A/35/PV.17 General Assembly

First of all, on behalf of the delegation of Democratic Kampuchea, I should like to extend my warmest congratulations to Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar of the Federal Republic of Germany, on his unanimous elec- tion to the presidency of our General Assembly. This is a tribute both to his personal qualities and to his great coun- try. which has consistently played an increasingly important role in the world. I am convinced that underhis enlightened leadership the work of our Assembly will be successful. 81. My delegation would also like io associate itself with otherdelegates in extending its warm gratitude to the outgo- ing President, Mr. Salim of the United Republic of Tanza- nia, who over the past year has exerted himselfto the utmost in the cause of peace, security and stability in the world, particularly in the region to which my country belongs. 82. We should also like to extend our most sincere grati- tude to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his tireless efforts for world peace and to ensure that the United Nations fulfils its heavy responsibilities. 83. The delegation of Democratic Kampuchea would also like to take this opportunity to welcome warmly to member- ship in the United Nations the Republic ofZimbabwe which has just become an independent and sovereign State after a stubborn struggle. We should like at the same time to bid a cordial welcome to another new Member of our Organiza- tion, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. 84. We also wish to convey our warm gratitude and our most cordial greetings to all countries throughout the world which love peace and justice and have endeavoured to make a valuable contribution to the just national cause of the survival of the people of Kampuchea. 86. The United Nations is quite rightly concerned at the deterioration of the international situation and has put for- ward relevant proposals to contain it. In particular, with regard to the problem of Kampuchea and that of Afghani- stan, it has taken a just and correct position by calling for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Kampuchea and Afghanistan in order to allow the peoples of these countries to exercise the inalienable right to decide for themselves their own destinies without foreign interference. All peoples that love peace and justice have given their firm support to this just position. 87. But the Hanoi authorities and the Soviet international expansionists have not only turned a deafear to the repeated demands made by the whole of mankind, but, what ismore, they are violating ever further and ever more arrogantly the Charter of the United Nations and the principles governing international relations. Applying the law of the jungle, they are stepping up their aggression in Kampuchea and Afghan- istan. They are, in particular, using chemical weapons, although they have been universally prohibited by interna- tional conventions, and are taking their cynicism so far as to use the weapon of starvation in order to exterminate the people of Kampuchea the more speedily. At the same time, under the cover of a sham detente, they are intensifying the arms race. 88. For the small and medium-sized countries, like Demo- cratic Kampuchea, the United Nations still remains the last resort for the preservation of their independence and sover- eignty. In face of the challenge offered by the Vietnamese- Soviet expansionists who so impudently violate the Charter of the United Nations and international law, it is the duty of our Organization strictly to enforce respect for its funda- mental principles and in no way to permit expansionists to trample these principles underfoot. Otherwise, our Organi- zation will not be able to provide any solution for the various problems in the world and will thus have. lost pres- tige and effectiveness. Small and great expansionists will then have a free hand to lord it over the world, bringing our planet dangerously near to the brink.of cataclysm through their unbridled ambition and unlimited adventurism. 89. Although having to face a most barbarous war of aggression, the people and Government of Democratic Kampuchea have none the less been paying serious atten- tion to the grave problems of the world. In this regard, concerning Korea, we are gratified at the position of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, which calls for a solution of the Korean question by peaceful means, without foreign interference. This is a positive contribution that is in keeping with the deep-rooted aspirations of the Korean people for an independent and peaceful reunification of their country. as well as with the interests of peace. 91. With regard to Namibia, the relevant resolutions ofthe United Nations should be put into effect so that the Nami- bian people, under the leadership of SWAPO, can recover their independence and dignity. We repeat here our constant support for the just struggle of the people of Azania against the colonialist and racist regime of apartheid of South Africa. 92. Finally, the tension maintained in the Horn of Africa by the Soviet expansionists remains a subject of concern for all. 93. Twenty-two months have elapsed since the occupation of Phnom Penh by the invading troops of Hanoi. For many the conflict between Democratic Kampuchea and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam-which came out into the open on 31 December 1977 with the breaking off of diplo- matic relations between the two countries-was like a peal of thunder in a clear sky. But enlightened observers ofAsian matters were not surprised, because they'were aware that the ambition of the Hanoi authorities to swallow up Kampu- chea and Laos so as to integrate them into the so-called "Indo-Chinese federation" went back as far as 1930, the date of the founding of the "Indo-Chinese Communist Party", composed solely of Vietnamese, and whose very name even at that time revealed the hegemonistic designs of its founders. Furthermore, the Vietnamese strategy of the "Indo-Chinese federation", which is nothing else than the "Greater Viet Nam", was writ large in the statute of that Party. The Vietnamese invasion of Democratic Kampuchea in December 1978 is thus only the logical outcome of a whole concatenation of conflicts which have become unceasingly worse over the years, conflicts caused deliber- ately by the expansionist designs of Hanoi. Still, Hanoi has endeavoured to swallow up Kampuchea quietly, as was the case with Laos, without world public opinion being aware of it. To this end, it has had recourse to attempted coups d'etat and assassinations ofthe leaders ofDemocratic Kampuchea carried out by its agents who long ago had infiltrated the State machinery in order to overthrow the Government of Democratic Kampuchea from within. But this was a futile effort. The fact that Hanoi has been forced to resort to overt aggression and thus to show its hand isby no means the least of its setbacks, because the myth of Viet Nam as the cham- pion of national liberation has collapsed like a house of cards. 94. For a better understanding of the problem, we must take a look at history because, as part of the strategy of the "Indo-Chinese federation", everything possible was done to bring this about. 95. The first Indo-Chinese war was an opportunity for the Hanoi authorities to intervene openly in Kampuchea on the pretext of anti-colonialist solidarity. In reality, the leaders and troops of the Vietminh were sent to Kampuchea to wrest control of that country from the French colonial 96. But, following the Agreements reached at the Geneva Conference of July 1954, the Vietnamese troops had to withdraw from Kampuchea. Benefiting from this ebbing of Hanoi's influence over the national liberation movement of Kampuchea, the Kampuchean patriots decided to take over the leadership of the struggle of the Kampuchean people, relying on their own efforts. The Hanoi authorities never forgave the Kampuchean patriotic movement for having taken this independent and sovereign line. They did every- thing possible to fight it and to distort it. In the 196Os, they took advantage of facilities that had been accorded to them-sanctuaries, freedom of movement in Kampuchean territory-to re-establish contact with their former network, which had been abandoned in 1954, and to step up even further their subversive activities. After the coup d'etat of 18 March 1970, they set up parallel organizations in the army and in the Administration, using in particular 2,000 Khmer agents whom they had taken to Hanoi for training in 1954 and sent back to Kampuchea subsequently. 97. The coup d'etat of 18 March 1970 provided an unlooked-for opportunity for the leaders and troops of Hanoi to return in force, likea tidal wave which was to flood the whole of Kampuchea. But contrary to their expecta- tions, the people and patriotic army of Kampuchea, firmly adhering to their stand of independence and sovereignty, valiantly stemmed that tide. The liberation of Phnom Penh by Kampuchean patriots on 17 April 1975, 13 days before the fall of Saigon on 30 April 1975, plunged the Hanoi authorities into chagrin and disarray as they witnessed the collapse of the hegemonistic plans they had so patiently nurtured for so long; for Le Duan and his cohorts were dreaming of sending in their troops against Phnom Penh after the occupation of Saigon in order, allegedly, to "liber- ate" it but, in actual fact, to occupy it. 98. After the liberation ofKarnpuchea, the Hanoi authori- ties undertook a world-wide campaign, first by proxy, and then openly, to isolate Democratic Kampuchea by propa- gating the worst kind of slanders and most sordid liesabout it. It will be recalled how fiercely the Hanoi authorities opposed the normalization and improvement of relations between Democratic Kampuchea and Thailand. The visit paid in October 1975, shortly after liberation, by the Deputy Prime Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Government of Democratic Kampuchea to Bangkok was viewed by Hanoi as an act of treason. It is noteworthy that, at the time of the Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, held at Colombo in August 1976,Hanoi exerted considerable pressure, but in vain, on Democratic Kampuchea to induce it, within the non-aligned movement, to serve the interests of the so-called "natural ally" of that movement-in particular, to wage a crusade against the Association ofSouth-East Asian Nations(ASEAN],.ac(,;u~cd by Hanoi of being an organization in the pay of a great Power. 100. After the defeat of the first attempted act of armed aggression against Democratic Kampuchea, on 6 January 1978, Hanoi signed a military pact with Moscow on 3 November 1978;land it was with the immense assistance of the Soviet Union that it launched a second act of armed aggression against Democratic Kampuchea on 25 Decem- ber 1978. 10I. Since. then, Vietnamese occupation troops have put the whole of Kampuchea to fire and the sword, causing tremendous destruction and committing innumerable crimes, unprecedented in Kampuchea's 2,OOO-ye~u history. Almost 3 million Kampucheans have already been mas- sacred; hundreds of others are slain every day. The Hanoi authorities, with unheard-of cruelty, have been applying three means ofextermination: conventional weapons, chem- ical warfare and, above all, the inhuman weapon of starva- tion. So it is not a war ofcolonial conquest such as has been known in history, but a war of extermination of a whole people and nation. 102. Survivors, in hundreds of thousands, have sought temporary refuge in Thailand, while millions of others have become refugees in their own country. And it is because of the Hanoi authorities' persistence in this systematic extermi- nation endeavour that international humanitarian assist- ance to the Kampuchean people was cynically diverted for the benefit of Hanoi's occupation troops or ended up in Viet . Nam itself. 103. But in spite of those misfortunes and terrible suffer- ings, the people of Kampuchea, galvanized by the indomita- ble will to rurvive in independence and national dignity, has heroically fought the invader, under the leadership of the Patriotic and Democratic Front ofGreat National Union of Kampuchea and the Government of Democratic Kampu- chea. They have succeeded in bogging down the 250,000 ~. 'ietnamese soldiers and 50,000 agents occupying Kampu- chea. By way of comparison, this figure is the equivalent of 10 million foreign soldiers of occupation in any country or association of countries having a population of about 200 million. 105. In fact, first of all, the Vietnamese troops are sustain- ing heavier and heavier losses every day on the battlefield. Their morale has suffered seriously as a result; mutinies and desertions are ever more numerous in the front-line units, particularly in the north-west, the central region, the north- east and the south-west. To offset these losses the Le Duan clique in Hanoi can only resort to new leviesof troops or to the "Khmerization" of itswar ofaggression. But it isnot in a position to do either of these two things. 106. Soviet assistance, which amounts to $3 million a day, cannot remedy this critical situation, because the feeding of a 250,OOO-man occupation force is an enormous burden f01" Viet Nam, a poor country that has been sucked dry by 40 years of war and must also maintain a 50,OOO-man occupa- tion army in Laos. 107. In the second place, in Viet Nam itself, the Le Duan clique finds itself in a disastrous economic and financial situation because of its policy of aggression and expansion against all its neighbours. Politically, internal dissension among the leaders has been continually worsening, particu- larly as a result of the accumulated failures in Kampuchea, while discontent has begun to overwhelm the entire Vietna- mese people, whose opposition to Hanoi's domination is widespread and manifold. Insecurity has become rampant. On the high plateaux of central Vietnam, the Dega-Fulro resistance movement is gaining strength. In the Saigon and Mekong delta regions, the people belonging to the Hoa Hao and Cao Dai religious sects in particular have stepped up their armed resistance. Their troops have been launching murderous attacks against the Hanoi troops. In the Mekong delta too, guerrilla units of the Khmer Krom population have become more and more active and have inflicted severe losses on the North Vietnamese troops, particularly in the regions adjacent to Kampuchea. 108. Whatever the subterfuges used by the Le Duanclique to attempt to mislead international public opinion, it could not succeed inconcealing the fact that at the present time it is experiencing great difficulties in Kampuchea. 109. On the other hand, the situation issteadily improving for Democratic Kampuchea. Our national army and our guerrilla units are consolidating their hold and are develop- ing steadily and methodically in accordance with the plan that had been devised. The fighting zones are becomingever more extensive and are covering almost the whole country. 110. The Hanoi authorities are finding it necessary to resort to subterfuge in an attempt to make the world believe Ill. All the successes of Democrtic Kampuchea from a military standpoint could not even be.imagined without the support and active participation of large strata of the Kam- puchean people in the popular war of national resistance. Indeed, it is absolutely clear to the people that the national stake in that struggle is the verysurvivalofthe Kampuchean nation. That explains its active support for the political programme of the Patriotic and Democratic Front ofGreat National Union of Kampuchea and·the new strategic policy of the Government of Democratic Kampuchea, which are mobilizing all Kampucheans, whatever their record, their history, their political ideologyor their religious beliefs,with one objective in mind-to drive out all the Vietnamese. aggressors from Kampuchea. The preparation ofthat politi- cal programme and of that new strategic policy has been guided by the noble national and patriotic idealscommon to all Kampucheans, and the carrying out of that policy has satisfied the people. The Vietnamese occupiers are very well aware that no Kampuchean accepts their occupation. That explains their frantic genocide of the people of Kampuchea. 112. Therefore, the present struggle of the people ofKam- pucheais not a struggle for the triumph of any ideology or any given social regime. All classes and social strata in Kampuchea must subordinate, now and in the future, their particular private interests to the higher interest of national survival. 113. It would be national suicide if, after liberation ofthe country from the Vietnamese yoke, we were to call into question the basis of the political programme of the Front and the new political strategy-because the danger from Vietnamese expansionism will not disappear that soon. Even if the Hanoi authorities are forced to withdraw their forces from Kampuchea temporarily, they wHJ not by so doing renounce their age-old expansionist ambitions. Fur- thermore, after being liberated, Kampuchea, which will emerge from the war totally denuded, will not be able to rehabilitate itself from the ruin and devastation caused by this war without international co-operation and assistance. It isonly with that assistance and that co-operation based on equality, mutual respect and reciprocal interest that an inde- pendent, sovereign, united, peaceful, neutral and non- aligned Kampuchea will be able to be built and to survive. Responsible to future generations and to history, the Patrio- tic and Democratic Front ofGreat National Union and the Government of Democratic Kampuchea will do everything in their power to carry out that sacred duty. liS. Furthermore, the fact that the Vietnamese regional expansionists are supported by the Soviet international expansionists places the Kampuchean problem within the context of the global strategy ofSoviet international expan- sionism. The Vietnamese invasion of Kampuchea and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan are two aspects of one and the same strategy. The struggles now being waged by the peoples of Kampuchea and Afghanistan constitute a bul- wark against the expansionist drive of the Soviet Union, which aims at becoming, with the control of the Straits of Malacca, the Persian Gulfand the oil reservesof the Middle East, the master of the principal supply routes in South-East and South-West Asia. 116. In particular, in Kampuchea, in the war which it is being forced to wage against the Vietnamese aggressors, the people of Kampuchea are fighting, certainly, for their own survival and thatof their nation. But at the same time, they are sacrificing their blood to defend peace, security and stability in South-East Asia, in Asiaas a wholeand through- out the world. 117. Countries that love peace and justice are becoming increasingly aware ofwhat isat stake, in international terms, in the struggle being waged at the present time by the people of Kampuchea, under the leadership of the Patriotic and Democratic Front of Great National Union of Kampuchea and the Government ofDemocratic Kampuchea. They real- ize the full importance of that struggle in thwarting the global and regional expansionist strategy of the Soviet Unionand the Hanoi authorities. 118. That is why the Hanoi and Moscow expansionists are seeking so assiduously to eliminate at all costs the major obstacle, constituted by Democratic Kampuchea.lndeed, if they succeed in consolidating their position in Kampuchea by eliminating Democratic Kampuchea, there can be no doubt. that they will come to dominate South-East Asia and control the Straits of Malacca and the eastern part of the Indian Ocean. They will then have won a strategic superior- ity that they have never enjoyed before. The position of the Soviet Union in Afghanistan will be strengthened, thus enabling it to push its expansionism further south. In such a situation, no force will be in a position to resist the Vietnamese-Soviet expansionist drive. 119. Thus, solidarity with the present. struggle of the people of Kampuchea and with that of the people of Afghanistan is not. only an act of justice, but above all a necessity, if we want to put a stop in time, and with the minimum ofsuffering and lossofhuman life,to the growing danger of Soviet expansionism and the danger of a third world war. 121. In the military sphere, the Soviet expansionists are in the process of providing a massive build-up of their military assistance to the Vietnamese regional expansionists in their new attempt to crush the national resistance ofthe people of Kampuchea and to pose even stronger threats to Thailand and the other countries of ASEAN. 122. At the political level the Vietnamese expansionists are making a great deal of noise about the so-called elections in order to lend the semblance of legitimacy to the Vietnamese administration in Phnom Penh, as if it were possible to organize general and free elections in a country at war, under the heel of 300,000 Vietnamese soldiers and occupa- tion agents. 123. From the diplomatic standpoint, the Vietnamese expansionists are arrogantly continuing to propagate odious lies and slanders with a view to sowing confusion and division among peace-loving and justice-loving countries in order to prevent them from constituting an international anti-expansionist front. Their aim is to win through diplo- matic means what they have not been able to win rnilitarily, namely, recognition by the international community of the fait accompli of Viet Nam's invasion and occupation of Kampuchea. 124. To this end, they are trying to make everyone forget the underlying cause of the Kampuchean problem which is the Vietnamese invasion, and to present this problem as the result of a conflict among the three countries ofthe so-called "Indo-Chinese federation" and the five countries of ASEAN, while brandishing the so-called "Chinese threat". This is the substance of their four-point proposal, the so- called Vientiane proposal, which was in fact hatched in Moscow and brought forward following the Vietnamese aggression of 23 June of this year against Thailand. That proposal was quite properly rejected by the ASEAN coun- tries, which saw it as a political trap designed to prevail upon Thailand to recognize, if not officially at least defacto, the Vietnamese administration installed at Phnom Penh. The proposal to create a demilitarized zone on both sides ofthe Kampuchea-Thailand frontier is nothing but a subterfuge designed to legitimize the presence of Vietnamese occupa- tion troops in Kampuchea. 125. Furthermore, the agenda item of the Vietnamese expansionists entitled "Question of peace, stability and co- operation in South-East Asia" is all part ofthis diversionary tactic. 126. Here, in the United Nations itself. the expansionists are desperately manoeuvring in an attempt to deprive the Government of Democratic Kampuchea of its legitimate rights and to leave the seat of Democratic Kampuchea vacant. This vacant seat is merely the prelude to the usurpa- tion of Democratic Kampuchea's seat by the Vietnamese administration installed at Phnom Penh. It is tantamount to United Nations approval of the violation of its Charter by the expansionists of Hanoi and Moscow. 128. The people of Kampuchea wish only to live in peace and security, in honour and national dignity, within their frontiers, and .to mobilize all their strength and national resources to build a prosperous country. 129. The Government of Democratic Kampuchea iscom- mitted to the search for a solution capable ofputtinga rapid end to the unutterable pain and suffering the Kampuchean people have endured for so long. 130. We believe that any solution to the Kampuchean problem must be subject to a pre-condition: that ofthe total and unconditional withdrawal of the Vietnamese occupa- tion forces from Kampuchea, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 34/22. Any measure that fails to take into account the pre-condition is unrealistic and unworkable. 131. Wishing to restore peace, security and stability to Kampuchea and in the area, the Government ofDemocratic Kampuchea issued, on 5 May 1980,a statement containing a three-point proposal [A/35/221-S/13934 and Corr.1], which was reaffirmed in the communique issued by the Council of Ministers of the Government of Democratic Kampuchea on 7 June 1980, namely: "First, the Hanoi authorities must withdraw all their troops from Kampuchea, in compliance with the United Nations resolution 34/22 ... and let the Kampuchean people solve by themselves their problems. ..Secondly, after the total withdrawal of the Vietna- mese troops from Kampuchea, the Kampuchean people will choose by themselves their national government through general and free election by secret and direct ballot under the direct supervision of the United Nations Secretary-General or his representatives. Kampuchea will remain independent, united, democratic, peaceful, neutral and non-aligned, without any foreign base, with the guarantee of the United Nations and the world com- munity." [See A/35/295-S/14oo5, annex.] 132. The Patriotic and Democratic Front of Great National Union of Kampuchea calls upon all patriotic par- ties to unite in this struggle for the national survival of our country and to form a government of national union com- mitted to proceeding to general elections. The communique further states: "Thirdly. with regard to Viet Nam and the Vietnamese people, the Government of Democratic Kampuchea and the people of Kampuchea do not foster any hatred or rancour and they do not require any indemnity, provided the Vietnamese troops withdraw totally from Kampu- chea." [Ibid.] The Kampuchean people are ready to live in peace and on good terms with their neighbour to the east. and indeed with all their neighbours in the area. 134. These efforts are an important contribution to the sacred cause of Kampuchea. They are also a contribution to the restoration ofpeace, security and stability in South-East Asia and the establishment in that part of the world of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality propitious to world peace. Such efforts also contribute to the strengthening of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, of non-alignment and of international law. 135. My delegation wishes to express its conviction that this year our Assembly willagain have the courage to defend the existence, independence and sovereignty ofthe Kampu- chean nation, in accordance with the provisions ofthe Char- ter, by repeating its call for the total withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Kampuchea. For their part, no matter how great the sacrificesthey are called upon to make, our people and our national army, under the leadership of the Patriotic and Democratic Front of Great National Union of Kampuchea and the Government of Democratic Kampuchea, are resolutely determined to continue their just struggle to drive all the Vietnamese aggressors from Kampu- chea. They will earn the sympathy, the support and the assistance of all peace-loving and justice-loving peoples by fulfilling the difficult historical task that has fallen to them of successfully opposing regional and world expansionism and of making their modest contribution to world peace, to the independence of all States, to the social progress and to the well-being of all peoples of the world. 136. My delegation would like to repeat the unswerving commitment of the people and Government of Democratic Kampuchea to the cause ofpeace and freedom for all the world's countries and peoples, and particularly our devo- tion to traditional friendship with all neighbouring peoples and countries. A founder member of the non-aligned move- ment and a Member of the United Nations, Democratic Kampuchea still remains faithful to the idealsand principles of non-alignment and of the Charter.

Mr. President, it is a great pleasure for my Government to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assem- bly. You represent a country which is admired by Chile and with which we enjoy historical ties of friendship and co- operation in various fields. Your acknowledged talents as a diplomat constitute a priceless guarantee of success in the conduct of the important matters to be dealt with at this session. 138. 'W,e also wish to extend our appreciation to Mr. Salim A. Salim of the United Republic ofTanzania, who so wisely presided over the last session of the General Assembly, as wellas otherimportant sessions ofour Organization during the year. 140. At the beginning of the decade of the 1980s the United Nations isentering a new and delicate stage with the maturity and fruitful experience acquired through its 35 years of existence. 141. In the course of time, peoples have developed in the most varied manner. Today there are more than lOO States which have been incorporated gradually within the grand framework of the principles and purposes embodied in our Charter. Strict observance of and faithful compliance with those principles will enable us to continue to endorse and support the legitimate aspirations to a world of peace and co-operation. 142. The evolution of this phenomenon is not alien to the United Nations. In fact, one of its great achievements has been specifically decolonization, which has led to the inde- pendence of many States and to their joining us in our common tasks. 143. Chile has always contributed to the efforts of the international community to find valid solutions within this Organization. 144. The world is concerned to tackle the problems which face it in the latter years of the twentieth century. Chile shares that concern and it isits national objective to focus on the challenges it presents. 145. On several occasion- my Government has informed the Assembly of the refor.. has introduced in the eco- nomic, social, juridical, labour and educational fields, inter alia, with a view to adapting their structures to the require- ments of our time. However, this task could not be accom- plished id the absence of a system of coexistence and a dynamic, secure and stable Government, Peoples cannot remain static. 146. The Government of Chile has, since 11 September 1973, repeatedly reaffirmed its intention to begin a new era in the history ofour homeland, designing with an eye to the future the structures ofa stable and creative political regime. It has further stated that the new system of institutions developing in the country would beentrusted with establish- ing the le[':d framework for the great collectivetask to which the nation is committed. 147. Accordingly, one of the first steps taken by the Government was to entrust a committee, composed of uni- versity professors of various democratic ideological tenden- cies, with the task of drawing up a draft political constitution. Over 100 representatives of the most diverse activities, including professional, union and youth leaders, collaborated in that work, contributing their ideas and their concerns. 148. After five years of thorough legal and political stud- ies, including the consideration of the most modern consti- 149. The State Council, a body made up ofnational repre- sentatives at the highest level,includingformer Presidents of the Republic, former magistrates of the higher courts of justice, former rectors of universities and union leaders, reviewed the preliminary constitution. In order to carry out its task properly, the Council requested wide-ranging collab- oration, and many suggestions were received. 150. The conclusions reached by the State Council after over one and a half years of analysis were presented to the President ofthe Republic. Finally, the head ofState and the Government Junta drafted the final text ofthe constitution which, as had been previously promised, was submitted to a plebiscite for approval. 151. The Chilean ,public followed the development and preparation of the new political constitution step by step. Both the preliminary draft prepared by the committee on studies and the draft prepared by the State Council, as well as the final text of the new Constitution, were duly pub- lished, giving riseat every stage to wideand activediscussion on the part of the different sectors of national life in Chile. 152. The public debate held during the period just prior to the plebiscite was particularly intense. In that debate sup- porters and opponents ofthe newconstitutional text and of the Government's action expressed their viewsfor oragainst in public rallies, with complete freedom and full publicity. The mass communications media, domestic and foreign, published and informed the country and the world of the individual and collective views of all Chileans. 153. On 11 September, in conditions of freedom, secrecy and full information, a plebiscite was held throughout the Republic so that the Chilean people might decide on the approval or rejection ofthe proposed politicalConstitution. 154. In a country of 11 million inhabitants, 6,300,000 citizens voted. This represents the highest participation ever known in our national history. 155. All Chileans over 18 years of age, men and women without any discrimination whatsoever, fulfilled this duty which, in accordance with Chile's political tradition, isman- datory. Foreign residents also voted, inasmuch as they share in the life of the nation. 156. More than 4,200,000 citizens voted in favour of the new Constitution, that is, over 67 per cent of the voters. Approximately 1,800,000, that is, 30 per cent, voted against it. Votes declared null and void amounted to only'2.77 per cent. 157. No one can contend that there was a lack ofopportu- nity or means to express, with complete freedom, opinions for or against the constitutional text, and to participate in the debate. No one can truthfully hold that there was no access to each of the steps of the balloting process. No one can in good faith state that, on account of regulatory or 158. Chile isa country which is noted for itsconstitutional stability. In a period of over 150 years of independence, Chile has had only two constitutions: those of 1833 and 1925. Today, we have approved a new fundamental law which, taking in the principles of freedom and democracy enshrined in the preceding constitutions, aims at organizing that stable and creative political regime needed to meet the vital challenge of the years to come. 159. The political Constitution of 1980 contains, in general terms, some solutions not usually provided for incontempo- rary fundamental charters, aimed at solvingthe problemsof the Chilean individual of our times. 160. As regards the crucial dilemma of the individual versus the State, it provides for the principle of subsidiary status ofthe State, thus limiting the latter's action inorder to prevent its interference in areas whichare basicallyleftto the free initiative and action of individuals. 161. On those grounds, the Constitution of 1980 is directed towards defining the fieldofaction ofthe rulers and ensuring the freedoms of those governed. 162. It further enshrines all the rights of man, as estab- lished in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [reso- lution 217 A (H1)] and the International Covenants on Human Rights,' and provides the means required by indi- viduals in order to ensure that their rights are fully respected. 163. Another basic characteristic ofthe political charter is the effective attempt to secure the participation of the people, based on methods designed to bring the people closer to their rulers and to enable the latter to have the opportunity of learning the opinion of those governed. 164. Likewise, under the rule of the Constitution of 1980, Chile continues to be a democratic republic and its authori- ties are chosen by means of free, secret and informed elec- tions. It establishes, once again, the traditional separation of the powers ofthe State and especially the independence and the immutability of the judiciary, which is created in an autonomous manner, a prime guarantee for the respect of the legal order. 165. Just as the new Constitution endeavours to protect the individual from possible abuses by the State and the authorities, it also aims at protecting the individual from one ofthe most serious scourges ofourcontemporary times, that is, violence used as a tool for political conviction, in other words, terrorism. The General Assembly has been dealing with this distressing problem of the twentieth cen- tury, this ultimate denial of human rights. 166. The fundamental charter of Chile explicitly defines the preaching of violence and the practice of terrorism as a ~ International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Optional Protocol. and International Covenant on Economic. Social and Cultu- ral Rights (resolution 2200 A (XXI), annex). 167. The ·aforementioned results of the plebiscite are unequivocal: over 4 million Chileans, that is, 67 per cent of the voters, have decided that the first presidential term of office ofeight years, with which the new Constitution enters into force, is to be entrusted to General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte. These. figures grant the Government the highest representation registered in the political history of our country. 168. The President of the Republic, faithfully interpreting this legitimate will of the nation, once the results of the plebiscite were known, affirmed that there were neither winners nor losers and called upon. all Chileans to unite in order to continue striving for the prosperity of the country and, most especially, for the economically weaker sectors. 169. At the beginning of my statement I said that the world was concerned over problems which should be resolved in the last two remaining decades of this century. Those problems are numerous, diverse and serious. The most complex and dangerous ones stem from political situa- tions or from social-economic behaviour, in addition to other problems stemming from religious, doctrinaire or ideological beliefs. 170. Approximately one year ago the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. The urgent meetings of the Security Council and the emergency special session of the General Assembly, which condemned that intervention, have proved to be futile in resolving that situation. Neither have the appeals for respect for the most elementary human rights and fundamental freedoms of the people of Afghanistan achieved their purposes. We have witnessed with amaze- ment the intervention in that small country of one of the super-Powers which, because of its military might, appears to feel itself invulnerable in the face of the outcry of the international community. 179. We are concerned over the situation in Lebanon, a State with which we have dose tiesoffriendship. Many sons of that land are of Chilean nationality. We support the efforts of the Government of Lebanon to achieve peace, unity and prosperity, as well as the important work per- formed by this Organization in that country. 171. The tragedy affecting that country is eloquently evi- denced by the Afghan refugees who are fleeing to Pakistan and whose fate deserves priority consideration by this Organization. Chile shares that concern. 172. Unfortunately, the case of Afghanistan is not unique. We have witnessed, with distress, the bloody and lengthy struggle of the people of Kampuchea. 173. The millions of refugees, whose sad story has made an impact on international public opinion, necessarily con- stituteanother humanitarian problem of vital importance for the United Nations. Chile, as in the'Case ofthe refugeesof Afghanistan, has contributed in so far as possible to the efforts made to resolve this situation. We trust that the generous assistance provided by countries actually reaches those for whom it is intended and who need it so badly. We most sincerly appreciate the work accomplished by the inter- national organizations and other entities, such as the Inter- national Red Cross, engaged in this noble humanitarian task. 174. It will soon be one year since the unusual problem of the diplomatic hostages in Iran began. We note the con- 175. The crisis in the Middle East continues to be one of the political situations which cause the most pressure and which most threaten the peace of the world. 176. The recent seventh special session of the General Assembly testifies to the priority assigned by the interna- tional community to the solution of the Middle East prob- lem and its main element, the question of Palestine.. 177. The Government of Chile supports without reserva- tion the endeavour of the United Nations to find an urgent solution to the crisis in the Middle East. It believes,likewise, that all efforts towards peace in that region should be wel- comed and encouraged by the entire international community. 178. A realistic solution should be based on the with- drawal of Israel from all the occupied territories, on the acknowledgement of the right of the States of the region, including Israel, to live within secure and recognized boun- daries and on the full exercise of the inalienable rights ofthe Palestinian people, including the establishment of a sover- eignand an independent State, in accordance with the rele- vant resolutions of the United Nations, especially those of the Security Council. 180. As regards the grave situation which has arisen between Iran and Iraq, my Government wishes to. put on record its support for the appeal issued by the Security Council, through its resolution 479 (1980), to end the con- flict and. bring about a peaceful settlement in accordance with the principles of justice and international law. 181. On the African continent, my country has been par- ticularly pleased to witness the birth of the State of Zim- babwe, after so many years ofstruggle and suffering. For us, it is historical evidence ofthe positive mission which can and should be carried out by the United Nations in the peaceful settlement of international disputes whenever the parties show goodwill and a readiness to reach an agreement. My Government cannot fail to express itsappreciation to those who have made this achievement possible, .especially the people of Zimbabwe and the Government of the United Kingdom, whose flexibilityand determination have brought the Lancaster House agreements to a happy conclusion. 182. While expressing our best wishesfor the well-beingof the people of Zimbabwe and for its progress on the path of freedom, development and social progress, we trust that it may serve as an example in other unresolved situations, such as the case of Namibia. In this regard we call on the parties to make it possible for the Security Council plan for Namibia to be carried out. 184. We share with our sister countries in Latin America a common destiny towards which we must advance guided by common principles and values. We must unite our efforts in positive action for the benefit of all peoples. The closer relations among our nations, the increase in trade and the regional co-operation are all pointing in that direction. 185. We are glad to observe such tendencies on thecontin- ent. The meeting held at Montevideo last August, which gave rise to the Association for Latin American Integration and which I had the honour to attend, iseloquent evidence of that spirit of co-operation. 186. However, we cannot conceal our concern over the foreign intervention and the escalation of terrorism in some regions of America. We wish to see the American continent free from the scourge of terrorism and of totalitarian ideologies-so alien to its historical and cultural traditions-which imperialist interests are attempting to introduce in the region for hegemonistic purposes. 187. The international community has witnessed how Chile, faithful to its tradition of using peaceful means to settle international disputes, had recourse to the mediation of His Holiness Pope John Paul 11 in connection with the dispute with the sister republic of Argentina. 188. Thus on 8 January 1979 both countries signed the Montevideo Agreement, through which they agreed to request the mediation of His Holiness and solemnly under- took not to resort to the threat or use offorce in their mutual relations. 189. Under the lofty guidance of that august mediator, the parties submitted their respective positions and conducted active negotiations aimed at finding points of agreement so as to facilitate a just and definitive solution to the controversy. 190. Chile has emphasized and now reaffirms its apprecia- tion of the noble mediating task performed by His Holiness the Pope and expresses its trust in that high office. 191. My country is confident that the solution of the con- troversy of concern to us must be found on the basis of the mutual readiness and the goodwill of the Governments to unite in their efforts for the well-beingof'iheir peoples and of full respect for the rules of international law and the agree- ments and commitments we have signed, which constitute the foundation for harmonious relations between States. 192. In this decade the world is facing increasingly urgent economic problems. The solution to those problems, which has so long been postponed, cannot be set aside indefinitely. 193. Our indecisivenessconcerning the need for structural changes offers the prospect ofa grim future characterized by slow economic growth, high rates of inflation and increased unemployment in developed and developing countries alike. 195. None the less,international co-operation isweakened by the decreasing flows of financial aid, the alarming increase in protectionist and discriminatory barriers against exports from the developing countries and the persistent instability imposed today by' international currency conditions. 196. During the 19505 and part of the 19605, the world economy was surprisingly prosperous. To a great extent, this was accounted for by the more liberal economic policies of the developed nations andtheir favourable impact on the increase in international trade. However, those same nations which in the past promoted free trade are now, paradoxically, supporting a sort of "organized free trade", involving protectionist measures and commitments for "self-limitation of exports". 197. My country regards the subject of energy as a funda- mental element in the restructuring of present international economic relations. 198. The developing countries have been doubly affected by the sudden rise in the price of energy, inasmuch as we have felt its direct impact through our hydrocarbon imports and have had to absorb the increase in prices of manufac- tured goods, resulting from the adjustment policies of the industrialized countries. 199. My Government deems it vitally important to sup- port all feasible initiatives aimed at channelling funds to finance investments and provide needed assistance for the development of conventional and non-conventional sources of energy in the developing countries, especially in those where there is a considerable shortfall in domestic oil production. 200. The facts I have mentioned and the far from satisfac- tory results of the eleventh special session of the General Assembly prompt us to affirm the need for greater political will. on the part of the developed countries. We appeal to them to realize the importance of their role in solving inter- national economic problems and in the growth of the devel- oping countries. 201. We, the countries of the third world, must also con- tribute with our efforts and our dedication to maintain our economies, ensuring that resources are not uselesslysquan- dered and making it possible for our entire populations to share in the benefits of development. 202. That is my Government's understanding of theposi- tion and five years ago it began a process of restructuring which enabled it to adjust to changes in the world economy, thus avoiding the maintenance of obsolete systems of pro- duction regardless of cost. 203. This development has been characterized by a higher growth rate than obtained in the past and by increased economic independence. The overall growth of Chile's 205. In order to overcome this tragic social and economic situation-which is shared by many of our nations-«and to permit the inhabitants of the country equitably to share in the benefits offered by economic development, my Govern- ment has considerably increased its social expenditures, including financing of programmes in the fields of health, nutrition, education, housing and social security. 206. Thus, social expenditure has been increased from 27 percent ofGovernment spending in 1973 to 53 per cent in 1980. 207. Significant social progress has been achieved, and this is due to the stability of our Government system and to the implementation of an economic policy which has proved to be sound and successful. 208. My country, which is greatly interested in the out- come of negotiations on the new convention on the law of the sea, wishes to pay a heartfelt tribute to the author of the first Declaration on the 2oo-mile maritime zone, the recently deceased former President of Chile, Mr. Gabriel Gonzalez Videla, who had the visionary foresight to proclaim, on 23 June 1947, a principle which is today universally accepted. 209. That statesmanly action, which places him among the pioneers and precursors of the new law of the sea, gave rise to the Declaration of Santiago of 19526 on the maritime zone of the countries of the South Pacific linking Chile, Colombia, Peru and Ecuador. Furthermore, this Declara- tion is one of the bases for the vast process of revision ofthe law of the sea, a process which culminated in the adoption and signing, at Caracas, of a universal convention on the subject. 210. The important conclusions reached at the ninth ses- sion of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, especially in connection with questions on the explo- ration and exploitation of the sea-bed and ocean floor beyond the area of national jurisdiction, cause us to look forward optimistically to the completion of the broad task undertaken by the United Nations over 10 years ago. 21I. In the face ofthis extended attempt to achieve consen- sus in the international community, wecannot but voice our rejection of the unilateral adoption of national laws favour- ing the exploitation of the sea-bed beyond the area of national jurisdiction. These laws lack all validity with regard to the international community. My country endorses the protests raised by, among others, the countries of the South Pacific and of the Group of 77. . Dcclarauon IIIl the Mariumc Zone. Sec Yearbook otthc lnternutiona! /.011' Commillion. ICJ56. \01. 1 (United Nati()n~ publication. Sales No. 195tl.\'..;' \111. I). 3tl:!nd mecung. para. 35. 213. Among other principles, we place emphasis on equal rights, the sovereign equality of States, the fulfilment in good faith of obligations undertaken, the peaceful settle- ment of disputes, the refraining from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political indepen- dence ofany State, non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States, the self-determination of peoples and interna- tional co-operation. 214. We know that this task is difficult. We know. that some States pay lip-service to these principles without ever having honoured them; we know that they distort them in order to use them against other States whose political regimes constitute barriers to their hegemonistic endea- vours. We know too that however difficult the task it must never be abandoned. That is Chile's resolve.

I should like to congratu- late Ambassador von Wechmar on his election to the presi- dency of the General Assembly. It is a source of particular satisfaction to Ireland because of his character and abilities and because of our regard for his country. Through his long years of experience at the United Nations, he has learned the advantage of patient negotiations in the solution ofconflict, and I am sure that he will apply that experience in guiding our work. 216. I should also like to thank his predecessor in this onerous office, Mr. Salim of the United Republic of Tanza- nia, for the patience, competence and understanding with which he presided over several sessions of this General Assembly. 217. To the Government andpeople ofSaint Vincent and the Grenadines, I offer our warmest congratulations and our wishes for every success for their future well-being and prosperity as our one hundred and fifty-fourth Member. 218. I should like to express, too, my Government's con- tinued confidence in the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Wald- heirn, whose deep concern forthis Organization and for the preservation of international peace and security is so abso- lutely manifest in his latest report on the work ofthe Organi- zation [A1351J]. 219. Thirty-five years ago the founders of the United Nations, speaking in the name of the peoples of the world, set themselves to build a new framework of international order from the ruins of war. They drafted a Charter which speaks <,A rights and human dignity, of peace and security for peoples, of tolerance and social progress for all. 220. That is a language which expresses universal human aspirations and ideals. But it did not then, and it does not yet, describe very well the reality of human life for all of the world's peoples. 221. It is now more than a generation since these aims were proclaimed in the name of mankind. Over that period 222. It is evident today that humanity is one-and .aware of itself as such. Global travel is faster and sure as never before, and communication iseasy. An event ofimportance in one part of the world is quickly reported in all and generates immediate and varying reactions whichare in turn reported throughout the world. Human technology and mastery by man of his environment have increased dramati- cally; and-symbol of this mastery-man for the first time has left this planet. 223. But there is also a darker side. Human nature has not changed. Tension and conflict are stillapart of human lifein society, and a global society must meet global problems and face global dangers. 224. It is this most important point which we must now grasp and act on, here and elsewhere, not simply in what we say but in our actions. What might once have been separate or local problems are now linked and interconnected, so that they arouse a common concern and pose a common danger. 225. We may have mastered the human environment. But we have also touched the limits of our planet and of its resources. We see now that lifeon earth-all life-is fragile and that it willbe for humanity to decide through itsactions whether to conserve or to destroy it. 226. We may have developed global communications. But our easy communication highlights inequity within the emerging world system and makes injustice more evident to the deprived, who, in their new-found solidarity, will no longer accept it or tolerate it. 227. We may have advanced our technology in the devel- oped world. But it isevident that this more prosperous part ofthe world simplycannot maintain indefinitelythat dispro- portionate claim on the world's resources which has sus- tained. its present way of life. 228. We have seen the growth of a single international system which is global in character and almost universal in membership. But in a global system conflict, too, however limited in origin, can have a global dimension. What in another time might have been local rivalries within a region now send tremors throughout the internationai system, which is already tensed and polarized with major Powers and alliances in confrontation. It is true that we have avoided major war-though many have suffered in lesser conflicts over a generation. But we livealways with a fearful paradox. Peace, to .he extent that we have known it, seems to depend on a c(mstant refinement of the means and a constant emphasis on the readiness, within minutes, to fight a major and disastrous war. 229. There is indeed a daunting listof problems before us: injustice and inequity within the world economy; unfair division of the world's resources and lack of care for their conservation; polarization and confrontation between 230. Those who founded the United Nations must have had some feeling for these global problems as they drew up the Charter, but they cannot have envisaged inany detail the kind ofdangers which we now face. Howcan werespond to these dangers? That represents the challenge of today. 231. The United Nations as we inherit it isan Organization which comprises States and groups of States which differ greatly in outlook, culture, ideology and political orienta- tion; and fundamental to its struc. A~··:" are the principles of national sovereignty and respect (')1" non-intervention. These facts set limits to our capacity:iii;hisOrganization to meet the global challenges we face. Bur the United Nations itselfand the family ofeconomic, social and other organiza- tions linked with it do provide an essential framework of world order, and the Charter, iftaken as a livinginstrument, does set guiding principles and provides the procedures to achieve that justice which is necessary if any order is to endure. 232. The United Nations, it has been said, can be seen either as a mirror which faithfully reflectsthe world's prob- lems, confrontations and paralyses of will; or it can be seen as a living instrument, an Organization, a set of procedures which is more than the sum of its parts, where problems can be faced and tensions eased. It is for each of us represented here tu decide whether weshall usethe Organization as such an instrument and develop fully its potential for resolving conflict or simply allow it to remain a mirror which faith- fully reflects our quarrels but does nothing to resolve them. 233. The truth is that peace and justice are not static achievements. They require constant effort and a constant commitment by every nation to the effort to attain and maintain them. Above all, they require a willingness byeach of us to apply in our own case the same principles we so freely ask others to apply in issues where we are not involved. 234. The United Nations has had many successfulachieve- ments as it has evolved in 35 years from an Organization representing a limited group of States that fought a war together to one that is now almost universal in membership. In this twentieth anniversary year of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peo- ples, it is fitting that we recall the indispensable role that the United Nations played in helping to bring so many States to independence in a relatively short space oftime. As a coun- try which itself regained its independence in this century, Ireland has welcomed this development. We particularly welcome the presence in our midst of Zimbabwe, which has at last emerged to independence following troubled yeare in which it was a special concern of the United Nations. We believethat the people ofthe fewremaining colonial Territo- ries must be enabled to exercise their right to self- determination without delay. 236. Another heartening development in recent years has been the growth of co-operation in many fields among groups of States on a regional basis. Such co-operation makes it possible to givesubstance to United Nations ideals and is in full harmony with broader co-operation on the world front. Indeed, it can increase the pace and scope of such co-operation on a world level to have functioning eo..operation on a regional basis. I might mention that, in Europe, the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe process, ifsustained and developed, can be ofpartic- ular significance in reaching. towards world peace and is a practical example of regional co-operation within Europe, from the Atlantic to the Urals. 237. However, despite these achievements, the past year has not been a hopeful one for all of us who believe in the development of an international society in which peace and security should be maintained by international agreement and disputes settled by peaceful means and through negotia- tion. The 1980s, which promised to be a decade of political and economic negotiation and co-operation, unfortunately threaten to be one of conflict and confrontation. Detente is threatened by new and growing tensions, and there is a danger that the fragile achievements in the area of arms control and disarmament may be swept aside ina new round of the arms race. 238. Economic growth has been replaced, unfortunately, by economic stagnation. The efforts to establish a just and equitable international economic order fall far short of'whar is needed. Inflation and threats to the continuity ofsupply of crucial raw materials have added to the burdens of rich and poor nations alike. 239. A major crisis has erupted in the region of southern Asia as a result of the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan. Within the last few days, a new armed conflict has broken out between Iran and Iraq, adding to the instabilities and tensions which that region has known for more than 30 years. We here are all fully aware ofhow serious that contlict could be in its human and economic consequences for those directly involved and in the wider dangers it poses for all of us. We must feel some concern, I believe,at how little we in this Organization have been able to do directly so far to achieve an end to the fighting and a settlement ofthe conflict in accordance with the principles of the Charter. 240. Yet it does no good to despair. There isno alternative to the attempt to find solutions through negotiations to the manifold problems which weface, however intractable these problems may seem to be. 242. Secondly, all must be prepared to exerciserestraint in their actions. It is difficult to expect that negotiations can be conducted with any chance of success if any of those involved attempt unilaterally to change the situation to their advantage. 243. Thirdly, the search for agreed solutions through negotiations requires that we do not ignore injustices for so long that those who suffer those injustices are forced to bring their grievances to our attention by other means. It is sobering to reflect how many of the problems with which this Assembly has to deal could have been resolved at an early stage if sufficient awareness and generosity had been shown at the right time and the appropriate steps had been taken. 244. This is not to say that the United Nations must be involved in every dispute, or, indeed, that the form of its involvement should not vary, as it. has, depending on the circumstances. What it is true to say is that we willnot come close to resolving many ofthe issueswith which weare faced unless we use to the full the flexibleand varied means which the United Nations provides. 245. Since Ireland joined the United Nations 25 years ago we have acted consistently in this belief. I hope and believe that our contributions over the years in this direction have been constructive. It is with this belief in the resolution of disputes through negotiations and with a commitment to accept in our own case the principles we commend to others that I now go on to speak in more detail about some of the major issues confronting this Assembly. 246. On the issue of disarmament, I referred a few moments ago to the danger ofa new round in the arms race. There are now more nuclear weapons than ever in the world. Their destructive power is multiplied and they have become a permanent feature of the security policiesofmajor Powers and their allies. It isdifficult, perhaps impossible, to envisage any rational political calculus in which the use of nuclear weapons could play a part. Indeed, deterrence has been based on the assumption that a nuclear war would result in the certain and mutual destruction of the adversaries. None the less, we now face the danger that technological impera- tives, combined with political mistrust and the inherent pessimism of military planners, may bring this period of relative nuclear stability to a close. The development and possible deployment of new weapons and the strategic doc- trines that go with them will not only greatly complicate arms control negotiations but may even inhibit the exercise of restraint in future crises. 247. It would be ironic, indeed,if, in the interests of the increased security .ot' the nuclear States, the world were subjected to a new generation of weaponry, which would in reaJity diminish the security of all. 248. But the nuclear arms race is not confined to the nuclear Powers or to the development of more deadly and 249. It would, of course, be unjust to lay the blame for the arms race solely on nuclear weapons and the nuclear Pow- ers. So-called conventional weapons have killed 25 million people since the Second World War. The destructive power of such weapons is today vastly greater than in the Second World War, and the greater part of military expenditure is devoted to conventional arms. One generation of sophisti- cated conventional weapons follows another in rapid succes- sion, consuming enormous sums of money, a fraction of which wovld contribute so much to relieving hunger and disease throughout the developing world. 250. It is easy, I know, to talk about disarmament in the abstract. It is easy to deplore the arms race, to urge its immediate end and to call for general and complete disarma- ment. What we really need and need urgently are concrete measures that are practicable in the short term and bring immediate results that all can see, and I will make some suggestions in this regard. 251. First, the SALT Treaty should be ratified. In our view, this would be of great significance in restraining com- petition among the major Powers in the further develop- ment of nuclear weapons and in helping to promote the reduction of existing nuclear arsenals. 252. Secondly, we need a comprehensive test-ban treaty or. failing that. a moratorium on nuclear testing. which would help efforts to halt the spread of nuclear weapons. The existing Non-Proliferation Treaty regime, in particular, would be strengthened by such a development. 253. Thirdly, there should be an agreement on ending the production of fissionable material for nuclear weapons. This would also help the cause of non-proliferation. 254. Fourthly. we need an agreement or international con- vention to insure non-nuclear States against the useor threat of nuclear weapons. 255. There are, ofcourse. other issuesor which agreement would be of great practical and political benefit: for exam- ple, a chemical weapons convention, an agreement on the reduction of military budgets and steps to prohibit the development and deployment of new weapons of mass destruction. 256. Turning to the question of peace-keeping, if on the one hand the hopes ofthe framers ofthe Charter in regard to 257. United Nations peace-keeping has become the politi- cal counterpart of United Nations programmes in the eco- nomic and social fields, in which assistance is offered on a disinterested basis to those who need it. Ireland has consis- tently supported the development ofpeace-keeping and has participated without interruption since 1958 in United Nations peace-keeping operations. We believe that tl.is is one of the practical ways in which small nations can help in the task of maintaining international peace and security. 258. The Middle East continues to be an area of great concern which presents serious dangers for international peace and security. Foreign Minister Thorn of Luxem- bourg, as President of the Council of Ministers of the Euro- pean Economic Community, has already set out in detail the policies of the nine Community countries on this issue [6th meeting]. He has outlined the progress ofthe contact mis- sion which he undertook on behalf of the nine countries to the Middle East in recent months to sec how Europe could best contribute to the achievement of a just and comprehen- sive peace in that area. 259. None the less, I should like to call attention to two principles which were stressed by the Heads of State and Government of the nine member States of the. European Community in their declaration at Venice on 13 June 1980 [A/35/299-S/J4009] and which. in the opinion of my Government. are essential elements in a peace settlement. These are the right to existence and to security of all the States in the region. including Israel, and the requirement of justice for all the peoples involved. which includes the right to self-determination of the Palestinian people within the framework of a peace settlement. 260. It is only by reconciling these two principles through negotiation that a comprehensive, just and durable settle- ment can be found. Such negotiation must involve all the parties concerned, including the PLO. No one isso sanguine as to imagine that this is an easy task but, equally, no one can doubt that the task must be faced or that the Middle East isa vital area where conflicts are likely to have repercus- sions on a world-wide scale. It is therefore essential for international peace and security that a settlement in the Middle East be achieved. no matter how discouraging the obstacles may appear to be. 261. Some of these obstacles indeed are inherent in the conflicting rights and aspirations of the different parties. Some arise from intransigent positions taken by one or another party and from unacceptable actions such as the establishment of settlements by Israel in occupied territories 263. Ireland currently contributes some 650 troops to UNIFIL. I do not need to remind the Assembly of the difficult circumstances faced by UNIFIL which have resulted in loss of life for some contingents, including that of my own country, in brutal circumstances. UNIFIL remains unable to extend its control over the entire area entrusted to it in southern Lebanon. As the Secretary-General notes in his report on the work of the Organization: U A main factor in this situation is the policy of the Government of Israel and its support of the de facto forces ..." [See A/35/1, sect. lIl] He also refers to: "The disturbed conditions in other parts of southern Lebanon, including the. presence of Palestinian and other armed elements, and the general political and security situation in Lebanon ..." [lbid] 264. Despite these difficulties, my country is convinced that over the two and a half years of its existence, UNIFIL has made a significant contribution towards the prevention of an outbreak of general hostilities in the Middle East by reason of its presence in southern Lebanon. At the same time, if a peace-keeping force is to operate, it must be given the necessary conditions to do so effectively: in particular, it must function with the consent ofall parties and be allowed freedom of movement throughout the area assigned to it, and in conditions of adequate security for its personnel. I hope that all concerned will reflect carefully on the conse- quences of any further actions that may make UNIFIL's task more difficult. 265. I must also jom with the Secretary-General in expressing my concern about UNIFIL's financial problems, caused by the policy of some Member States in withholding their assessed share of the costs ofthe operation. This places an unreasonable burden on troop-contributing countries such as mine, over and above the basic risks involved which they willingly accept. I earnestly hope that ways can be found to alleviate that situation at this session of the Assembly. 266. Operations such as UNIFIL serve as an example of the positive and practical contribution which the United Nations can make in keeping the peace in difficult circumstances. 267. We in Ireland have long admired the determination of African countries to work together in the OAU to achieve their common objectives. We know they welcome outside co-operation in their development and in dealing with prob- lems created by national disasters, and Ireland is pledged to play its small part in this effort. We know, too, that the African States oppose intervention by outside Powers in their affairs. Such intervention can only compound the conflicts that exist. 269. Zimbabwe has at last achieved its rightful position among the free nations. Out of the years of bitter war has come a new source of inspiration and hope, not only for the future of southern Africa but for the resolution ofconflicts in the world at large. At the regional levelin southern Africa, possibilities for fruitful co-operation are now unfolding. The initiative undertaken by the countries concerned following the Conferences at Arusha in 19798 and Lusaka this year? is worthy of the.widest sr.pport, The international community, for its part, has a special responsibility for ensuring that the achievement in Zimbabwe is not in any way jeopardized. Zimbabwe and the other front-line States should be sup- ported, and pressure for change in Namibia and South Africa maintained. 270. In spite of the best efforts of the Secretary-General and of the contact group of the five Western countries, the United Nations plan, as contained in resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978) of the Security Council, has not yet been implemented. At t.he technical level, the differences have been reduced to the point where they are no longer sufficient to justify continued delay. Concessions made by SWAPO and the constructive attitude of the front-line States have demonstrated their commitment to the achievement of a negotiated settlement, despite the provocation of the recent South African attacks on Angola and Zambia. The South African Government must realize that further delay cannot be justified. It will bear the full responsibility for the very serious consequences that will ensue if the legitimate aspira- tions of the people of Namibia continue to be denied to them. There is no alternative to the adoption of the United Nations plan if a peaceful and internationally recognized solution is to be achieved. Any attempt to establish a so- called independent State without international agreement would be doomed to failure. Ireland willcontinue to give its full support to the efforts of the Secretary-General, together with those of the Western contact group and the front-line States in co-operation with SWAPO, towards. the achieve- ment of a just and internationally recognized settlement without delay and without further bloodshed. 271. It is evident that there can be no durable peace in southern Africa so long as South Africa maintains its pres- ent racist policies. The system of apartheid condemns the majority in South Africa to a life as second-class citizens, renders millions stateless in their own country and involves the forced migration of many thousands to rural slums in the so-called homelands. It can be sustained only through repression. This is a policy that must lead to disaster. Ulti- mately it will fail, and at great human cost. 272. There are some signs of a growing awareness among the white community in South Africa oftheir isolation in the world. However, attempts to reshape or restructure apart- heid will not create a free and just society. There can be no compromise on the principle of the equality ofevery human , Southern African OC\elopment Co-ordinntion Conference. held al Arushu 011 J alld 4 Julv 1979, .,SOll1h1.'1Il \lrkall t>C\ I.'I0PlIIclll Co-ordiuatuu: Conference. held at l.usuku 011 I "rdl 19XO. 273. The breach of Charter principles is evident in Kam- puchea. The people ofthat country have undergone a period of barbaric despotism in their own land, followed by foreign invasion and occupation. 274. As the Irish Foreign Minister declared on behalf of the nine Community members at the last session of the Assembly,'? a solution to the problem must be based on an independent Kampuchea, free from any foreign military presence, maintaining friendly relations with all the coun- tries of the region and having the benefit of international assistance for reconstruction. In a joint.declaration issued at the end of the Second Ministerial Meeting of ASEAN and the European Economic Community, held at Kuala Lum- pur on 7 and 8 March 1980, we urged the early implementa- tion of General Assembly resolution 34/22 and we also called on all parties to exert the utmost efforts in order to avert a possible spillover of hostilities into neighbouring ASEAN countries and a widening ofthe area ofconflict [see AI351/29, annex Il]. 275. My Government is particularly concerned at the ':leightening of tension over the past few months in the area of the Thai-Kampuchean border and at the consequent grave danger to the large numbers of Kampuchean refugees who are concentrated there. The incursion into Thailand at the end ofJune resulted in a dangerous increase in tension, further threatened the stability of South-East Asia as a whole and caused still further human suffering. There is a need for restraint by all concerned in this potentially explo- sive situation. 276. Despite the failure so far to find a political solution, our Organization has, however, had some success in the humanitarian field. The immediate danger of widespread famine and its consequences which faced the Kampuchea people last year seems to have passed, to some extent. Credit for this is due in no small measure to the heroic efforts ofthe international relief agencies. I reaffirm Ireland's support for the activities of these agencies in their efforts to help all those in need, without discrimination, and I hope they will be given the greatest possible co-operation by the authorities involved. 277. In Afghanistan, too, any settlement must provide for the withdrawal of foreign troops. Afghanistan must be enabled to resume its traditional neutrality and non- alignment, to remain outside competition between the Pow- ers and to maintain friendly relations with its neighbours. Conditions must be created in which the people ofAfghani- stan can determine their own form of government and decide their destiny free from outside intervention, in accordance with General Assembly resolution ES-6/2 adopted on 14 January 1980. III Sec OfficialRecords ofthe General Assembly, Thirty-fourth Session, Plenary Meeting», Hth meeting. para. 4H. 279. The Commission on Human Rights has intensified its work as a result, and it is important that the Commission continue to develop its investigative powers and that it be given every co-operation to that end. It is especially impor- tant that investigations begun by the United Nations, whether under public or private procedures, should not be concluded before satisfactory results are achieved. We must also continue at this Assembly the effort to reach agreement on improved United Nations human rights machinery and to give to the Secretariat the resources that will permit it to function with much greater effectiveness. 280. Some progress has been made in establishing legal norms. The last session of the Commission on Human Rights made substantial progress in adopting parts of the draft convention on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. I I The establishment of a working group to examine the fate of missing persons and persons who have disappeared was a signiticant achieve- mcnt of the session and a recognition ofa growing problem. For when authorities can deny any knowledge of the whereabouts of such individuals, they are effectively de- prived of all their rights. 281. While on the subject of human rights, it is incumbent upon me to refer to the continued holdingofmembers ofthe staff of the United States Embassy in Teheran as hostages, in flagrant breach of international law and of humanitarian principles. Ireland fully respects the independence of Iran and the right of the Iranian people to determine their own future. But in their own interest, and that of the world community as a whole, I would again call on the Govern- ment and the people of Iran to respect the rights of others with whom they may differ on a political or religious basis and to uphold fundamental and humanitarian principles and established tenets of international law by releasing the hostages. 282. Underlying many of our current problems are the gross disparities that continue to exist between rich and poor nations.vuch disparities are not only unacceptable in them- selves but can constitute a real threat to peace and stability. The millions of our fellow human beings who, through no fault of their own, exist in an apparently unending cycle of poverty and hunger, cannot be expected to acquiesce in that condition indefinitely. Justice demands that their situation be changed urgently and effectively. 283. The international community, through the United Nations, has taken the lead in helping to promote such I I OfficialRecords ofthe Economic andSocialCouncil, /980. Supple- ment No. 3 (E/1980/13 and Corr.I), chap, VIII. 284. The recently concluded eleventh special sessionofthe General Assembly was concerned essentially with seeking to concentrate our energies towards achieving that end. The agreed text of the new International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade [see A/35/464] sets out the general framework for our actions over the next 10 years, establishes our priorities and pro- vides that the outcome of future United Nations and other relevant conferences, including the global negotiations, can be incorporated into it as the decade proceeds. 285. However, my Government regrets that the eleventh special session was unable to finish its tasks and that work on the procedures and agenda for the global negotiations was not completed. That must now be done at the present session of the General Assembly, so that the new round of global negotiations can be launched early in 1981. We believe that global negotiations can be vital and. by promot- ing growth and development, can benefit not just the devel- oping world but the entire international community. 286. Ireland is determined to play, both nationally and internationally, its full part in promoting a revitalized North-South dialogue. I can reaffirm that Ireland, although not a rich or powerful nation. is committed to progressing towards the n7 per cent target for official development assistance as rapidly as our resources will allow, Given our own stage of development and the many social and eco- nomic demands of a young and growing population, our progress may not be as rapid as we would wish. None the less we intend to maintain a steady increase in thetlow of our .ricial transfers during the course of the present decade. 287. Drawing on our own recent developmental expe- rience, we in Ireland aim in our co-operation with the people of developing countries to help them free themselves from the trap of under-development. 288. In looking at those parts of the world where there is unrest and turmoil, I may be forgiven for being particularly concerned about an area dose to home. The tragic violence that has come to be part of everyday life in Northern Ireland has endured now for more than 10 years. 289. In approaching that fact, as with any other problem, we must distinguish between symptoms and causes. The symptoms in Northern Ireland are evident but the causes are deep seated, and they will not be solved by security measures alone. 290. The division of Ireland60 yearsago and the establish- ment of Northern Ireland as a region within the United Kingdom was a misconceived attempt by the British Government to resolve a major problem ofthe day. On the one hand, it faced the need' to come to terms with the demand of the majority of the people of the country as a whole that Ireland should be independent. On the other 292. Sixty years have now passed since Ireland was thus divided. In that time, even though the vast majority of the population ofIreland-North and South-wants peace and abhors violence, and even though both British and Irish Governments act vigorously against violence, almost every decade in that period has seen violenceerupt within North- ern Ireland. It isclear that Northern Ireland as an entity and the settlement that brought it into being have failed. It is apparent that there is a fundamental instability in the very structure of the region which has inhibited the development of normal political and .social life there and which all too frequently has found expression in violence. 293. The area is fundamentally unstable because there has never been within itthe kind of political consensus which in more normal societies underlies party differences. Instead, the veryexistenceof Northern Ireland itselfhas always been the issue, so that normal politics do not exist; and that has been the only basic issue for over 60 years. The majority were always insecure and fearful that the settlement which made them a majority would be upset; the minority, on their side, were frustrated in their basicaspirations to Irish unity, discriminated against because of this and excluded in prac- tice from effective political participation in an area whose very existence they called into question. 294. The result is that normal political life has been dis- torted and community divisions based on historical or reli- gious differences have been accentuated rather than diminished. 295. Even now, 60 years later, new efforts are still being made to establish suitable structures of regional government to accommodate the interests of all sections of the commu- nity within Northern Ireland. Many past injustices have indeed been corrected in recent years. Butfears and insecuri- ties continue and the forces of violence and extremism on each side of a divided community have taken advantage of the situation for their own narrow ends. 296. The toll of violence in such a verysmallarea isindeed appalling. Over the past decade more than 2,000 people have been killed and 25,000 injured. There have been 27,000 shooting incidents and almost 7.000 explosions. Translated into human terms, the figures represent a society that is virtually under siege, with Whole areas and neighbourhoods which can scarcely remember peaceful conditions. Perhaps even more disturbing are the social malaise and economic stagnation which have come about in Northern Ireland. Becauseof the continuing instability, valuable opportunities 297. For the young, especially, the picture is sombre and distressing. Many have come into a society where violence and deprivation are the norm. Their chances of finding a job and securing a decent standard of livingarc sn~all ..These social conditions provide a rich breeding ground for further disorder and extremist politics. 298. My Government cannot look upon these conditions as something affecting Northern Ireland alone or remote from our daily life in the rest ofIreland. They are happening in our country. They affect the people of all traditions in Ireland. Indeed, as a result ofwhat ishappening in Northern Ireland, my Government now spends on security alone proportionately more than the United Kingdom on similar measures. It is said that prosperity is indivisible. So also, unfortunately, is instability. The conditions Iam referring to may affect not only Ireland, but placesoutside it. Troub~e in any country today can mean trouble for many countries. 299. This is the background that has led my Government to fix the peaceful resolution of the problem of Northern Ireland as our primary political priority. Weare determined to seek a lasting and comprehensive settlement to this question. 300. As we look back at the past 10 years, it is hard to avoid the conclusion that much of the political effort in Northern Ireland has been directed at the symptoms only. Successive efforts to work out equitable Government struc- tures within the existing framework of Northern Ireland have come to nothing because they failed to get to grips with the fundamental problem. I would notwish in any way to be dismissive of the most recent attempt, which is still in pro- gress, but it is difficult, from what we know of the positions and the expectations of those involved, to be optimistic as to the result. 301. It is necessary, in my view, to go beyond the efforts now under way to devise structures of government solely confined to Northern Ireland. The framework for a solution must take full account of three other vital dimensions: that of relations between North and .South in the island of Ire- land; the relationship-now so close in so many areas- between Britain and Ireland; and the common membership of both countries within the European Community. 302. The relation between North and South in Ireland is fundamental; it isa matter of geographical, historical, politi- cal, economic, social and cultural reality. Time has shown that division in Ireland simply has not worked. Accordingly, my Government wishes to seean arrangement evol~e where- by Irish men and women would manage the affairs of the whole of Ireland in a truly constructive partnership, without a British presence but with active British goodwill for any arrangement in Ireland which may be worked out by agreement. 303. My Government is willing to discuss with all the representatives of Northern Ireland what arrangements 304. Having said that, I must add that attitudes struck up to now have been influenced by the unqualified guarantees given by successive British Governments to. the unionist section of the people in Northern Ireland. This has encour- aged them to veto any proposals, however constructive, in advance. Accordingly, it is our belief that a declaration by the British Government of their interest in encouraging the unity of Ireland by agreement and in peace could open the way towards an entirely new situation and help us, in Ire- land, to devise new structures, by agreement and with con- sent, which would bring lasting peace to the whole island of Ireland. 305. It is clear that discussion of this question must be raised to a new plane between the sovereignGovernments of Ireland and Britain and be set within the second and wider dimension of which I spoke-the unique relationship between the peoples of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the peoples of the Republic. That this relationship is indeed unique was explicitly recognised by the Irish Prime Minister, Mr. Haughey, and the British Prime Minister, Mrs. Thatcher, in the communique which they issued fol- lowing their talks in London in May this year. They agreed on that occasion to develop new and closer political.co- operation between their two sovereign Governments and to hold regular meetingson a continuing basis,and they agreed to further that unique relationship betweentheir peoples in the interests of peace and reconciliation. 306. Finally, there is the wider dimension set by the com- mon membership of Great Britain and Ireland within the European Community. Linked together within the wider grouping, the two countries. together with their other partners, have developed new forms of co-operation w~ich complement and extend the already close bilateral relations between them. Clearly, this common membership of both countries ina wider community committed to closer integra- tion of its peoples provides a good background against which the two Governments can hope to resolve the appar- ently intractable problem which a common history has left to their two peoples. 307. I need hardly add that this new arrangement in Ire- land which my Government wants to see emerge must be based entirely on agreement and consent. We have no wish to coerce or dominate, and wetotally rejectviolenceand will continue to act vigorously against it. 308. In summary, our approach to this problem, which is close to us, is essentially that which I commended to our Organization here at the outset ofmy speech. We commit ourselves to efforts to bring true and lasting peace to our island, and we reject those who have recourse to violence. We commit ourselves to apply in our own casethe principles we commend to others and which underlie the Charter of this Organization. 310. Here at this rostrum today, I pledge on behalf of my Government and country that we will continue to do so to the best of our ability.

My delegation takes pleasure in extending to Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar its sincere congratulations on his unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assem- bly. In the name of the delegation of Thailand, which is honoured to serve as one of the Vice-Presidents of this Assembly, I should like to express our gratification at hav- ing a worthy representative of a great country, the Federal Republic of Germany, with which Thailand entertains close and cordial relations, in the Chair to guide our d ~libera­ tions. At this juncture in the life of our Organization, when we are confronted by many intractable issues with grave implications for world peace, it is reassuring indeed to have such an experienced person conduct our proceedings. The unprecedented number of items on our agenda this year is a clear manifestation ofthe confidence that this Assembly has in his fine qualities, diplomatic skill and proven stamina. My delegation has no doubt at all that this confidence is well placed. 312. The delegation of Thailand has the honour also to convey its deep and sincere appreciation to Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, President of the thirty-fourth session, for his invaluable contribution to the work of our Organization during his tenure of office. Not only did he distinguish himself at Headquarters in an especially busy year for the General Assembly, but he also took the trouble to visit many countries, including Thailand, in order to acquaint himself with some of the difficult issues facing the United Nations. His service to the international community has earned for himself, his country and Africa the admiration and gratitude of Governments and peoples around the world. 313. On behalf of the Government and people of Thai- land, my delegation wishes to offer its warm felicitations to the delegation of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines on being admitted to membership in the United Nations. The world Organization has thus gained its one hundred and fifty- fourth Member, through the process of decolonization which recently brought about also the admission of Zim- babwe. My delegation reiterates its cordial welcome to that African State, which is participating for the first time in a regular session of the General Assembly. The United Nations has every reason to be proud of its successes in the field ofdecolonization, especially on the eve ofthe twentieth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Indepen- dence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. With the admis- sion of each newly independent State to the United Nations 315. It is therefore regrettable that the situation in Namibia continues to be a source of great concern to the world and a threat to international peace and security. Namibia remains occupied by South Africa, which is sys- tematically plundering its natural resources, in defiance of United Nations resolutions. The process ofnegotiated settle- ment; in accordance with the proposal approved by the Security Council, has reached an impasse because of the intransigence and duplicity of the Pretoria regime. 316. Thailand, which has for many years imposed a trade embargo on goods from South Africa, strongly deplores the efforts of that regime to consolidate its illegal occupation of Namibia and to exploit Namibia's riches with the help of foreign multinationals. The world must continue to con- demn such actions, and to bring every kind of pressure to bear on the Pretoria regime in order to ensure the exercise by the Namibian people without further delay of its right to self-determination. South Africa must end its prolonged obstruction of the settlement process, as endorsed by the Security Council in its resolution 435 (1978), and cease its aggressive activities against the neighbouring African States. South Africa must adopt the measures necessary to reduce tension in the area, including the abolition of its abhorrent system of racial discrimination and apartheidand recognition of the legitimate rights of the majority of its population. 317. Unless and until the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the relevant United Nations resolutions are scrupulously observed by Pretoria, increasing violence and conflict will be the order of the day. Unless and until the shackles of colonialism in Namibia are broken and the Namibian people is enabled to determine its own destiny free from external interference, subversion and coercion, the prospects for peace and stability in the region of southern Africa will not be bright. The time is now approaching when the world Organization must be prepared to tell Pretoria to comply with the Charter obligations, or else. The alternative would be continued defiance of the world Organization and prolonged obstruction ofa peaceful settlement by South Africa, leading inexorably to ageneralconflagration in that part of the world. 318. Coming from a region ofthe world which isalso beset by a serious threat to world peace arising from illegal foreign occupation and denial of a people's rights to self- determination and to return to its homeland, my delegation fully appreciates the plight of the Palestinian people. Not only must they be given urgent humanitarian assistance, but their inalienable rights must be assured, including their right to self-determination, national independence and to return to their homes and property. At the same time as the legiti- mate rights of the Palestinian people are recognized, includ- ing the right to statehood, the legitimate rights ofthe State of Israel to exist within secure and recognized boundaries must 319. My delegation regrets the unilateral action ofIsrael in annexing the eastern part of Jerusalem and proclaiming the city its capital. Israel's illegalaction wastaken almost imme- diately after the conclusion ofthe seventh emergency special session of the General Assembly on the question of Pales- tine, despite the unanimous pronounced opposition of the world body to the pending move. If there were any need for further evidence of world opinion, the subsequent meeting of the Security Council and its outcome should provide adequate proof on that score. 320. As the 15 November deadline for compliance by Israel with the emergency special session's resolution ES- 7/2 draws nearer with each passing day, my delegation hopes and prays that reason willlight the way around many dark and perilous corners and that a turning point will emerge so that we may be led out of the present impasse. 321. The protracted crisis in Lebanon constitutes another tragedy that has struck the Middle East. All parties should henceforth refrain from interfering in the internal affairs of that violence-torn country and cease their warlike actions which have left the once prosperous land in utter ruin. My delegation hopes that a peaceful solution can be found to extricate it from the vicious circle of bloodshed and destruction. 322. Now a new crisis has appeared with the eruption of the fighting between Iran and Iraq. Mydelegation shares the hope that resolution 479 (1980), unanimously adopted by the Security Council and calling foran immediate cease-fire, will be implemented, and together with the efforts of the Islamic Conference and with the co-operation and support of other countries, especially the major Powers, we shall succeed in ending the armed conflict between the two neigh- bouring and fellow Islamic States. 323. I now turn to South-East Asia. The situation in Kam- puchea, which is not just a regional but a world problem, rightly remains one of the General Assembly's major preoc- cupations. This Assembly last year by an overwhelming majority adopted resolution34/22, calling,interalia, for a cessation of hostilities, the withdrawal of foreign forces and the free exercise of the right to self-determination by the Kampuchean people. That resolution has, regrettably, been rejected by the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and thus Kampuchea continues to be occupied by foreign forces. 324. The ASEAN Foreign Ministers, at their meeting at Kuala Lumpur on 25 and 26 June 1980 [A/35/328- S/14060l, rejected the various arguments which had been advanced to justify the continued occupation of Kampu- chea and to accord recognition to the regime established in Phnom Penh by Vietnamese forces. The Foreign Ministers reiterated their stand that no regime set up by occupying foreign forces, howsoever it may be given the appearance of legitimacy, can satisfy the principles enunciated in the Char- ter of the United Nations. It is for this reason that my delegation and the other ASEAN delegations, together with the great majority of Member States of the United Nations, continue to support the credentials of Democratic Kampu- chea at the United Nations. We strongly urge this Assembly to support the continued seating ofDemocratic Kampuchea at the Organization. 325. It is and willalways be in Thailand's interest to work and continue to search for peace. Successive Thai Govern- ments during the past decade have devoted the nation's resources and energy to economic and social development. Gains have been impressive by most standards and Thai- land actively seeks regional stability to promote further progress. To attain that goal, peace is a prerequisite. 326. In this connection, Thailand welcomed the personal efforts of the Secretary-General and his visit to the region, undertaken in circumstances of considerable difficulty last July. The Secretary-General's initiative demonstrates his dedicated effort and his readiness to work on behalfof the world Organization for peace. His visit brought about a welcome reduction of tension in the area and enabled cross- border feeding operations to resume, thus ensuring the increased supply of food and rice seed for over I million Kampucheans in western Kampuchea. Thailand itself 328. Thanks to the contributions of donor countries as well as to the efforts by the United Nations and its Secretary- General, the Office of the United Nations High Commis- sioner for Refugees and other organizations concerned, this burden has to some significant extent been alleviated. Never- theless, the situation involves both short-term and long- term risks for the security and well-being of Thailand. Therefore, it has been and continues to be my Government's intention to lighten the burden by all available means, in keeping with the generally recognized humanitarian princi- ples and the inalienable right of people to return safely to their homeland. Consequently, when the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees sought the co-operation of the Royal Thai Government in a volun- tary repatriation programme for Kampuchean refugees in Thailand, such co-operation was readily extended. Viet Nam seized upon that as a pretext for launching armed attacks on Thailand on 23 and 24 June 1980, claiming that the resistance forces in Kampuchea were being supplied again under the cover of this international programme. However, with regard to over 100,000 people of Kampu- chean origin who were repatriated from Viet Nam in the early part of last year, such a right was recognized and exercised. It has been subsequently alleged that the majority of them were not Kampucheans at all but of Vietnamese origin and were resettled in Kampuchea for the purpose of effecting a demographic change favourable to the occupying forces. Moreover, in the press release issued on 26June 1980 by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees simultaneously here and at Geneva, it was clearly stated that: "In order to ensure that the voluntary character of their return was respected, and in conformity with the humanitarian mandate of the High Commissioner, the Royal Thai Government agreed that UNHCR would monitor the voluntary character of the repatriation. 329. As a result of that agreement, the repatriation move- m.entcommer~c~d on 17 June 1980 and was disrupted by Vietnamese military actions on 23 and 24 June 1980. Alto- gether, fewer than 10,000 Kampucheans, the majority women and children, were repatriated under the programme. 330. In its quest for peace, Thailand looks to this session of the General Assembly for further constructive action. The invasion and occupation of one country by the military forces ofanother isa problem for the world community. The sovereignty and independence of Kampuchea and the peo- ple's right to self-determination are principles that.must be upheld by the world community. It is essential for small nations like Thailand to adhere to these principles for their own survival and for world peace. 331. Thailand does not insist that the problems ofKampu- chea, .Indo-Chinese refugees or humanitarian relief be settled on the basis of the view of anyone nation. It can accommodate the legitimate interests of others. It believes that true and lasting solutions to problems of such import can be achieved only when supported by the world commu- nity acting in keeping with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. A solution based on the dictated terms of one country by virtue of its illegal occupation ofanother is no solution, because it would carry forward the seeds of tension and future conflict. 332. Mindful of the mandate of the thirty-fourth session, Thailand has consulted with a wide range of Member States to develop further proposals on Kampuchea for the Assembly's consideration. We have sought to broaden the avenues that could lead to peace in South-East Asia. A comprehensive, constructive and flexible draft resolution has been submitted to the General Assembly [AI351L.2]. 333. Recognizing the urgent need to defuse tensions in the region of South-East Asia, Thailand and its partners of ASEAN, taking into account General Assembly resolution 34/22, have proposed the convening of an international conference on Kampuchea in early 1981 with the participa- tion of all parties concerned to negotiate a peaceful settle- ment of the present conflict in Kampuchea, with a view to reaching an agreement on, inter alia: first, total withdrawal of foreign troops from Kampuchea within a specific time frame to be verified by the United Nations; secondly, meas- ures by the United Nations to ensure law and order and the observance of the fundamental principles ofhuman rights in Karnpuchea; thirdly, measures by the United Nations to ensure non-interference by outside Powers in the internal affairs of Kampuchea; fourthly, United Nations-supervised free elections in Kampuchea; fifthly, guarantees against the introduction of any foreign forces in Kampuchea; sixthly, guarantees of respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Karnpuchea; and, seventhly, guaran- tees that an independent and sovereign Kampuchea will not be a threat to its neighbours. 335. In the effort to bring the Kampuchean conflict in all its aspects to the conference table, the Thai delegation joins with the other delegations of ASEAN in reaffirming its commitment to the Charter of the United Nations, the relevant United Nations resolutions, including General Assembly resolution 34/22, the joint statement of ASEAN and the European Economic Community on political issues [A/35//29, annex 11], as well as in endorsing the final communique, issued on8 September, of the New Delhi meeting of the heads of Government of the Asian and PacificStates members of the Commonwealth. At the latter meeting, the heads of Government expressed their convic- tion that to bring about durable peace and stability in South-East Asia there was an urgent need for a comprehen- sive political. solution to the Kampuchean problem which would ensure the sovereignty, independence and neutrality of Kampuchea, as well as for the withdrawal of foreign forces from that country. 336. My Government also shares the conviction of the heads of Government of the Asian Commonwealth members that a comprehensive political solution to the Kampuchean question would contribute to the establish- ment of a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality in South- East Asia, which would, in turn, contribute to the development of peaceful, friendly and harmonious relations in the region. By the same token, my delegation wishes to voice its support for the aim ofsmall countries to promote a zone of peace which would ensure non-interference byexter- nal Powers in their internal affairs and the preservation from foreign encroachment of their sovereign independence and territorial integrity. Such a concept is indeed similar to the ASEAN proposal on the establishment of a zone of peace. freedom and neutrality in South-East Asia, consisting of sovereign and independent States willingto co-operate with each other on the basis of equality and mutual interest. 337. In this connection, the "Question of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia" [item / /9] appears on the agenda of this Assembly session. Mydelegation wasable to join in the consensus for its inscription at the request ofits sponsors, including the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, because we believe that peace, stability and co-operation remain our firm goals for the welfare of our region. Indeed, to bring about durable peace and stability, and to enhance constructive co-operation in South-East Asia, the conflict in Kampuchea must be settled by peaceful means. That is why my delegation joins with others in proposing an interna- tional conference to negotiate such a settlement. So long as the Kampuchean problem remains unsolved, it will con- 338. Thailand does not seek hostility with Viet Nam. Unfortunately, Viet Nam has not shown the slightest inter- est in Khmer self-determination or in reconciling"the views ofall parties on the Kampuchean question. It has repeatedly disregarded the will of the international community. I call once again upon Viet Nam to begin to pay heed to the desires of the international community and engage in a constructive search for a solution to the Kampuchean problem. 339. The Kampuchean issue directly involves fundamen- tal principles of the United Nations. I urge all Member States to assist in promoting a political solution based on United Nations principles and not on the rule of force. 340. Aggression against. and the occupation of Afghani- stan by Soviet troops have clearly shocked the world. The international community was subsequently disappointed by the deplorable intransigence and continued refusal of the USSR to remove its troops back to its own territory. Con- tinued foreign occupation of Afghanistan and ruthless sup- pression of Afghan patriots have created similar political and humanitarian problems for neighbouring countries and have caused the people of Afghanistan untold suffering and hardship. General Assembly resolution ES.;6/2, which calls for the immediate, unconditional and total withdrawal of the foreign troops from Afghanistan and for the Afghan people to decide their own political future without outside interference, coercion or intimidation, remains, by and large, unimplemented. The efforts ofthe Islamic Conference to seek ~ comprehensive solution ro the crisis have proved to be of no avail. The situation is fraught with the gravest dangers to international peace and stability, and theplight of the Afghan refugees will be aggravated by. the approach- ing cold weather. My delegation has therefore joined with other delegations in the request for the inscription of this item on the agenda of this session. In so doing, my delega- tion reaffirms its unstinting support for resolution ES-6/2 and for the efforts of the Islamic Conference to bring about a peaceful settlement of the conflict in keeping with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. 341. It is noteworthy that the common denominator in the two situations-in Afghanistan and Kampuchea-is the imposition of their will on small, independent and non- aligned States by foreign Powers through the use of force in contravention of the Charter of the United Nations and international law. Both situations have also threatened to escalate and have destabilized areas far beyond their local confines. The preservation of Afghanistan and of the right of the Afghans to self-determination, just as in the case of Kampuchea, are international problems which rightly belong to the world community. 342. While the rule of law has suffered setbacksduring the past year with the situations in Kampuchea and Afghani- 343. The developing countries of the world pinned similar hopes on the eleventh special session ofthe General Assem- bly. Consequently they were deeply disappointed at the lack ofconsensus, due to the intransigent few, on the procedures to be followed in the global round of negotiations on inter- national economic co-operation for development, due to begin in January 1981. 344. The eleventh special session, convened after long preparations dating back to the thirty-second session, afforded Governrnents an opportunity jointly to assess if any progress had been made towards the establishment ofa new international economic order. While all delegations came to the same conclusion-that the progress, if any, had been either inadequate or largely negligible-prescriptions as to how to proceed further still varied. 345. The delegation ofThailand, which took an active part in that session, truly regrets the failure of the Assembly to accomplish the objectives of the tasks entrusted to it. Nearly three full weeks were virtually wasted in efforts to work out an agreed procedure for the global negotiations which, need- less to say, is not as important as what will go into the agenda itself. This, the agenda, was not touched on. And when, finally, a fairly reasonable and balanced procedural framework was put forward and accepted by the over- whelming majority of the Assembly, a mere handful of the developed countries refused to join the consensus, thus making failure of the entire session inevitable. 346. It ismuch against the wish ofmydelegation to clutter up the economic agenda of this session with matters which ought to have been resolved before it began, but I reaffirm the readiness of my country to contribute constructively to the resolution of all outstanding issues so that the global negotiations can be commenced in January 1981 as origi- nally intended by all participants. Failure to do that would have far-reaching consequences. One of these would be the loss of the already diminishing opportunities for a sustained and constructive dialogue on the global level between devel- oped and developing countries. I need not elaborate further on what this loss will mean in the present international setting, so fraught with tensions and insecurity all over the world. 347. The stark realities of the present-day world, with an ever-increasing number of countries joining the interna- tional community, more and more people to care for and the 348. With so many weighty political and economic issues facing the world, the only sensible choice before us is to strive towards the achievement of a restructured interna- tional society in which rationality, equity, equal partnership and commonality of interests constitute the guiding princi- ples, and in which the world must be looked at as one. The United Nations, with the support of its membership, can assist us by providing the framework and the forum for the attainment of these objectives. However, the MemberStates themselves must first make the choice and transform it into a commitment. Can they look beyond narrow national interests .to the challenging years ahead with a devoted sense ofcommunity, while upholding individual freedoms and the dignity of man? 349. This is the question before us as we enter the new decade of the 1980s, and it is similar to the question that faced the founding fathers ofour Organization 35 years ago. We must therefore renew our determinationto pursue more vigorously our noble aims and objectives, in the interest of peace and progress for all mankind.

I shall now call on those represen- tatives who wish to speak in exercise of their right of reply. May I remind members that in accordance with General Assembly decision 34/401 statements in exercise ofthe right of reply are limited to 10 minutes and should be made by representatives from their seats.

Yesterday afternoon [15th meeting] the representative of Ethiopia-or Abyssinia, as the suffering majority in north-east Africa would certainly prefer to call it-under the guise of exercising his right of reply to the statement made by my Foreign Minister, viciously attacked my Government in a statement which obviously had been prepared well in advance. In his vain attempt to divert the attention of this Assembly both from the true nature of the Ethiopian empire-State and the ruling clique which he represents and from the frantic efforts ofthe latter to distract world attention from their appalling human rights record, he indulged in historical fantasies and shame- less distortions of past history and present reality. He even went so far as to turn the otherwise universally accepted principle of self-determination on its head. His Government is entirely responsible for the current dangerous situation in the Horn of Africa, and I must at the outset reject out of hand his malicious accusations against my Government and his utter and complete misrepresentation ofthe causes ofthe tragic conditions which now prevail in our region, 353. Throughout history, the Abyssinian representative claimed, Ethiopia. has had to struggle against the colonial- ists. The truth is different. There has been and continues to be a constant struggle within fhe areas currently-

I call on the representative of Ethiopia on a point of order.

I do not know if this is a point of order or a point of information. 356. The representative of Somalia has talked at length about Abyssinia and Abyssinians. Quite frankly, I am unable to locate a country called Abyssinia either on the list ofStates Members ofthis Organization oron any map in use, today. 357. In the age of unidentified flying objects, it may not be so surprising if the representative ofSomalia is talking about a threat posed to his country from some unidentified planet called Abyssinia. If that is the case, the proper place for.his statement would be the United Nations Committee on Outer Space. If not, then certainly not the General Assembly. 358. Ifhe is referring to a country that isa State Member of the United Nations, then he should call that country by its rightful name, and I would plead with you, Mr. President, to remind him of this.

The Ethiopian representa- tives seem to enjoy interrupting and statements made on points of order in a clownish manner, so that they can humour this Assembly. I do not have any objection to their being clowns and court jesters, but I would ask that I be allowed,to conclude my statement. 360. Everybody knows that the old name for Ethiopia was Abyssinia. The representative of Ethiopia knows this.well, , shall now continue. 361. Throughout its history, the Abyssinian, I mean, the Ethiopian, representative claimed, Ethiopia has had to struggle against the colonialists. The truth is different. That there has been and continues to be constant struggle within the areas currently dominated by the Addis Ababa regime is not in dispute. But the nature of this struggle must be understood. 362. One of the lesser known features of the scramble for Africa, which resulted in the period of colonial oppression from which the continent is now emerging, is the fact that the hitherto insignificant Kingdom of Abyssinia was an enthusiastic participant in the conquest and division of the African continent. To this end, it conferred, co-operated militarily and entered into treaties with other colonialists from Europe. Although on occasion it competed with them 363. Even so, when the Abyssinian representative spoke of self-determination, it was for the former British Somaliland, ignoring the fact that that part ofSomalia exercised its right to self-determination in 1960 through the process ofconsti- tutional provisions similar to those through which other African countries gained their independence. Alas, this can- not be said of the people of the Ogaden, which before the Second World War was referred to as Abyssinian Somali- land in maps and literature. 364. Regarding his ridiculous referenceto self-determination for the various clans ofSomalia, I should like to remind him that the Somali people, as is well known, constitute one nation, unlike those nations which continue to live under Abyssinian imperialism, have never had the chance to have a say in their own destiny and rise in arms today like freedom fighters elsewhere in Africa. 365. Yet another favourite falsehood, repeatedly uttered in international forums by Abyssinian representatives, is the denial ofthe existence-despite the report ofUnited Nations fact-finding missions-of the 1.5 million refugees who are currently being cared for in my country with the help ofthe international community. Ignoring the persecution and the forcible expulsion ofthese pathetic people from their homes, the representatives of Abyssinia persistently talk of the widows and families of Somali soldiers-a falsehood that was again thrown in the face of this Assembly yesterday. Yet, refugees fleeing from terror are not to be found only in Somalia. 366. According to the published records of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, there are nearly 500,000 refugees in neighbouring Sudan and some 60,000 in Djibouti. The Abyssinian representative has not explained to this Assembly the reasons for the presence of such large- scale numbers of refugees in the countries I have mentioned. I wonder if he would have the temerity also to characterize them as the widows and families of the armies ofSudanand of Djibouti, as he has done in the case of those who are in Somalia. The fact of the matter is that the cause of the large-scale exodus of refugees in Somalia, in Sudan and in Djibouti and, indeed, in the countries ofthe Middle East, of Western Europe and even in these United States, is one and the same. Ethiopia is by far the world's largest donor of refugees, and in all respects they are the direct result of the policies of repression, persecution,expulsion, alien settle- ment and genocide, which the ruling clique in Addis Ababa has practised as official policies since it came to power in 1974. Yet it Is the sympathetic efforts of Somalia and its friends with respect to the needs of these wretched victims that the Abyssinian representative dares to term "cynical 368. The record of the Abyssinian regime in the area of human rights is probably the worst inthe world. It isnot just that a former ruler in his eighties died in mysterious circum- stances in detention or that both his successors as head of State-first, General Aman Andom and then General Tafari Benti-were assassinated in cold blood. It is the whole pattern of imprisonment without trial, torture, the breaking into private homes at all hours, the arbitrary searches culminating in the bayoneting of children before their parents and the ghastly exhibition in the open streets of their "labelled" bodies-all this stands condemned before all humanity. Relatives have even had to purchase the bodies of their loved ones-be it noted, of all political persuasions, including Marxists---executed or tortured to death in thousands of prisons in Addis Ababa and else- where. Reference need only be made to Amnesty Interna- tional reports, horrifying news coverage such as that contained in The Times of London of 22 March 1978, and the pronouncements of those Ethiopian citizens fortunate enough to have escaped. 369. We have not forgotten how opposition mounted to the self-styled emperor Bokassa when humanity could no longer tolerate the atrocities he perpetrated. Yet the interna- tional community has to date been far too restrained, while the Mengistu clique persists in its officially announced pol- icy of Red terror and organizes and practises massacres and indescribable atrocities on an even larger scale. 370. Yesterday the Abyssinian representative, intent on misleading-

I must advise the representative of Somalia that, even after deducting the time spent in discussion on a point of order, he has fully utilized the 10 minutes. May I request him kindly to conclude.

The Abyssinian representa- tive inquired whether mycountry might not one day support zionism, This is palpably absurd. It isnot in my country that

The heads of the delegations of the Congo, Zim- babwe, the United Republic of Tanzania and Botswana, in their respective statements, made extremely serious accusa- tions against my country and with an aggressiveness to which we are not accustomed in this Assembly. 374. My country was described as a colonizer. In objecting to those accusations, my delegation wonders whether those speakers have not in someway been bewitched by words to such an extent that they have somehow lost sight of the meaning of the terms they used.. Is it possible reasonably to draw an analogy between the desire for complete territorial integrity and an act of colonization? Those who, here or elsewhere, claim the right to self-determination for a people which has never existed are none the less aware that the inhabitants of the Saharan provinces of Morocco have already expressed their wishes,reaffirming that they are part of Morocco. 375. The Minister for Foreign Affairs of the United Republic of Tanzania, who denies Morocco the right to complete its national unity, has forgotten to tell us in the name of what principle, in the name of what legitimacy, his country annexed Zanzibar. He also forgot to tell us in the name of what ideal Tanzania invaded Uganda and con- tinues to interfere in its internal affairs. 376. I would remind the representatives of the Congo, Zimbabwe and Botswana that it was in Morocco that the struggle against colonialism was born; it was in Morocco that the African liberation movements fo» ~ the most com- prehensive and disinterested support. I "' emind them, finally, that Morocco is among the COlhnm,S which have struggled whole-heartedly for the liberation and dignity of Africa. For that reason, my country cannot tolerate any- body coming here to give it a lesson in ethics or suggest how it should behave.

The representative of the Democratic Republic ofSomalia has once again made refer- ences to my country and has shed crocodile tears over the Ethiopians. I will not take the Assembly's time in trying to defend Ethiopia at this stage, because the record ofEthiopia speaks for itself. 378. Ethiopia is a founding Member of the United Nations, the OAU and the non-aligned movement and a country whose anti-eolonialist and anti-imperialist struggle has kept the torch of freedom burning for centuries in a continent once so brutally cannibalized. by colonialists. 379. Incidentally, the very top leadership which is today ruining Somalia participated from 1934to 1941 i,n the Fas- cist aggression against Ethiopia. That was when Ethiopia was referredto as Abyssinia, and that is where the represen- 381. Contrary to the baseless and utterlyridiculousallega- tions of the Somali delegation, which must be dismissed with the contempt they deserve, the Ethiopian revolution is restoring the economic, social, cultural and political rights of the masses in Ethiopia. This is precisely why imperialism is today looking frantically for a foothold on our doorstep. This is why it has forgedan unholyalliancewith the regime in Mogadishu: a regime that, like a desert chameleon, changescolour with thesurroundings;a regime that, whenit suits its purpose, can pose as authentic African, authentic Arab, authentic Anglophone, authentic Francophone, authentic Islamic, authentic socialist, authentic capitalist- and all at once. The irony of it all is that Mogadishu, by selling a network of military bases to the United States, has betrayed the interests of all those of which it claims to be an authentic part. 382. Little do Mogadishu's mentors realize that the cun- ning Merihan clique, which sold Berbera for militaryhard- ware,justas itspredecessors once betrayedtheircountry for a handful of rice,istheembodimentof'treacheryand oppor- tunism. The self-appointed Merihan chief of Mogadishu may one day draw those imperialist forces into a serious conflict in Africa, with dire consequences for international peace and security. 383. On the other hand, Ethiopia follows a constructive policy of peace, co-operation and good neighbourliness. It will not renounce an inch of its territory, nor will it com- promise on its sovereignty or territorial integrity. The sooner the Somali authorities realize the futility of their adventures, the better for the long-neglected well-being of their people. 384. With these few words, I should like to reserve my delegation's right to speak at greater lengthinexercise of the right of reply at a later time.

I shall nowcallon the representa- tives who wish to speak a second time in exercise of their right of reply. I remindthem that thistimetheyare limited to five minutes.

I have already spoken of the abysmal and appalling human rights record of Ethiopia, and I have given ample examples. The atrocities that have been committed since the accession to powerof the present 387. He spoke of bases being given by Somalia to the United States. I do not speak here for the United States, which is capable of defending itself, but as my Ministerfor Foreign Affairs did yesterday [15th meeting], let me assure the Assembly that the Government and people of Somalia continue to betotallyopposedto imperialism, old or new. In that context, in the interestof accuracy,let me also state for the record that, the Abyssinian representative's innuendos notwithstanding, no agreement, recent or otherwise, made by my Government has ever permitted foreign military bases to come into being in our country. 388. In this general context, it might be helpful to list for the purpose of the record the foreign military bases which actually exist in north-eastern Africa, since he isso worried about Africa. 389. It is an indisputable fact that the Addis Ababa mil- itary regime has granted bases to the Soviet Union at the Eritrean ports of Massawa and Assab and on Dahlak Island, off that same coast. Moreover, that super-Power is afforded the unfettered use of everyone of that country's many airports, not only military, but also civil. Further- more, there are some 25,000 Cubans and other surrogate troops in that country engagedin vainlytryingto holddown the occupied areas on the periphery of the empire-State.

I am glad that therepre- sentative of Somalia has learned to forget the lesson he learned from the colonial Powers. I hope that that will extendso far that theSomaliDemocratic Republicwill drop the idea of so-called Greater Somalia, which is a colonially conceived myth. 391. Wedo not mind referringto Somaliaas "Somalia the great", or "great Somalia", if that wouldpleasethem, but at a time when evenGreat Britainhasabandoned sucha title,I do not know why the Somalis are so fond of it. 392, But weshall neverconcede the ideaofGreater Soma- lia, because that term has territorial implicationsfor Ethio- pia, Kenya and the Republic of Djibouti. 393. Havingsaid that, I should liketo ask: what isthecrux of the problem in the Horn of Africa? It isSomalia's expan- sionist ambition. That ambition must be dropped ifthere is to be peace in the area. 394. Ethiopia put forward three basicconditionsfor peace after the debacle of Somalia's attempt to occupy part of Ethiopia in 1977-1978. Those conditions were, first, that Somalia must renounce its territorial expansionist ambi- tions,secondly, that it may pay prompt and adequate com- pensation for the war damages suffered by Ethiopia, and, thirdly, that it must accept the principles of the United Nations and the OAU and the decisions that govern inter- State relations, and stop meddling in Ethiopia's internal affairs. 396. Faced with such a situation, Ethiopia has no choice but to react in legitimate self-defence. But I must make it 397. There are no bases in Ethiopia-of any kind, The meeting rose at 7.35 p.m.