should prove to be difficult, may finally succeed in bringing about an agree- ment that will make it possible for the unfortunate island to find its peace, independence and prosperity once again and for the two communities to staunch the wounds of the past and resume their common life. Asfor myown Government, it will do everything in its power to contribute to a satisfac- tory outcome of the intercommunal talks. I say everything in our power aware as I am of the fact that the brunt of the responsibility lies with the island's inhabitants free of out- side interference. 103. Let me, however, express a conviction that we have always repeated to all interested parties, namely, that only a solution that provides for the State and economic unity of the Republic of Cyprus would be viable.Cyprus istoo small a country to be divided inany way. Ifthisfundamental truth is accepted by the two communities, there will be a good chance of seeing them joining forces in the pursuit ofa goal that has hitherto eluded them-that of building together a common future. 104. The review that I have just made of the situation in the world is, perhaps, not calculated to fill us withoptimism.

Permit me, Sir, on my own personal behalf and on behalf of my delegation, to congratulate you most sincerely on your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth ses- sion of the General Assembly. Tanzania is particularly pleased to see an eminent representative of yourgreat coun- try occupying this post, for the Federal Republic of Ger- many and the United Republic of Tanzania have long historical links. You are aware, of course, that present rela- tions between our two countries in diplomacy and develop- ment co-operation are flourishing. Your country's interest in the progress of the continent of Africa is also widely acknowledged. Your own high qualities as a skilled diplo- mat and statesman make you a most worthy choice for this esteemed post. My delegation welcomes your leadership of the current session of the General Assemblyand pledgesits fullest co-operation. 106. It gives me immense satisfaction now to pay a deserved tribute to your predecessor, Ambassador Salim Ahmed Salirn, on his achievements. The confidence of my Government in his service, dedication and resourcefulness in the. course of his entire career as its envoy was more than vindicated by his assumption, for the honour of hiscountry, of the responsibilities of President of the thirty-fourth ses- sion of the General Assembly. We are proud of the dedica- tion that he demonstrated during the one-year term of office. 107. In addition, I take this opportunity, through you, Mr. President, first, once again to thank the General Assembly for electing him and then extending to him throughout his term of office all the co-operation and assistance that he needed. Secondly, I thank Ambassador Salim himself for the honour he has earned my country by his stewardship of the Assembly's affairs in the regular and special sessions. Thirdly, I thank the General Committee ofthe thirty-fourth session for its team spirit and co-operation with Ambassa- dor Salim. 108. I should like to extend a very warm welcome to the delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, whose country has just been admitted to membership in the United Nations. The United Nations must feel very proud of and enriched by this latest success in decolonization. We look forward to working verycloselywith the delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines in the United Nations for the benefit of the peoples we represent and in the promotion of international understanding and co-operation. 109. Allow me also to take this opportunity to pay a well-deserved tribute to the Secretary-General. The smooth operation of the Secretariat is often taken for granted, although the truth is that a lot ofarduous work, dedication and perseverance must be put into it, and the onus of ensuring that all goes well is borne by the man at the helm. We are pleased to record our great satisfaction that the Ill. Although there can be no doubt that the United Nations has achieved much since it was founded-for exam- ple, in the field ofdecolonization-s-the over-all world situa- tion remains very disturbing. There prevails in almost every area of endeavour by the United Nations a sense of under- achievement, great disappointment and sometimes near des- pair. In its quest for peace and security, in the numerous areas of international tension, for example, goodwill efforts and negotiations are stalemated, while the problems assume even more dangerous proportions. In disarmament., rhe- toric seems to a disturbing extent to have replaced meaning- ful negotiations, leaving the arms race to escalate almost beyond reversal. In the economic field, the world is witness- ing a dramatic crumbling of the entire world economic structure, thanks mainly to the stubborn refusal of reform by some of the beneficiaries of the old established unequal economic relations. As confrontation and contest spread from one field to another, tension mounts and peace, natu- rally, is placed in even greater jeopardy. 112. One of the developments which characterized the 1970s and will, I believe, dominate the 1980s is the fiercely critical re-examination of world economic relations follow- ing the proved ineffectiveness of traditional attempts at a solution, especially in the I960s. This re-examination has resulted in the conclusion that nothing short of a complete overhaul of the world economic system will bringabout an improvement in the economies of most of the developing countries, let alone international justice. That is why the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establish- ment of a New International Economic Order of I May 1974 iresolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 .(S-VI)] remains the number one agenda item in the evolution of present-day international relations. 113. But it is also becoming increasingly clear that the old international economic system is no longer appropriate even for its architects in the North, whose economies are charac- terized by slow growth, high unemployment, inflation and fluctuations in exchange rates. Even the so-called free trade isincreasingly being flouted by some ofthe developed coun- tries by a proliferation of protectionist measures. 114. The call for the establishment of a new international economic order is based on the genuine desire to establish a harmonious and mutually beneficial political and economic system in which all nations will be able to participate equita- bly, not only in the decision-making mechanisms on matters affecting all countries but also in the production and distri- bution ofgoods and services. And I should like to emphasize at this juncture that the developing countries are not asking for reparations for whatever pillage was committed in the 115. Several working conferences have been held since the sixth special session of the General Assembly, which laid down the foundation and goals of this new structure of relationships among nations. Regrettably, little progress has been made in the implementation of the structural changes called for in the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment ofa New International Economic Order. Responsibility for the failure of the international commu- nity to reach agreement on structural changes in the inter- national economic system falls squarely on certain major developed countries. In the report of the Independent Com- mission on International Development Issues, the Brandt Commission has given eloquent, succinct and authoritative testimony in these terms: "... in UNCTAD and elsewhere the Group of77 faced an uphill task. At successive meetings they put forward proposals for international economic reform, but the North either did not like them or was not ready for them. The North has also argued that the South often makes inflexible demands which allow little room for negotia- tion. On the other hand, while some countries have made positive proposals, the North as a group has tended to react passively to those put forward by the South, rather than present a constructive position of its own.?" 116. These negative attitudes of some of the major indus- trialized countries of the North were again manifested at the recently concluded eleventh special session of the General Assembly, which was devoted to issues related to develop- ment and international economic co-operation. Their lack of political will prevented the Assembly from launching, at that session, the new round ofglobal negotiations on interna- tional economic co-operation for development. 117. The selective approach to the issues to be dealt with during the global negotiations clearly demonstrates that some of the industrialized countries are interested in discuss- ing in isolation only those issues which are of direct interest to them, in complete disregard ofthe interests ofthe interna- tional community as a whole. Their insistence that some of the issues concerned should be dealt with exclusively in certain international institutions, of which they have full command because of their weighted voting structures and the non-universality of those institutions, is a clear demon- stration of their desire to maintain their privileged position. In all these cases some ofthe developed countries are reject- ing the concept of an integrated approach to the problems facing the world economy in the fields of raw materials, energy, trade, development, money and finance, and they want to reduce the role of the central body in these negotia- tions to that of a helpless spectator. 118. My delegation is convinced that the new round of global negotiations on international economic co-operation 119. We accept that the primary responsibility for the development of our countries rests on our own shoulders. It is for this reason that the developing countries have initiated several projects and programmes for co-operation and mutual assistance among themselves in order to promote their individual and collective self-reliance. The developing countries are committed to the implementation of such policy measures as those elaborated in the Arusha Pro- gramme for Collective Self-Reliance? and in other pro- grammes adopted elswhere. There have also been efforts to promote co-operation at regional levels. The Lagos Plan of Action for the Implementation ofthe Monrovia Strategy for Economic Development of Africa," which was adopted at the second extraordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] in Lagos in April of this year, signifies the importance which African countries attach to co-operation among themselves in order to deal more effectively with their development problems. 120. But we are equally conscious of the fact that all countries, and particularly the developing ones, need an international political and economic environment which will both respond to and support their development efforts. All countries must therefore demonstrate their political will and commitment to implement the Strategy for the 1980s. The developed countries in particular must take the neces- sary measures to give concrete substance to their pleas for accommodation and co-operation. 121. In August this year an event took place at Geneva that is historic and must have a great influence in other areas of collective endeavour. The Third United Nations Confer- ence on the Law of the Sea, which has taken over to years of difficult negotiations on a vast range of maritime issues, reached agreement on all the major problems before it. Like the negotiations on the new international economic order, that Conference involved numerous very sensitive interests of the participating States and, as in the former, a demand for departure from traditional patterns of world relations was made. The scepticism and sense ofdespair that preceded the breakthrough were as great as, if not greater than, those which prevail in negotiations elsewhere. The collapse of this Conference would inevitably have had demoralizingreper- cussions on all other negotiations apart from portending chaos at sea. Yet to all intents and purposes the law of the sea negotiations have succeeded, all the difficult problems involved notwithstanding. , Proceedings of the UnitedNations Conference on Trade amiDevelop- ment. FifthSession. vol. L ReportandAnnexes(United Nations publica- tion. Sales No. E.79.II.D.14). annex VI. 123. Expenditures on arms and armaments by most Pow- ers no longer bear any relationship to their security require- ments. What can we say of this kind of wasteful conduct when in this same world, across our borders, if not within our own countries, there are fellow human beings who live in conditions of misery and abject poverty? 124. The arms race has now pushed the world to the very brink of suicide. Two years ago the tenth special session of the General Assembly had to be convened to draw world attention to this fact. In August ofthis year the parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [reso- lution 2373 (XXIl). annex] held their Second ReviewConfer- ence at Geneva. At both meetings there was unanimity on one conclusion, namely, that what has so far been done in the field of disarmament is not commensurate with the urgent requirements in this field. We appeal to the great military Powers to summon up the resolve to begin to beat their swords into ploughshares. 125. My country is seriously concerned at the military build-up in the Indian Ocean zone. We have all along noted with concern and realized that that zone has been of great interest to the major military Powers and therefore a zone of rivalry, fraught with the danger of military conflict. In 1971 the Assembly declared the Indian Ocean a zone of peace, therefore the area should be spared great..Power military presence and rivalry. Of late, under the pretextof develop- ments around the area, there has been an unprecedented escalation in great-Power rivalry and more bases have been openly established, in total disregard of the appeal made here for those Powers to exercise restraint. That is a very disturbing trend, and my delegation calls upon all those concerned scrupulously to respect the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace. 126.' The Middle East situation is one of the most agoniz- ing that the United Nations has had to deal with in its history. Peace has become exceedingly elusive, and as long as it is not accepted by all sides that the legitimate right ofthe Palestinian people to self-determination, including the right to establish an independent State of its own, is the corner- stone of peace in that area, there can be no prospect of peace. 127. The current Israeli activities in the area underscore that country's intransigence and have justly been con- demned by the international community. The establishment of Israeli settlements in occupied Arab lands, the incarcera- tion 1/ Arab leaders, such as mayors, the recent illegal actions on the status of Jerusalem and the constant aggres- sion against Lebanon, to mention only a few such activities, do not contribute to the quest for a just and enduring settlement of the conflict in the region. 128. The recent outbreak of hostilities between Iran and Iraq, which unfortunately still continues, is a sou.rceofgreat concern to my Government. The war between those two non-aligned and developing States has already caused tre- 129. In the island State of Cyprus, the sovereignty, terri- torial integrity and non-alignment of a nation is threatened by internal strife and foreign occupation. The United Nations, through the efforts of the Secretary-General in particular, has endeavoured to bring the two communities together to seek a common solution. We urge the two communities to take advantage of those good offices in the interest of their country and of regional peace, bearing in mind that the longer it takes to reach a solution, the more intractable the problem becomes. 130. Efforts for the reunification of Korea have not moved a step since 1972, when the two sides agreed on a common approach to the search fora settlement. The Korean people have a right to demand the reunification oftheir motherland peacefully and without foreign interference and to demand the withdrawal of all foreign troops, and they are correct in seeking to replace the armistice agreement with a peace treaty to be signed by the parties concerned. 131. Developments concerning Indo-China and Afghani- stan continue to exacerbate international tension. We are convinced that the only solution lies in full respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of the countries concerned. The true desire of those countries is to be non-aligned. That is not only their right, which wefully support, but also the best guarantee of peace in their areas. 132. As we enter the decade of the 1980s, Africa is living out the final chapter of decolonization. Zimbabwe is now free, and it is with a deep sense of pride that we welcome its presence among us here today. 133. But Zimbabwe has taught all of us a lesson that is very relevant to the situation now prevailing in Namibia. 134. South Africa, in the first place, continues to occupy that Territory illegally. Secondly, it has done everything possible to thwart the United Nations plan for settlement and to block the implementation ofSecurity Council resolu- tion 435 (1978). Despite the many and veryserious efforts of the Secretary-General to ensure implementation of the set- tlement plan, South Africa has continued to employ delay- ing tactics, using every kind of pretext and excuse to frustrate those moves. Thirdly, South Africa has continued to use Namibia as a springboard from which to launch repeated acts of aggression against Angola and Zambia. Recently, the attacks against Angola have been particularly vicious and almost constant. Those acts of aggression have maimed thousands, and rendered just as many defenceless refugees. We condemn those senselessacts in the strongest possible terms. At the same time, we pledge our solidarity not only with the oppressed peoples in Namibia but also with the gallant people of Angola and Zambia, who have defied South Africa'sintimidation and aggression. 136. You, Mr. President, represent .vgreat country, the Federal Republic of Germany. With a '.pulation of about 25,000 ethnic Germans in Namibia, an.i ,dw as one of the five Western countries, I am sure this question is of great interest and challenge to your country, toyou and tothem, for it is at their initiative that negotiations took place. I am convinced, therefore, that in our deliberations on this mat- ter, as in all others before the Assembly at this session, your wisdom and experience will not let this opportunity for a peaceful settlement elude us. 137. Apart from Namibia, South Africa itself isat a cross- roads. A revolution has already beenignited, and there is no way the apartheidregime there can stiflethe fireofliberation and equality for all the peoples of South Africa. What is feared, however, is that in its desperation the racist minority regime will perpetrate more crimes in an attempt to prolong its existence. We believe that with the co-operation of the rest of the international community, by isolating the regime in all fields, the sons and daughters of that country willnot take long to wrest their freedom and dignity. We appeal to all Members of the United Nations not to put obstacles in the way of these peoples' pursuit of this ideal, which the United Nations itself has always espoused. 138. Still on the questionof liberation in Africa, the atten- tion of the Assembly must be drawn to a problem which has already been the subject ofnumerous decisions by the OAU, the United Nations and the non-aligned movement. I am referring to the problem of Western Sahara. The people of that Territory are entitled to exercise their right to self- determination and independence. But a Member of the United Nations and of the OAU, namely Morocco, insists that Western Saharabe part of Morocco's territory. There certainly is no basis for Morocco's claim. 139. The majority of the African States have already accorded recognition to the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic. Talks have been allowed to go on with all con- cerned and interested parties in the Ad Hoc Committee of Heads of State of the OAU on Western Sahara. It has nevertheless to be made clear that the right ofthe people of Western Sahara to self-determination and independence is as unaffected as it is sacrosanct. The Assembly cannot but continue to reaffirm this right. 141. Now, we hear of talk that the Assembly consists of too many members to be efficient in its work and that, therefore, serious negotiations can only usefully take place in smaller forums elsewhere. And when the forums are mentioned t'J us, we cannot avoid concluding that these members want to continue to enjoy a privileged position in the community of nations. 142. This position of privilege is no longer acceptable. All ofus have to learn to livewith a democratized world system. So long as we continue to livein this same one world, wewill have to learn to livewith one another as equals and therefore obliged to share responsibility as well as rights. 'It is no longer possible for a small group of countries to take deci- sions on behalf of others without their consent and, at the same time, expect acceptance of those decisions by all. Neither the world nor the United Nations continues to be patterned to the purpose and interest of the few developed and industrialized nations. 143. Affairs of common interest in all fields of interna- tional intercourse must be dealt with in the United Nations. We maintain that the United Nations isthe only hope for the peace, prosperity and dignity of mankind, That is why we also maintain that important decisions on world affairs need the stamp of legitimacy of the United Nations if these deci- sions are to be of lasting effect. 144. Since the launching of negotiations for the new inter- national economic order, we have witnessed six years of dialogue aimed at averting confrontation. But the dialogue, necessary though it may have been, has fostered neglectand compounded the trend of accelerating economic adversity for the developing countries. Hunger, disease and depriva- tion have increased, not abated. There is yet the chance to come to grips with these problems and to strengthen the aspiration for the realization of a peaceful world. It lies in the commencement of the global negotiations. 145. Neither rivalry nor isolation can destroy the essential unity of our planet or the dynamic interdependence of nations. We hope that the 1980s willattest to this truth, and that, inspired by the principles and goals of the United Nations, countries willtranslate it into practical institutional measures. I can assure you that Tanzania will play its part towards this end. 146. U LAY MAUNG (Burma): The delegation ofBurma would like to congratulate you most warmly, Mr. President, on your election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly and to assure you of our fullest co-operation in the discharge of your responsibilities. We are confident that the wealth of experience and wisdom which you bring with you will prove valuable in guiding us successfully through the present session. 148. It gives us great pleasure to welcome in our midst the delegations of the Republic of Zimbabwe and ofSaint Vin- cent and the Grenadines. We offer them our warm felicita- tions and friendly greetings on the occasion of their admission to the family of the United Nations. 149. We are gathered here at a time when the world is passing through a critical juncture in international relations, both politically and economically. The perilous trend in world developments that have been worsening for some time has now reached an acute phase, and such develop- ments now pose a grave threat to international peace and security. 150. We are today witnessing a decline in the respect for and observance of the basic principles and obligations we have assumed under the Charter, principles which the world Organization has laboured so unremittingly to uphold and sustain as the pillars of international order. This is fre- quently evident in the increasing recourse to force, military intervention and interference in the internal affairs ofsover- eign States, as well as in the undermining of international norms and principles which have long governed the conduct of relations between States. As a result, new sources of tension and dangerous areas of crisis have emerged on the world scene which defy virtually all efforts at finding accept- able and reasonable solutions. 151. Recent political and military events have brought about changed strategic circumstances in our Asian regional neighbourhood. It isin the nature of such developments that a major move by one great Power invariably provokes a counter-move by the other great Power, thereby exposing the world to the dangers of a conflict which could wellresult in world disaster. These have found expression in the present surge of rearmament on the one hand and the emergence of the spectre of the cold war on the other. 152. In the domain of international economic relations, the serious ailments which afflict the world economy have their adverse impact on all nations. At the same time the structural imbalance of the international economic system continues to aggravate the relations between developed and developing countries. 153. All in all, the broad trends which have been described are indicative ofthe difficultand daunting circumstances the world community faces and must tackle as it enters the decade of the 1980s. 154. Taking the broadest view of the basic changes now going on behind the march ofevents, we can only conclude that the whole international system is undergoing an enor- mously important transformation. We now stand at a deci- sive turning point in world history. What we require is to direct and influence the evolutionary process in a way that is positive and conducive to furthering the interests of man- kind. All nations have a common stake in overcoming the present threats to world peace and human survival and giving strong support to the work of the Organization to 155. Burma considers that today the United Nations alone provides a basis and a hope for such a world orderand isthe most broad-based international centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in pursuit of peace, friendly relations and co-operation among nations. I~6. In common with other nations, Burma is deeply con- cerned at the deteriorating situation in international rela- tions. In the forefront of our concern is the worsening relations between the great Powers, which also extend to the outlying arenas of their power interests. In military and economic terms, the great Powers stand apart from the rest of us. The disproportionate military and economic power which they possess imposes a very great responsibility on each of them individually to resist the natural temptations of self-interest and the arrogance of power and to show exem- plary dedication to the purposes and principles of the Char- ter of the United Nations. 157. Among the most regrettable effects of the present strains in great-Power relations is the status ofdisarmament negotiations. 'Allese strains dissipated most of the momen- tum gained from the last two decades of the disarmament dialogue. The fate ofthe SALT 11 Treaty,"which the Assem- bly welcomed last year [see resolution 34/87Fj, is now in doubt. This prompts serious concern, as hopes for limiting the arms race and for nuclear non-proliferation hinge very much on the outcome of the SALT Treaty. Wit-hout con- tinuing negotiations, or a SALT treaty, there would be nothing to control the pace of technological advances in weapons systems. As a result, the great Powers may turn once more to unrestrained competition and the arms race may get out of control. The delegation of Burma very much hopes that the SALT 11 Treaty will be ratified in due course, believing that it would be conducive to international stability. 158. We also view with concern the long delay in the acluevement of a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty. Concrete steps towards cessation of the qualitative improve- ment and development of nuclear weapons can only pro- ceed effectively on the conclusion of a total test ban. We therefore urge the nuclear Powers which are engaged in current tripartite negotiations to make a sustained effort to contribute to the successful conclusion of a draft treaty for submission to the Committee on Disarmament. 159. At the same time, it isa disturbing fact that there have been recent reports of the use of chemical agents in certain areas of conflict. Whether or not those reports are substan- tiated, negotiations on an effective, total and universal ban on chemical weapons assume major importance and urgency. Eight years have passed since the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stock- piling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and on Their Destruction [resolution 2826(XXVI)] was con- cluded, and parties to it are committed to the conclusion ofa 'I Treaty between thc United States of America and thc Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms. signed al Vienna on IN June 1979. 160. The question ofdisarmament is of universal concern. Recent events have cast a shadow on prospects for early progress and we are no nearer to our professed goal of general and complete disarmament under strict and effective international control. The pace of disarmament negotia- tions during the coming decade wili be determined by the nature and extent of political factors in the international situation and whether they are favourable or otherwise. This underlines the fact that any seious world-wide disarmament strategy, to be effective, must be accompanied by sustained efforts to eliminate tensions and by measures and initiatives aimed at increasing international confidence and security. 161. I should now like to focus on three key areas of the world where the situations present an imminent threat to international peace and security. I refer here to the situations in Kampuchea, Afghanistan and the Middle East region. 162. Kampucheaand Afghanistan have been on the anxious minds of representatives for quite some time, and the situations in those two strife-torn countries are once more before the Assembly. Burma ventures to think aloud and say that whenever the Assembly considers such items, it is of vital importance that it take the global perspective and search deeply for the root causes instead ofseeking the mere surface symptoms. 163. Kampuchea and Afghanistan are not, in our view, isolated cases or independent happenings. The root causes of their troubles are inseparably linked with those which generate tension and disturbances elsewhere. They arise in some cases from rivalry among small nations and in others from rivalry among the great Powers and their readiness to arm and abet small unwary nations or groups in order to expand their spheres of interest. 164. As matters stand today, many questions of a funda- mental nature arise in the consideration of the issues arising from the situations in Kampuchea and Afghanistan. The firm and consistent policy of Burma is that it cannot con- done the employment of armed intervention by an outside foreign Power in the internal affairs ofanother independent sovereign State to bring about a change in the Government of that State. Any breach of the basic principles of interna- tional relations as enunciated in the Charter creates a dan- gerous precedent that may have wide-ranging implications and far-reaching consequences for the world community. 165. It is the hope of the delegation of Burma that condi- tions will mature sufficiently in time in both countries to enable a-political solution to be found, based on the interna- tional recognized principles of respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of States. We are strongly convinced that these principles constitute an honourable basis for maintaining friendly relations between States. Our wish is to see the restoration of unity to the peoples of Kampuchea and Afghanistan and the return of conditions in which they can work out their own destiny free from all external interference and pressures. 167. The position of Burma on various aspects of the Middle East problem has clearly been stated at past sessions of the General Assembly and remains unchanged. We do not underestimate the highly emotional and complex diffi- culties inherent in the situation. None the less, we venture to say that the continuing dispute should be seen in the context of long-term relations in the region. As we see it, realism calls for some serious rethinking by both parties, Israeli and Arab, on the need to try to achieve an understanding on the basis of tolerance and mutual respect for one another's people. Without mutual recognition of each other'slegiti- mate rights, it will not be possible to achieve a just and lasting settlement in the Middle East. 168. The brighter side of the general international scene is the end of thebitter struggle for majority rule by the people of Zimbabwe. The independent Republic of Zimbabwe has now emerged as a fully-fledged member of the international community. To its people go our heartiest congratulations and best wishes. The progress that has been made in Zimba- bwe is due tothe commendable spirit ofcompromise shown by all parties concerned. Credit is also due to the British authorities for their realistic and far-sighted approach to the question of Zimbabwe. We should also like to extend to them our sincere congratulations on the successful conclu- sion of an extremely delicate task. 169. The delegation of Burma hopes that the solution in Zimbabwe will help engender the same spirit of accommo- dation and lead the way towards independence in Namibia. To our mind, it is imperative to break the Namibian dead- lock before that country becomes wholly engulfed in war. 170. We regret that in South Africa the over-all pattern of apartheid has undergone no real change. This policy of institutionalized and legalized racialism remains the most persistent abuse of human rights and explains the recurrent violent unrest which continues to make the South African political scene. 171. As tar as the world economy isconcerned the outlook is sombre. Leading authorities have voiced serious anxiety over the deepening world economic crisis. We share this international concern, as no country is immune from the disruptive pressures of a declining world economy. The 172. In a world of nations grown so closely interdepend- ent, a co-ordinated and comprehensive effort at interna- tional co-operation for mutual benefit and advancement is imperative. 173. I.-flation, recession, protectionism, unemployment, payments deficits-these are words whicharise in describing the general character of the world economic scene. Since the start of the energy crisis and the break-up of the interna- tional monetary system in the 1970s, there has been no cohesion in the international economic mechanism. Con- flicting economic interests among and between nations, rising protectionism and restnctive policies mark the desper- ate search for economic security. There has been no reversal of these adverse trends and the intervals of relative, stability have been brief and uneasy. A development strategy for the coming decade would need a much more favourable environment. 174. Major economic challenges facing the world commu- nity are the problems of population growth, shortages of food and energy and environmental pressures. The question facing the world community is whether man has the ability to reorganize the material conditions of life so as to create a reasonable international economic system. 175. We meet in the Assembly just after the eleventh special session, devoted to the consideration of global eco- nomic issues and negotiations and international economic co-operation for development. Such co-operation can be secured only if all the nations concerned can foresake their set attitudes, which originate in the mutual apprehension and, in part, in the economic insecurity which hold them in their grip, and make a generous move towards more flexible positions in a spirit of mutual need and mutual responsibil- ity. It is common knowledge that mutually advantageous exchanges of goods and services between countries arc the foundation of both the prosperity and the peace of the world. 176. Perhaps in voicing the main concerns of Burma on the international situation as the world community facesthe decade of the 1980s, we have presented a rather pessimistic picture of the world situation. We have merely given the hard facts of life as we see them. Ofcourse. we must all make what contribution we can towards the solution of world problems and hope that what we say or resolve here will weigh at least a little with those Powers on which the solu- tions will largely and ultimately depend.