A/35/PV.18 General Assembly

On behalf of the General Assem- bly I thank General Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq, President of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, for the important state- ment he has just made. On my own behalf I should like to add my thanks for the kind words that he addressed to me.

Mr. President, may I,on behalfof the delegation of Burundi, say how pleased we are to see you presiding over the work of the thirty-fifth session ofthe General Assembly. Your long experience in the Organization, your high sense of responsibility and your determination to fight constantly for the ideals which led to the creation ofthe United Nations are a valuable pledge of the harmonious progress and suc- cessful outcome of the work of this session. Furthermore, you represent a country with which Burundi is pleased to have solid bonds of co-operation. Rest assured that my delegation will spare no effort to co-operate fully with you for the success of your delicate tasks. 72. May I also pay a warm tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, of the United Republic of Tanza- nia. The diligence, competence, skill and dynamism he dis- played, both during the deliberations at the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly and at the special sessions which dealt with topics that were complex, stormy and even explosive, won him the esteem, admiration and respect of all. He has done honour to his country and to Africa as a whole. 73. A few weeks ago we joyfully welcomed Zimbabwe as the one hundred and fifty-third Member of the United Nations. The decolonization of that country was a source of pride and hope to us. It showed the high level of maturity attained by the people and leaders of that country and their willingness to live together in mutual respectfor each other's diversity. It shattered the absurd notion of those who still believed that colonization and the reign ofapartheid would last for ever. A source of hope for those still struggling against the colonial yoke, Zimbabwe's accession to indepen- dence has given new impetus and strength to the efforts ofall those fighting for self-determination and independence. 74. We also welcome Saint Vincent and the Grenadines as the one hundred and fifty-fourth Member State. 76. We also wish to express our satisfaction and our sup- port to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whose high sense of responsi- bility, competence, integrity and c1ear-sightedness make that eminent statesman one ofthe personages who have won the esteem and admiration of the whole international community. 77. The thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly was an exceptional one for the Government and people of Burundi. The head of State of Burundi, Colonel Jean- Baptiste Bagaza, took a personal part in that session. By his presence he was giving vivid proof of the gratitude of the Government and people of Burundi for the efforts of the United Nations within the framework of co-operation among nations. As he declared from this rostrum: "The work that has been done in this area by the United Nations is, in our view, of particular importance. We should therefore like to take this opportunity to pay a well-deserved tribute to the General Assembly, which can take pride in having so consistently lived up to the impor- tance of its task and, therefore, constitutes an ideal frame- work for co-operation, exchange of experience and decision making."! 78. That exceptional occasion enabled the people of Burundi, through its President, to express its full trust in and constant support for the United Nations in its noble task of striving ceaselessly for the triumph ofits fundamental objec- tives. 79. Those fundamental objectives are also those of our people and have been comprehensively stated in the Assem- bly by President Bagaza. His conclusion on this score illus- trates in several ways, on the one hand, the method of government of the Second Republic which makes participa- tion by every citizen in public life the essential condition for its success, and, on the other hand, our opening up to the international community, which led to our association with the United Nations in one of the most important stages of our national life. I quote that conclusion: "In order to permit the Burundi people effectively to exercise its prerogatives of sovereignty, we created the necessary conditions for the party to be able to guide and genuinely to control the executive. In other words, the people run and manage their own affairs in the com- munes and the provinces. Leaders are only kept in their posts to the extent that they enjoy the confidence of the people. "Thanks to the political maturity of our people, we believe that the time has come to permit it to choose its leaders at all levels. This task is incumbent on the National Congress of the UPRONA party [Union pourle progres nationali, a meeting of which is scheduled for the end of this year, and this will constitute in practice the "In the light of the foregoing, we can claim that the State which we are organizing isone which willpermit the Burundi people to perpetuate their history, to strengthen their age-old unity, to consolidate the victories they have won, to build their democracy and to determine their future in a free and sovereign manner. It is for the people of Burundi, in fact, to pronounce on the type of society which will safeguard their identity, while guaranteeing their progress in a world full of change. "This is the role of the National Congress of the party, and this is why we quite rightly consider that this session of the party will constitute an event of primary impor- tance in the national lifeof the Burundi people. We were therefore anxious to inform the United Nations and the whole international community of this, especially because we in Burundi consider that there must exist a certain harmony between internal options and a coun- try's foreign policy.t" 80. A year later I am pleased to announce to the Assembly that the promises made by my President at the thirty-fourth session have been entirely carried out. The Congress of UPRONA, which met from 26 to 29 December 1979,was highly successful, because, on the one hand, of the broad participation of the people and, on the other, of the impor- tant decisions taken concerning the democratic organiza- tion of our country and the domestic andexternal options of the Government of Burundi. At the end of that Congress, the participants unanimously reaffirmed the guiding princi- ples of Burundi's foreign policy as defined from this rostrum by the President of the Republic of Burundi, Colonel Jean- Baptiste Bagaza. Those principles are good-neighbourli- ness, positive non-alignment, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, international co-operation and support for national liberation movements. 81. Basing myselfon those fundamental principles guiding the foreign policy of my country, I should like to turn to the major issues of the day. In the main, they concern decoloni- zation, the Middle East, South-East Asia and the new inter- national economic order. 82. South Africa's presence in Namibia, the militarization of that Territory, the policy of brutal repression of the Namibian people, the ruthless exploitation of that peace- loving people, the plundering of Namibia's resources and the deliberate destruction of national unity and territorial integrity are, in the view of the Government of Burundi, criminal acts of aggression against the nation of Namibia and flout the will of the international community. 83. With a view to putting an end to this unacceptable situation, the United Nations has adopted a number of resolutions condemning South Africa for its illegal occupa- tion and calling upon it to withdraw from Namibia. 84. In view of South Africa's intransigence, the Security Council, in its resolution 435 (1978), hitsendorsed a propo- sal of five Western countries. In a spirit of great responsibil- 85. In these circumstances, the Government of Burundi is convinced that the following measures and actions should be adopted by the United Nations and the entire interna- tional community: practical support for the armed struggle being waged valiantly by the Namibian people under the leadership of SWAPO; pressure to be exerted on that illegal regime by States and Powers involved in this policy of occupation and exploitation; and, above all, the imposition by the Security Council ofcomprehensive mandatory sanc- tions against South Africa pursuant to Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. 86. Not far from Namibia, the South African racists con- tinue to gag a whole people subjected to barbarous and hateful repression because of the colour of their skin. 87. In fact, in South Africa the situation is constantly deteriorating because of the criminal policy of apartheid. The vice is being tightened on a people strugglingonly for its survival, dignity and freedom. 88. The machine of war and repression is striking the Coloured inhabitants of South Africa mercilesslyand with- out distinction. In this escalation of violence peaceful popu- lations, the elderly, women and children are not spared. Indeed, let us recall the massacres 'of Sharpeville, Soweto and elsewhere. 89. In viewof this intolerable situation, the South African people has been compelled to take up arms against that regime of tyranny. We seizethis opportunity to pay a tribute to this valiant people and its national liberation movement. The victories already gained by the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania and, in particular, the African National Congress of South Africa should give rise to more solidarity with the South African people. 90. I should like, on behalfofthe Government ofBurundi, urgently to appeal to the international community so that appropriate measures shall at last be taken to restore free- dom and dignity to the South African people at present subjected to the most ferocious repression. 91. In this context the delegation of Burundi reaffirms the legitimacy of the armed struggle being waged by the oppressed people of South Africa and condemns the racist South African regime for its policy of repression and its acts of armed aggression against the front-line States and the continuation of collaboration and political, military, nuclear, economic, cultural and trade co-operation with South Africa. 92. The Government of Burundi supports the military embargo imposed by the Security Council in resolution 418 93. Although the African continent has largely freed itself ofcolonial and racist domination, there are stillanachronis- tic colonial situations such as those in Namibia, South Africa and Western Sahara, on which something should be said. The question of Western Saharais, in my delegation's view, one of decolonization. It therefore falls within the frameworkof General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), the twentieth anniversary of whose adoption we shall soon be celebrating. 94. For the Government of Burundi, there can be no doubt that the Sahraoui people must freely exercise its inalienable right to self-determination and independence in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and that of the Organization of African Unity [OAU]. My delegation considers that the efforts of the two organizations aimed at the decolonization of Western Sahara are complementary and call for the withdrawal of all Moroccan occupation troops from the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic. 95. We urge Morocco to abide by the relevant resolutions of the OAU and the United Nations calling upon it to put an end to its military occupation of Western Sahara. 96. With regard to the position of the Government of Burundi, I should like to reaffirm its solidarity with the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic, and to assure POLl- SARI05 of its total support. In recognizing the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic, with which the State ofBurundi has just established diplomatic relations at the ambassador- ial level, the Government of Burundi is guided only by a concern for co-operation andsolidarity with a people strug- gling for its dignity and freedom. 97. While still on the subject of the African continent, I should like to express the deep concern of the Government of Burundi over the tragedy in Chad. With regard to the situation in Chad, the Government ofBurundi calls upon all States not to interfere in that country's internal affairs and to allow the people ofChad to settle their problems themselves. 98. For more than three decades the question of Palestine has beenbefore the Organization. Numerous initiatives for a settlement have been put forward; all have ended in failure because of Israel's intransigence or simply because they ignored one of the parties concerned, namely, the people of Palestine, whose sole representative is the PLO. 99. Any settlement which does not duly take this factor into account can only lead to a deadlock. No country, no matter how powerful, no organization, however universal, can tell' the Palestinian people how its State should be organized or what statutes or regime it should adopt, nor can any form ofgovernment be imposed on it. It istherefore 5 Frente Popular para la Liberacion de Saguia el Hamra y de Rio de Oro. lOO. Looking at the situation in the Middle East, the Government of Burundi reaffirms its opposition to the acquisition of territory by force. It therefore condemns the occupation by Israel ofArab and Palestinian territories. The Government of Burundi also condemns the Israeli policy of Jewish settlements in Palestinian and Arab lands. 10l. The decision taken by Israel to annex the eastern sector ofJerusalem has aroused deep emotion in mycountry and throughout the world. In the viewofthe Government of Burundi, that act is completely null and void. Thus, my delegation would call on the Israeli authorities to revoke their decision and to respect the sacred nature of the Holy City of Jerusalem. 102. The situation in South-East Asia is scarcely more reassuring than those that I have mentioned in Africa and the Middle East. Indeed, the situation prevailing in Afghani- stan, Kampuchea and Korea deserves special attention by the international community. 103. With respect to Afghanistan, the delegation of Burundi would like to state the following. First, the Govern- ment of Burundi respects the sovereignty and the basic choices of the Afghan people. Consequently, the Govern- ment of Burundi is opposed to any intervention or interfer- ence in, the internal affairs of that independent country which is a member of the non-aligned movement. Secondly, the Government of Burundi is opposed to any subversion from abroad against the people of Afghanistan and is opposed to any use of that territory as a springboard for threatening the security of any neighbouring country. Thirdly, the Government of Burundi considers that, given the present international political situation, the Afghan people can freely decide on its future only if all foreign troops are withdrawn from its territory. 104. .With respect to the situation in Kampuchea, my delegation would also like to make its position clear. First, the Government of Burundi considers that the people of Kampuchea isalone able to determine without foreign inter- ference, its future and its fate. Secondly, my Government is opposed to the use of that territory as a base for launching acts of aggression or attacks against any other State in the region. Thirdly, my Government isconvinced that the time has come to allow the people of Kampuchea to take charge of its own destiny without foreign interference. Thus, the Government of Burundi favours the withdrawal of all for- eign troops and forces from that territory and the ending of any external subversion against that people, whose political personality and cultural identity have resisted all foreign occupation. 105. With respect to the question of Korea, the Govern- ment of Burundi unreservedly supports the peaceful reunifi- cation and independence of the Korean nation. My country supports the withdrawal ofall foreign troops based in South Korea. My delegation would further like to draw the atten- tion of the international community to the serious' conse- quences ofadmitting two Korcas to the United Nations. We believe that this course of action should be opposed. 107. In this context, the Government of Burundi sincerely hopes that the conclusions of the tenth special session, devoted to disarmament, will be followed by action and that general and complete disarmament can get under way. 108. My country hailed the results of the Helsinki Confer- ence on Security and Co-operation in Europe as an impor- tant step on the road to detente. It welcomes the signing by the Soviet Union and the United States of America of the agreement known as SALT 11,6 which we hope will be rapidly ratified. 109. With a view to strengthening international peace and security, the delegation of Burundi considers that the Decla- ration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace [resolution 2832(XXVI)] should be implemented by all States. We urge the great Powers to give up their rivalry in that region, which is so rich in promise. ]10. Real and lasting peace and security are inconceivable without justice and equity in international economic rela- tio~s. It is justice that is at stake here. In their report the emment experts of the Brandt Commission? speak of moral imperatives. Today there are many peoples with respect to whom famine and poverty take their toll with unprece- dented severity, developing countries which see their natural wealth ruthlessly exploited by the developed countries or through foreign transnational corporations. Those "poor" countries stand helplessly by while their resources are plun- dered and they see themselves being deprived of the means to promote their own development. I shall not even mention other factors which give rise to serious tension and which may, once the victims have become truly aware of what is happening, lead to desperate action. And we know verywell that what comes too late is called irreparable. ]11. The Assembly has just held its eleventh special ses- sion, which was entirely devoted to the consideration of economic problems. The presence at that special session of such a large number of very high-level representatives stressed the concern felt by all the peoples represented about the chaotic world economic situation and demonstrated the ard~nt hope of the community of States that it can finally began real co-operation in international economic relations. Statements were almost unanimous in noting the failure of the prevailing economic system because it is unjust, anach- ronistic, ineffective and not adapted to the present situation. 112. Although my delegation can say ingeneral that it was satisfied with the level of representation and the quality of the debate. the same would not be true with respect to the assessment of the results of the work done at the session. Indeed. we were deeply disappointed by the refusal ofsome h Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitations of Strategic Offensive Arms. signed at Vienna on IR June 1979. 7 North-South: A program for survival: report of the Independent Commission on International Development Issues under the Chairman- ship of Willy Brandt (Cambridge. Massachusetts. the MIT Press. 19RO). 113. One view is shared unanimously in all international forums: the North-South dialogue has come to a halt. Con- fronted with this pause, any country can easily understand the impatience of the least developed countries, expecting as they do to see the international community urgently adopt and apply practical measures on their behalf. I ]4. A good many developing countries still have the energy to pursue the economic debate wherever it is taking place, and they still manage to support their national econo- mies, to a greater or lesser extent. But the least developed countries are in desperate straights. The economies of those countries are on the verge of ruin. ]15. There is no need to repeat all the eloquent statistics of the Unit~d N~tio~s and the specia~ized agencies with respect to the situation an those countries. However, let us just mention the following: annual per capita gross national product, less than $100; their share of the manufactured goods market, less than 10 per cent of the gross domestic product; an 80 per cent rate of illiteracy among the popula- tion; a per capita income growth rate of lessthan I per cent over the last 20 years. 116. The report of the Brandt Commission adds that each of those countries subsists between survival and disasterand lives in an environment of total dependence on the interna- tional market forces which are completely beyond its control. 117. To that generally gloomy picture must be added the fact that my country, Burundi, which is one of the countries in that unenviable position, is additionally handicapped by being land-locked. That further challenge to our develop- ment effort places a heavy burden on our exports and imports. Thus. large sums from the already meagre national budget are constantly being deflected from their primary allocations to offset the considerable difficulties caused by the land-locked situation. JJ8. Burundi is also one of those countries that are "most seriously affected" by the present crises in the world econ- omy. Quite apart from rhetoric, wecan prove that the causes of our economic backwardness are many and deep-rooted and totally beyond our control. Our partners in the struggle for development will certainly forgive me if I set apart from the general picture of the economies ofthe developingcoun- tries th.e particular position of the least developed economies. II~. The developed countries, whose heavy historical responsibility no longer needs to be demonstrated, willalso understand our cry of alarm and will immediately wish, we hope, to play their proper part in this rescue operation for the least developed countries. In the specific case of that category of countries. there is no more time to play with words and talk about the economies of the "most seriously affected" or the "most vulnerable" countries. The evil is more deep-seated, and should be given special priorityatten- tion by the international community. 121. Burundi is convinced that the future prosperity ofthe developing countries lies in their mutual co-operation. Indeed, weeven think that in viewofthe present deadlock in the North-South dialogue, economic and technological co- operation among developing countries is an essential alternative. 122. What is, in the opinion of the Government of Burundi, the real meaning of South-South co-operation? It is not, to our mind, a substitute for international co- operation but rather a supplement to it. Nor is it an element of confrontation with our partners in the North. On the contrary, co-operation among developing countries is one factor in developing the resources and capabilities of our countries and a means ofpromoting peaceand co-operation in an international framework in which the developing countries, regarded as full partners, will forge their own destiny in freedom. 123. Since the adoption of the Buenos Aires Plan of Action" several regional and interregional meetings have been held, some at the highest political level, and have clearly shown the determination of the developing countries to strive for collective self-reliance. Africa, for its part, showed that Vf y firm resolution at the second extraordi- nary session ofthe Assembly ofHeads ofState and Govern- ment of the OAU, held at Lagos in April, which was an historic meeting. The African heads of State, convinced of the importance and urgency of strengthening regional and subregional co-operation, have solemnly declared as a prior- ity common objective individual and collectiveself-reliance at the level of the continent.9 124. The firm commitment ofBurundi to that objective is illustrated by, among other things, our active participation in the Economic Community of the Great Lakes Countries, which brings together Rwanda, Zaire and Burundi, and in the activities of the Organization for the management and development of the Kagera river basin, which joins the United Republic of Tanzania, Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi. 125. As we have just seen, the work facing the Organiza- tion is enormous. The success of our undertaking, we believe, depends on the political will of States to make effective the resolutions already adopted, on the one hand, on questions of decolonization and security, such as those concerning in particular Africa, the Middle East, Cyprus and South-East Asia, and on the other hand, on the new international economic order. 8 RepoTl of the United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries, Buenos Aires, 30August-12September 1978 (Unued Nations publication, Sales No. E.78.11. A.II and ccrrigendum). chap. I. 9 See A/S-III14. 127. The political and economic challenges which face us are immense. Burundi believesthat the community ofStates must face those challenges and work together in order to find appropriate solutions to them. Burundi firmly believes, too, that the United Nations is the meeting place for performance of that common duty to which weare commit- ted by virtue of having signed the Charter. 128. Mr. CHI'lOUPEK (Czechoslovakia) (interpretation from Russian): Mr. President, I should like to congratulate you on your election to the demanding officeofPresident of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. 1wish you, and the Secretary-General as well,every success in carrying out your responsible tasks, to ensure a positive outcome of our deliberations. 129. I also wish to express appreciation for the work of your predecessor, Mr. Salim, whom we have had the plea- sure of welcoming to our country. 130. We welcome to our midst the new Members of the United Nations, the Republic of Zimbabwe and Saint Vin- cent and the Grenadines. 131. This is the thirty-fifth time since the end ofthe Second World War that this world assembly has been convened. For Czechoslovakia, this post-war period represents years of prosperity and ofbuildingan advanced socialistsociety in conditions offreedom and peace. We therefore understand- ably strive for the further intensification of the results of the policy ofpeace, security and co-operation, and of the policy of detente. 132. We are therefore exerting every effort to ensure that at the current session the General Assembly not only reviews.the state of world affairs but also strengthens the noble ideal of raising the level of all nations in the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations, at whose birth in San Francisco Czechoslovakia was present; that ideal isas valid today as ever. 133. Therefore, in our foreign policies, side by side with the Soviet Union and the other fraternal socialist countries and as a party to the Warsaw Treaty and a member of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, Czechoslovakia has consistently been ruled by the principle recently empha- sized by the President ofthe Czechoslovak Socialist Repub- lic, Gustav Husak, when he said that in today's world there is only one reasonable, tried and acceptable path, that of peaceful coexistence among States, whatever their social systems may be, which responds to the interests of all nations; the path of political dialogue, of continuing and further expanding the process of detente, of developing international co-operation; a path leading to the halting of the arms race and to disarmament. 134. We feel it necessary constantly to stress that funda- mental premise of our policy, especially in the present cir- cumstances in which, following the I970s, quite rightly 135. However, let us look for the beginning of these com- plications not in December 1979 but at least as far back as May 1978. And let us look for it not in Afghanistan, but in the nearby city of Washington, in the conclusions reached by the Council of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] in its deliberations. Because it was there and then that an attack was launched against the policy of detente and the existing and generally recognized approximate bal- ance of military forces between East and West. 136. How else can we describe the decision steadily to increase the armaments of NATO right up to the end ofthis century? What can we say about the fact that those who are already sufficiently armed as it is have nevertheless decided, in al1dition to flood Western Europe with new medium- range missiles? Who started to delay and complicate the ratification of the SALT 11 Treaty? When did this happen and, especially, why did it happen? Why is the anti-peace and anti-progressive alliance of international imperialism and Chinese hegemonism constantly being strengthened with ever-growing intensity? Do American military. bases abroad-from Guantanamo in Cuba, across eastern Africa and as far as Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean-serve the noble idea of spreading detente to all continents? Or is the newly proclaimed nuclear strategy, which fosters the naive illusion of the acceptability of some kind of "limited" nuclear war, to be taken as a peace-making gesture and an indication of concern to improve the international situation? 137. There are many such questions one might ask, but there is only one answer. We arc dealing here with the result ofa reversal in the policies of the United States and some of its allies in an effort to achieve military superiority. It is this reversal that constitutes the primary reason for all the nega- tive phenomena to be observed in current world affairs. 138. Our dearly bought experience, gained in two world wars, tells us that this indisputable fact cannot be concealed by any propagandistic sophistries about a supposed "threat from the East", or some "superiority of the East", and therefore some alleged "necessity" to increase defence capabilities. 139. A process ofsuch vital importance as detente must, in our view, be approached honestly, responsibly and as a matter of principle. It is necessary to strengthen all the pillars on which thisprocess rests; to mobilize to that end both individual and collective efforts by nations and Governments; to put an end to political, economic and military blackmail and intrigues by imperialism against other States and peoples; to put an end to the policy of acting from a position of strength; to tackle boldly every- thing. that disturbs international stability; to desist from risky, and, at the same time quite unrealistic, attempts to destabilize the military equilibrium in the world; to refrain from efforts to replace a system of normal relations by a system of sanctions; to strive for political solutions to even the most complex problems on the basis of equal security 140. The most recent and striking proof of the real possi- bility ofpursuing this course has been provided by the Soviet Union's talks with France and the Federal Republic of Germany at the highest level, and by their results. 141. Our policy is thus clear, understandable and immuta- ble. It aims at new horizons in detente, which is nowadays synonymous with a universally beneficial policy of peaceful coexistence among States with different social systems. 142. That is why, together with our alliesat the meeting on 14 and 15 May at Warsaw of the Political Consultative Committee of the States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty, we proposed a meeting of representatives at the highest levelof States in all parts of the world, whose task it would be to eliminate hotbeds of international tension and to prevent war, while paying special attention to European security and the preservation of peace on the European continent [see A/35/237-S/J3948, annexJ]. At that time we also submitted a comprehensive action programme consisting of highly constructive proposals for clear and specific measures to promote military detente and disarmament. At the same time, we fully endorsed the thought-provoking initiative taken by Leonid I. Brezhnev concerning the solution of the burning problem of medium-range missiles in Europe, which should take place concurrently and in organic rela- tionship with the question of United States forward-based nuclear systems. 143. We expect that a positive role in this will also be played by the second review session of the Conference on security and co-operation in Europe to be held at Madrid. In a diligent and constructive atmosphere, it should help to strengthen confidence, security and mutually advantageous co-operation, in keeping with the Helsinki Final Act of 1975. And above all, it should play a part in the decision to convene a conference on military detente and disarmament in Europe. 144. As a State situated in the centre of the strongest military concentration in the world, we are trying to give a new impetus to the difficult Vienna Talks on the Reduction of Forces, Armaments and Associated Measures in Central Europe. We are striving assiduously for progress in these talks; we are constantly submitting innovative proposals; we are offering mutually acceptable solutions. This highly responsible and constructive approach to the question of military detente in Europe has been demonstrated by the unilateral withdrawal ofa considerable number of Soviet troops, tanks and other equipment from central Europe. So far, unfortunately, this step has met with no positive response. 145. Only a year ago an important appeal was made here in a draft submitted by Czechoslovakia-the Declaration on International Co-operation for Disarmament." That 146. It is in this sense that we interpret the whole set of proposals by the Soviet Union contained in the memoran- dum entitled "peace, disarmament and international secu- rity guarantees" [A/35/48.2. annex], and, in particular, the initiative submitted here by Andrei Andreevich Gromyko proposing the inclusion in the agenda ofthis session ofa new item entitled "Urgent measures for reducing the danger of war" [A/35/241]. There is no doubt that the refusal to create new military groupings or expand the existing ones, the refusal to increase armed forces and conventional arma- ments, the strengthening of the security safeguards of non- nuclear States and the general and complete prohibition of nuclear-weapon tests would have a very favourable influ- ence on the international climate and would create condi- tions for progress in disarmament. 147. We fully associate ourselves also with another impor- tant Soviet initiative proposing that at the present session the General Assembly should earnestly deal with the ques- tion of the historical responsibility ofStates for the preserva- tion of the natural environment for present as well as future generations [see A/35/194]. A thorough consideration of this important proposal and the adoption of the necessary decisions would surely benefit the cause ofpeace, encourage the spirit of detente and contribute to the development of fruitful international co-operation. 148. We stress the urgent importance for the current dis- armament negotiations to be brought to a successful conclu- sion. We attach paramount importance to practical progress in the work ofthe Geneva Committee on Disarma- ment. But one of the most pressing needs ofthe present time is, in our view, the ratification ofthe Soviet-American SALT 11 Treaty. 149. We continue to hold the view that it is necessary to convene a World Disarmament Conference as soon as pos- sible, preferably imm~ "<tely following the second special session of the General ..J.sembly devoted to disarmament, to be held in 1982. 1.50. Unfortunately, this year once again we have notcome any closer to a solution ofthe situation in the Middle East. It is becoming ever clearer that the transparent attempts to present the Camp David blind alley as an avenue to peaceful settlement have been doomed to failure from the very begin- ning. That is why we reiterate most emphatically that only the withdrawal of the Israeli troops from all Arab territories occupied in 1967 and the safeguarding both of the right of the Arab Palestinian people, represented by the PLO, to self-determination, including the establishment of an independent State, and of the right to sovereignty and secu- rity ofall States in that region can ensure lasting peace in the Middle East. We fully support the decisions of the seventh special emergency session of the.General Assembly on Pal- estine. At the same time we wish to express our categorical and fundamental disagreement with the illegal annexation of Jerusalem by Israel. 152. In recent months attacks by imperialist, hegemonistic and reactionary forces have been levelled against the assist- ance granted by the Soviet Union to Afghanistan, upon the request of its legitimate Government, in the spirit of the Soviet-Afghan Treaty of 197811and fully in accordance with the Charter of the' United Nations, in defence of its sover- eignty. We denounce this undignified campaign, for which even this rostrum is being used. We regard it as yet another attempt at interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign State Member of the United Nations. 153. As Czechoslovakia has constantly emphasized-and as reflected, inter alia, in the joint communique adopted at the conclusion of my July visit to Afghanistan-the key to the much-needed political settlement of the situation does exist. It is a complete halt to the armed aggression and external interference directed against the Government and the people of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and the provision of reliable and firm guarantees that this will not be repeated in any form. In this connection, we fullv support the proposals addressed by the Government of Afghanistanto Iran and Pakistan on 14May which provide sufficient leeway for all parties who are genuinely interested in negotiating [see A/35/238-S/13951]. 1.54. We are also deeply concerned at the fact that a threat of aggression-of a so-called military lesson-is still hang- ing over South-East Asia and that attempts continue at interference in the internal affairs of the peoples of Indo- China. As was again eloquently demonstrated lastFebruary by the important results of the visit by our Party and Government delegation, headed by President Gustav Husak, to Viet Nam, Kampuchea and Laos, we are extend- ing comprehensive support to the peoples ofthose countries in their just struggle for the construction of a new society and the safeguarding of durable peace in that region. 155. We.favour a thorough and comprehensive considera- tion by the General Assembly of the question of peace and stability in South-East Asia, as envisaged in the proposals that we have eo-sponsored, The results ofour deliberations should contribute to a political solution of the questions in dispute, a relaxation of tension and the strengthening of mutual co-operation among the countries of that region. 156. We support the statement adopted on 18July 1980at Vientiene by the Conference of Foreign Ministers of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea [see A/35/347 and Corr.l], which puts forward valuable suggestions concerning the transformation of the entire region into a zone of peace and stability. 157. We welcome the forthcoming talks between the Min- isters for Foreign Affairs of Viet Nam and Thailand here in the United Nations; We equally welcome the new three- j I Treaty of Friendship, Good-neighbourliness and Co-operation between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. 158. At the same time we condemn the scandalous fact that representatives of the Pol Pot regime, accessories to the historically unique genocide of their own people, are, to the detriment of the Organization, still occupying the seat which rightfully belongs to the legitimate Government of the Peo- ple's Republic of Kampuchea. 159. While speaking of these matters, we cannot but express our astonishment at the fact that even this rostrum is being misused in order to disseminate fabrications about the use of chemical weapons in Kampuchea and Laos. Indeed, everybody who has been to Indo-China must have seen the terrible consequences ofthe useofthose weapons-not their current use, which isa complete fiction, but the well-known use of toxic chemicals in the years of the aggressive war against Viet Nam. Is this not a case of a thief shouting, "Stop, thiefl"? 160. I wish to stress that we welcomed the resumption of talks between the two communities in Cyprus. However, should this promising opportunity be wasted, then the settle- ment of that question will undoubtedly be put off for a long time. We therefore venture .0 hope that the favourable atmosphere at the first meeting will result in a successful final settlement, based on the assured independence, sover- eignty, territorial integrity and non-alignment ofthe Repub- lic of Cyprus as a united nation. 161. We support the efforts of the People's Democratic Republic of Korea for the peaceful reunification of Korea, and we call for the withdrawal of the United States troops from the southern part of that country, in keeping with General Assembly resolution 3390 B (XXX), which still awaits implementation. 162. This year, as wecommemorate the twentieth anniver- sary of the adoption of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peo- ples [resolution 1514 (XV)], we once again speak out reso- 163. We are aware of the importance of the intimate rela- tionship between the policy of detente and the world econ- omy. The squandering of material resources on insatiable armament programmes constitutes,in our view, the princi- pal cause of the current difficult problems, upheavals, stag- nation and other crises, the victims ofwhich are mainly the developing countries. It is therefore necessary to restructure international economic relations and place them on a demo- cratic footing. 164. The recently concluded eleventh special session ofthe General Assembly, on economic questions, has shown more clearly than ever before the complexity ofthis entire range of problems and how they are to be solved. Although the special session did not meet our expectations to the full extent, we are convinced that continued negotiations on these problems will culminate in.positive results and facili- tate equitable international economic co-operation. 165. One measure of the effectiveness of the Organiza- tion's work is the strict observance ofthe Charter, which has amply proved its viability throughout its existence. In our view, therefore, there is no need to change it. Only one thing is necessary-to abide by the Charter and implement it to the full. 166. We are convinced that at the current session the General Assembly will concentrate on the crucial areas of world politics which determine its main trends, relegate secondary issues to the background and indicate a way to reach a constructive solution to the key questions ofinterna- tional life-how to strengthen peace, security and disarma- ment. We intend to assist in every possible way the attainment of that objective. The meeting rose at 1.35 p.m.