A/35/PV.19 General Assembly

It gives me great pleasure to express to Mr. von Wechmar the warm congratulations of the Algerian delega- tion on his election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session. In choosing him, the General Assembly has done honour to his rich experience of international affairs which, I am convinced, has made him equal to the delicate but most exhilarating responsibility that has fallen to him. Our wishes for full success accompany him in his lofty task. 56. He is taking over from Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, who presided with competence, authority and devotion over one regular session, one special session and two emergency spe- cial sessions, all exceptionally full. 57. The many upheavals that mark our time reflect a need which has now become irrepressible, the need for profound change, for a radical transformation in the framework of our livesso that we can be equal to the renewed aspirations 58. If, in this thirty-fifth anniversary year of the United Nations, war and famine are still the lot ofa large portion of mankind, the undeniable reason for that is the system of international relations itself, based on institutionalized dis- order, supported by positions ofstrength, built upon power relationships. This intrinsically inegalitarian system, furthermore, breeds troubles, even among its founders. 60. That was one of the goals ofnon-alignment, nourished by our faith in the common destiny of all peoples. Indeed, our non-alignment has not merely served the will of our peoples to affirm their identity and to take over control of the conditions of their own livesand their prosperity. From its outset, it aspired to go beyond the organization of the world in hostile blocs and to replace that with an interna- tional society truly free from power relationships. 61. However, this dynamic perception of international relations is still encountering the resistance of those who support political monopolization and economic domina- tion and do their utmost to perpetuate the unequal machin- ery and organizations that now exist and therefore to isolate the third world. This is the background of the re-emergence of gunboat diplomacy and the practice of policies ofdesta- bilization and pressure on our countries in the name of doctrines based on so-called vital interests and aimed at securing control or even expropriating raw materials in general and energy resources in particular. 62. Non-alignment is not a short-term phenomenon.'It has a permanent role that is salutary for the depolarization of our world and for the democratization of international relations. Obviously it is fighting for the abolition not only of bloc rivalry but also ofthe blocs themselves. Basedessen- tiallyon the quest for peace and international co-operation, non-alignment could not remain insensitiveto the end ofthe cold war and the positive evolution of East-West relations towards detente, which is considered an important stage on the way to the realization of our shared ideal of peace throughout the world. 63. Therefore we can only deplore the renewed tension in international relations, which has struck a brutal blow at the detente process. at least that which was developing in East- 64. We have always welcomed detente between the blocs as an important contribution to the establishment of an improved climate which would benefit the entire interna- tional community and, therefore, we feel we are quite right in stressing once more today that real peace can only be global and universal and that this implies its indivisibility. This peace cannot be reduced to the preservation of the political and economic status quo in international relations; even lesscan it permit the transfer of further turmoil to that immense stormy zone that the ever-coveted third world has become. 65. Non-alignment, which in the most critical moments of confrontation between the blocs has amply demonstrated its devotion to peace by a thoroughly principled attitude, can- not today allow certain situations to worsen and is in a positionto play its rightful role. A constantly livingincarna- tion of mankind's aspirations to peace and progress, the non-aligned movement is, as in the past, capable of emerg- ing all the greater from every trial, if it takes care that subjectivism does not outweigh the persistent quest for effectiveness. 66. In that regard, the situation in Afghanistan,a non- aligned country to which we are bound by ties of fraternity and friendship, is quite naturally of great importance to us. The disturbing development of the situation, regionally and internationally, emphasizes the urgency of a political solu- tion which would restore peace in Afghanistan and through- out the region. 67. In Korea also, only a political solution, that of its reunification by peaceful means, can ward off the more and more obvious -, 'I!""S of the partitioning of that country and guarantee a . and final solution. 68. It is with great concern that wehave been following the developments in the conflict between two countries of the Islamic community, Iraq and Iran, members of the same political family. 69. Being profoundly pained by these bloody confronta- tions, we ardently hope that the war will cease, that all differences can be resolved peacefully and that finally, in new trust and concord, our common struggle for the attain- ment ofthe objectives and the triumph of the ideals required by the common destiny of our peoples will prevail. 70. We hope that Iraq and Iran, going beyond these pres- ent rifts; can meet once more in the real struggle which is 72. It is a fact that, thanks to subtle dialectics ofcalculated risk, an open world war has so far been avoided. However, the danger, far from being removed, has increasingly taken on the disturbing appearance of being inevitable in a world which seems tempted to suicide. 73. Because the exacerbation of tension spares no sphere of international life, because the paralysis of the collective security system has shown that the regulatory machinery of the existing international system is ill-adopted, it is urgent to respond tothe elementary need to make the security of the world the concern of everybody. Responding to that posi- tive demand means having the courage to break with tradi- tional approaches, so as to get back to the primary causes of the conflict and eliminate the manifestations ofthat conflict. 74. This kind of quest for international peace and security requires global solutions which necessarily include the com- pletion of the decolonization process, the fullprosperity and sovereigntyofStates, recognition ofand respect for the right ofdevelopment exercised in independence and freedom and protected from all kinds ofinterventions and pressures. This obviously presupposes the dismantling of foreign military bases, the withdrawal of foreign troops and the dissolution of military alliances, so as to bring about general and com- plete disarmament. . 75. Whereas general and complete disarmament during the first years of our Organization was the subject ofprecise and specific negotiations, since that time we have been led more and more towards partial negotiations on limited measures without any significant effect on a real disarma- ment process. Measures for controlling armaments have been adopted but, to saythe least, they have not triggered an irreversible movement towards the halting of production, and the gradualreduction followed by the complete elimina- tion of stockpiles and existing nuclear-weapon carriers. 76. In this respect, while the signing of the SALT 11 agree- ment led us to believe that a ceiling would be placed on nuclear armaments, the postponement of ratification por- tends, on the contrary, that there has been a dangerous acceleration in the arms race. 77. This renewed spirit of confrontation has already been reflected by an increased military presence in regions which are considered to be nerve centres. This redeployment ofthe forces of imperialism by a feverish quest for new bases, in 78. The third world places great hopes in the attainment of the objectives, albeit modest, of the first Disarmament Decade, and finds in the reasons for its undeniable failure fresh proof of the inadequacy of any approach bereft of imperative goals in a binding time frame, the effect ofwhich would allow the progressive succession ofvarious stages leading to general and complete disarmament. 79. That is why the second Disarmament Decade, con- ceived as an operational stage to attain the ultimate objec- tive, must necessarily lead to the conclusion of the ongoing negotiations in respect of the priorities established by the tenth special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament [see resolution S-IO/2]. 80. The coincidence of the second Disarmament Decade and the Third United Nations Development Decade shows the close dovetailing of problems confronting humanity, calls for bold and forthright action to establish a climate of peace which would wrench man's genius from his destruc- tive folly and place it at the service of development and the growing prosperity of peoples. 81. Disorder and injustice which mark international rela- tions are reflected even more blatantly in the world economy. 82. The basic demand for a new international economic order, in consonance with the needs of a world in constant flux, has regularly met with a lack of political will among certain developed countries. 83. This attitude reveals tenacious resistance to the re- fashioning of the present structures, refashioning which is seen as an unacceptable challenge. At the same time, thls attitude shows a willto perpetuate a system of international relations although it has amply demonstrated its incapacity to promote a fair distribution of well-being and prosperity. 84. It is in this context that we see renewed attempts to conceal the real problems of the new international economic order by actions that would try to focus dialogue on a partial vision, underscoring the warped idea of interdependence and a false approach to development perceived as the mere satisfaction of essential needs. 8S. The fact that over the last sixyears the General Assem- bly has met three times in special sessions devoted to devel- opment shows clearly the will of the international community to make this forum a universal crucible where the new international economic order could take form, a new order based on a new idea ofa solitary and united future of our world. 86. The fact that the United Nations has been opposed in its new historic mission by some of the founding Members themselves and that the question of the legality-even the 87. The eleventh special session was held in a critical envi- ronment marked in particular by deepening structural imbalances in the world economy and a reaffirmation ofan ever obvious phenomenon: the "development of under- development" in ever more vast areas of the third world. It was to contribute, on the basis ofa calm evaluation, free of complacency, of the implementation of the new interna- tional economic order, to bridging the wide gap separating statements of intent from effective action; it was to bring about a qualitatively new stage in international co- operation for development. 88. We had hoped at the time that the special session could launch the process of global negotiations and that an inter- national strategy could be adopted that would lead to real universal action for development. It would have thus breathed new life into the work of restructuring the current world economic order. 89. Once more people failed to see reason, to the great detriment of all. 90. What lessons can we learn from the North-South dia- logue and, beyond that, the establishment of the new inter- national economic order? 91. The fact that three countries, by their rejection ofa text which went far along the path of compromise, impeded the attainment ofconsensus on procedural aspects of the global negotiations highlights the disquieting existence of the tyranny of the "minority of a minority" exercised against the vast majority. 92. In truth, the process of democratization ofthe interna- tional economic decision cannot remain eternally blocked by a policy of"enclaves". Actions which have an impact on all aspects of international economic relations cannot con- tinue to fall exclusively within the purview and competence of private clubs. 93. In the same way, it would be serious were we to take into account only the renewed strength of the worldecon- omy as a central element in the global negotiations. While it is true that the crisis is serious and affects all our economies, nevertheless we should not ignore the fact that under- development preceded it and will survive the crisis if the restructuring process and the institutional change which are so necessary are not undertaken. 94. Accordingly, the establishment of the new interna- tional economic order, with the need to restructure and recast our institutions, cannot be satisfied with an initiative directed towards meeting essential needs only. Although those problems are important, they should not side-step the main issue, that is, the fact that they are only the most disgraceful manifestations of the state of under-develop- ment that this present system of international economic relations has created, perpetuated and aggravated. 96. It is an understatement, therefore, to say that the eleventh special session has not lived up to the expectations of the developing world. 97. We remain, for our part, staunchly devoted to the proposal for global negotiations. Likewise, we remain con- vinced that this initiative, provided that we want and know how to seize the opportunity, can contribute in a decisive manner to the promotion of genuine international co- operation and the establishment ofan international strategy restored both in its dimension and its primary vocation. In this respect, coming shortly after the failure of the eleventh special session, the support and commitment pledged by the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries [OPEC]- which met recently at Vienna in a triministerial conference-to the global negotiations process, within the framework of the United Nations, have assumed a particu- larly important meaning. 98. In this context we remain ready, for ourpart, to pursue consultations on the global negotiations during the current session so that those negotiations can be launched on the date originally scheduled. 99. This willingness stems first and foremost from our faith in the capacity of dialogue and concerted action to resolve problems, provided that the necessary political will exists to do so. Italso showsourconviction in the capacity of dialogue to promote the quest for the solutions necessary to handle the world economic crisisand to overcome the struc- tural obstacles to development. It proceeds, finally, from our faith in the inevitable advent ofwhat weare fighting for: the establishment of the new international economic order which global negotiations can and must accelerate. 100. Among the great causes that the United Nations has favoured, we must mention specifically the work ofdecolo- nization, which has been incessantly fuelled by the vigour and unshakeable determination of peoples fighting for their national liberation. 101. In congratulating ourselves today on the admission to our Organization ofSaint Vincent and the Grenadines, a country to which we wisha warm welcome to the concert of nations, we are, by so doing, noting with satisfaction both the progress of peoples in the reconquest of their freedom and a new step towards the universality of the United Nations. 102. Twenty years after the adoption ofthe historic Decla- ration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Coun- tries and Peoples [resolut~on 1514 (XV)], which it would be appropriate to hail in a special resolution ofour thirty-fifth session, the restoration of the right of peoples to self- determination and independence has obviously imbued our 103. In Palestine as in South Africa, in Namibia as in Western Sahara, the denial of the right of peoples to self- determination is the direct source of conflict situations which, through bloody confrontation and ferocious repres- sion, condemn men to suffer physically the scourge of oppression and war. Although these colonial wars act as catalysts of the energies ofthe popular massesdetermined to shake off the yoke of bondage, they none the lessconstitute, because of their magnitude and their growth, serious threats to international peace and security. 104. The same is true for the dangerous evolution of the situation in the Middle East. While the Palestinian people continues to be deprived of its inalienable right to indepen- dent national existence, while Arab territories remain occu- pied despite the constantly repeated injunctions of the international community, the pursuit of a partial arrange- ment flouting the rights of self-determination and sover- eignty and the independence of the Palestinian people has only encouraged the policy of/ail accompli and in- creased the intransigence and expansionist appetites of the Zionist ent~hl The international community is more than .~ver ('a~ble of appreciating the fallacious nature of the imperialist-Zionist initiative and the extent of the surrender of the Egyptian regime. The situation which resulted from the Camp David accords' and the Washington Treaty' is not peace. Indeed, exploiting the neutralization of the human and material potential of Egypt, the Zionist entity has been pursuing with ever greater determination its policy of aggression, conquest and Zionization of the entire Pales- tinian homeland. 105. Concomitant with the unending attacks by the forces of Zionist aggression on martyred Lebanon with the obvious aim of breaking the solidarity among fraternal Arab peoples, the Zionist attempt to provide a legalfounda- tion for itsannexation ofthe holy cityofAIQuds stems from the same ideological and strategic aspirations and shows the utter scorn of the Zionist leaders for the norms of interna- tional law and ethics. Coming as it did when at its seventh special emergency session devoted to the question of Pales- tine, the General Assembly, in its resolution ES-7/2, was setting 15 November 1980 as the date for the withdrawal of the Zionist forces ofoccupation and administration from all the Arab occupied territories, the annexation of AI Quds quite rightly gave rise to universal obloquy. Once more paralysed by the abuse of the right of veto, the Security Council, whose very credibility called for an energetic reac- tion, finally, after a hesitation that was scarcely justified in view of the gravity and obviousness of the crime, associated its voice with the concert of verbal condemnations, whereas the situation created required the adoption of mandatory sanctions. 106. In the face of the upsurge of perils in this sorely tried region, the only alternative left for genuine peace with the 3 Framework for Peace in the Middle East, Agreed at Camp David, and Framework for the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel, signed at Washington on 17 September 1978.. 107. In the imperialist strategy-.which by creating hot spots seeks to prevent the peoples from controlling the conditions of their existence-the state of insecurity estab- lished in the Middle East quite naturally finds its counter- part in southern Africa. 108. The odious policy of apartheid which, in this latter part of the twentieth century, is without question one of the most cruel insults to man's dignity, and the continued illegal occupation of Namibia would hardly have been possible without the complacent attitude in the Western world from which the racist regimeofPretoria benefits.Strengthened by this support, South Africa is still trying to contain the inexorable tide of the liberation ofpeoples, despite the fact that the brilliant victory of the people of Zimbabwe has reduced the area of colonial domination on the continent and confirms the pointlessness of such persistence con- demned by the march of history. The incessant acts of aggression against the territorial integrity of Angola, Bot- swana and Zambia stem from hegemonistic designs, to which nuclear armament givesa disquieting magnitude, and require drastic measures on the part of the international community so that international law may triumph. lOO. In the situation in Namibia there is hardly any move- ment towards the exercise of the right ofself-determination and independence by the people of that Territory. On. the contrary, recent unilateral measures, such as the establish- ment of the so-called "Council of Ministers" at Windhoek, confirm the apprehensions that wevoicedwhena settlement plan was put forward by five Western Powers. 110. Notwithstanding the laudable efforts ofthe front-line countries to make a contribution to the implementation of United Nations resolutions concerning the decolonization of the Territoryand the responsible willingness ofSWAPO, the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people, Pretoria continues to wreck by its intransigence any serious, definitive solution. The dilatory tactics ofSouth Africa and its allies highlight their strategic aim-which is,in Namibia as elsewhere, to set up authorities there which give the illusion of change while entrenching their own position of domination and exploitation of peoples. Ill. The United Nations Council for Namibia, the sole Administering Authority of the Territory until it attains independence, fully understands this and advocated in its Algiers Declaration, adopted during its last extraordinary 112. In that Africa which is still marked by the stigmas of colonization and which is making every endeavour to achieve its emancipation, Western Sahara was occupied at the very moment when its people were getting ready to acquire freedom as the fruit of their struggle. 113. In adopting at its thirty-fourth session resolution 34/37 on Western Sahara, the General Assembly, as in previous resolutions, put the problem of thwarted decolo- nization back into its true context. It has never ceased to- recognize the basically colonial character of the situation prevailing in this Territory. Its responsibility, therefore, with respect to a just and final solution, remains complete. 114. In reiterating its unswerving devotion to the right to self-determination and independence of the people of West- ern Sahara, in recognizing that the struggle that it is waging is legitimate, in requesting Morocco to withdraw it-s troops from the Territory and inas.sociatingwiththe POLISARI0s Front in the search for a just and final solution of the problem, the United Nations has taken upon itself the com- mitment to see to it that the process of the liberation of that Territory is completed. 115. Already recognized by at least 42 States Members of our Organization, the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic has asserted its existence by its military victories and diplo- matic successes, which is striking confirmation of its attain- ment of the majority required by theChartcr of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] for itsaccession to the continental organization. 116. The OAU outlined the principles for ajust settlement of the question of Western Sahara and entrusted an adhoc Committee, which has already completed its task, with working out the modalities for the exerciseby the Sahraoui people of its right to self-determination and independence. 117. The United Nations, whose competence and respon- sibility in the matter of the decolonization of Western Sahara remain complete, is duty-bound to draw all the necessary consequences from the persistent refusal of Morocco to recognize that the Sahraoui people have a right to self-determination and independence. 118. This thirty-fifth session isan opportunity to engage in a mature and responsible evaluation of our collectiveexpe- rience within this universal body and to reflect on the ways in which we can strengthen its role and enhance its effectiveness. 119-. If the primary advantage of our Organization is the fact that it exists, fidelity to the profession of faith of its peoples opened up by its Charter requires that we be ever more exacting with respect to our Organization. As strong as our belief in its ability to fulfil its mission of transforming international relations is our apprehension at seeing it con- fined to the minor function of a mere forum, where the ~ Frcntc Popular para la Libcracion de Saguia el-Hamra y de Rio de . ro, 120. The necessary changes in its structure should be made, without delay, as should the indispensable improve- ments in its working methods. 121. The legitimate anxiety to improve our Organization isjustified not only by the fact that its foundations were laid in the absence of two thirds of the present membership, but also by the quest for a new impetus, the need for which isfelt with ever greater acuteness. Such an undertaking requires a renewed vision on the part of all Member States, and in particular of those whose dominant position in the concert of nations is established by the Charter. That vision should not be limited by the defense of purely national interests. This should give way to an awareness of the contribution that all can make to building a common peace based on justice and freedom. There is an urgent need, therefore, to redress the imbalances between principles and actions in order to give meaning to the sovereign equality ofall States, and therefore, to promote the collective responsibility with regard to the future of mankind. 122. The democratization of international relations pre- supposes, quite naturally, the democratization ofthe Organ- ization itself. This stage in the life of the United Nations is not merely a moral imperative. It is also the guarantee of a greater scrupulousness and, through a true fellowship of nations, responsibility for the interests of the majority with- out ignoring those of the minority. The effectiveness of the Organization.can only be increased by this process. 123. Because it was itself so long oppressed, Algeria has always considered it its sacred duty to give expression in this body to the cries of the oppressed of this world for the establishment of a new international order that wouldban- ish for ever colonialism, racial discrimination, the exploita- tion of man by man and the law of the strongest. 124. We are fully aware that the United Nations directs its action along these lines. But that imp,::tus given it for two decades now by the "forgotten people of history", who, directly they became masters of their own destiny, turned to the Unite.' Nations, has unfortunately been slowed downby the heavy burden of uncompleted work and. imperfect achievements. 125. In a universe where the prodigious conquests of science have given man the means of succeeding in the preparation ofa better future for coming generations as well as, alas, in driving mankind to its own destruction, the United Nations has more than ever the duty to meet the aspirations of the peoples. 126. Bearer ofour hope because it shows the constancy of the universal accession to the ideals that wecelebrate at each of our sessions, this session, which marks 35 years of exist- CLC':' of the United Nations, is an ideal moment for renewing our commitment to work resolutely for the well-being of all in an era of peace, justice and co-operation so as to open up a page of history that is at last human. 128. May I also avail myself of this opportunity to pay a well-deserved tribute to Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, outgoing President of the thirty-fourth session, for his valuable contri- bution to the solution of the pressing questions that arose during his tenure. Mr. Salim discharged with dignity, impar- tiality, dedication and dynamism the arduous task of con- ducting the debates of this General Assembly. 129. May I likewise extend my congratulations to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, Secretary-General ofthis Organization, for his exhaustive, objective and lucid presentation ofthe report on the activities of the United Nations during the period under review [AI3511]. As always, Mr. Waldheim has spared no effort in his search for solutions to the socio- economic problems and international disputes besetting the world today. Our tribute to the Secretary-General is based on the factthat he has honoured with his presence in Africa, Europe, Asia and America all those international events that made his presence necessary and where hiscontribution was always highly appreciated. 130. I should like to take this opportunity to convey our sincere congratulations and to extend a welcome to the representatives of the fraternal peoples of Zimbabwe and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. whose countries have increased the membership of the great family of the United Nations. We are convinced that their presence not only reaffirms the universality of our Organization, but also will help to strengthen its effectiveness. 131. A year ago, the delegation of the Government of the Supreme Military Council informed this Assembly of the changes that had taken place in Equatorial Guinea after the blow struck for freedom on 3 August 1979. Today we have come here to reaffirm before this Assembly our deep satis- faction with the peace, calm and harmony which at present reign in the Republic of Equatorial Guinea. 132. We must not forget that our country was bankrupt, without economic reserves, without international credibil- ity, because it was unable to meet itscommitments, and with its best cadres either in jail or in exile. That was the situation which we had to confront with determination and in an orderly manner. For that reason, it is no secret to anyone that our country, in thi initial period of hopeful national reconstruction, is c.icot,ntering serious difficulties of every kind: administrative.economic, financial, social, and so on. It is precisely within this context that we wish to present to this Assembly an account of the efforts being made by the Government of the Supreme Military Council to rehabili- tate and rebuild our people. 133. In the educational sector, in order to restore an organized system of education in the coup try, we have 134. In the field of health, my Government, barely one year after it took office, has rehabilitated all hospitals and dispensaries. In the context of these efforts, a bill was enacted to regulate free medical and pharmaceutical assist- ance to various sectors of the population, in particular children and pregnant women. We have intensified and improved considerably our relations with international organizations, such as UNICEF, WHO and many others in the health field. We have received humanitarian and medi- cal assistance from the World Food Programme and WHO. Lastly, may I pointout that, after overcoming great difficul- ties, given the scarcity of our present financial resources, but constantly bearing in mind its social duty, the Government of the Supreme Military Council has made purchases of medical supplies and hospital equipment amounting to over $2 million. 135. As we are primarily an agricultural country, our action has focused on the improvement of the rural sector, which we regard as indispensable for our economy if we are to ensure the viability of this vital activity which was aban- doned during the last decade. We have reached the conclu- sion that a coherent agricultural programme is basic to the economic development of our country. Thus the Govern- ment of the Supreme Military Council has granted credits to farmers amounting to $5 million for the purpose of restor- ing our plantations. Bearing in mind the importance we attach to the recovery ofagriculture, wehave also decided to return to their former foreign owners their agricultural properties. With the help of FAO, the Government ofEqua- torial Guinea has begun to restore the poultry farms which were in a stale of great neglect. In the context of these endeavours, we must however emphasize the enormous difficulties that the shortage oflabourcauses to the effective- ness of our work in all sectors. 136. We attach equal importance to the fundamental right to information, and in this connection the Supreme Military Council has decided to inject newlife into the media ofsocial communication, especially the press, radio and television, which had remained silent during the decade ofdictatorship. 137. In the labour area, and to redress the shortcomings. and arbitrariness which prevailed inthis sector, the Govern- ment has enacted a decree on the general organization of work. Thus, workers' salaries have been considerably increased and labour conditions improved. 138. In the industrial sector, we are layingemphasis on the restoration of installations which were inactive during the last decade, and the city ofMalabo, the capital ofthe nation, which had been plunged into darkness for eight years, has been electrified and illuminated. In this same context, a hydroelectric plant is being built on our continent. 139. In the social sector, we are beginning the task of national reconstruction by imposing scrupulous respect for human rights and social justice.· Thus, the first question tackled by the Government was the reorganization of the State and, within that spirit of reconciliation, it ordered the immediate release of all political prisoners who filled the 140. In the public works, housing, urban planning and transport sectors, major infrastructural work is being car- ried out, such as the repairing of the road network, airports and ports, the building of new houses and urbanizing of the main towns; and similarefforts are being made to endow the country with sufficient means of transport by land, air and sea. 141. As regards the integration of Guinean women into the national reconstruction process, the Government of the Supreme Military Council has setup a State Secretariat for the promotion of women and their integration into Guinean society. We intend thereby to express in practical terms the importance we attach to the participation of Guinean women in the national development process. 142. In the private sector, we have restored to Guinean and foreign citizens the property which was taken away from them by the former regime. At the same time, we have adopted a policy of free trade and granted important credits to Guinean and foreign citizens engaged in trade. 143. I have provided a brief summary of the efforts made by the Government of the Supreme Military Council in the shortspan of the one year ofits existence. However, I should like to take this opportunity to draw the attention of this Assembly to the fact that, despite our efforts, the crisis continues and this demands our unflagging pursuit of the line of conduct we have set ourselves and requires that, in a spirit of solidarity, we request international collaboration and co-operation in the quest for a soJution to our problems. 144. Thus, from this rostrum, I wish to express the pro- found and sincere gratitude of the Government of the Supreme Military Council to .all the friendly countries and inrernational organizations whose valuable assistance is making a significant contribution to the process of national reconstruction that we have undertaken. 145. Despite the persistent efforts of the Supreme Military Council to overcome the difficult situation that our country is experiencing, there is still much to be done. The various problems confronting my Government in its efforts to achieve the normalization and reconstruction ofmy country are so many and so acute that! for lack of time, we shall refrain from giving an exhaustive listof them here. However, for your information, I should like to refer to the report prepared by the United Nations mission headed by Mr. Farah, Under-Secretary-General for Special Political Ques- tions, who recently visited my country. That report, con- tained in document A/35/447,c1early and concisely reflects the situation actually prevailing in Equatorial Guinea at present. May I therefore take this opportunity to express on behalf of my Government our sincere gratitude to Mr. Farah and ]lfs delegation for the quality of'ihe work he has 146. The Supreme Military Council, an institution born of the will of the people to improve the image of Equatorial Guinea which, for one long decade, had been the symbol of anarchy and of a retrograde policy of total isolation, has set itself the priority task of regaining for our country, through a sincere, coherent and objective foreign policy, sufficient credibility in' the community of nations, so as to be able to return toit proudly as a free nation, free not only because of the fact of its independence, but because it seeks the freedom of all its citizens asa priority. 147. From the very first momenr the Government of the Supreme Military Council undertook, with firm determina- tion and conviction, the process ofopening fruitful relations with all peace-loving countries, while scrupulously respect- ing the principles and objectives proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations, that of the OAU and that of the non-aligned movement. 148. We wish to make special mention of the importance that the Government of the Supreme Military Council at- taches to the continued development of fruitful good- neighbourly relations with the fraternal peoples of Gabon, Sao Tome and Principe, Cameroon and Nigeria, with whom we feel indissolubly linked by tradition and history. These age-old relations of brotherhood deteriorated sharply under the former regime. For this reason and in order to revive peaceful coexistence among our peoples, the President ofthe Supreme Military Council paid state visits to Gabon and Cameroon and took part in the second extraordinary ses- sion of the Assembly of Heads ofSta.te and Government of the OAU, held at Lagos on 28 and 29 April 1980. 149. In parallel to the fraternal and good-neighbourly relations which I have mentioned, the policy of rapproche- mentof the Government of the Supreme Military Council is invariably directed towards all the other sister African nations, while at the same time we are establishing fruitful relations of co-operation in other continents with countries, which are determined to contribute to the national recon- struction process that we have undertaken. ISO. We must praise here the great encouragement that the people of Equatorial Guinea have drawn from the presence and active participation of the Kingdom of Spain in the work ofreconstruction that we have undertaken. 151. Spain provided valuable assistance to our country in all sectors after the changes that took place on 3 August 1979 and the future prospects. for our co-operation appear to be very promising. I cannot fail to state from this rostrum the sincere gratitude of the people and the Government of Equatorial Guinea to the people and the Government ofthe Kingdom of Spain for this fraternal gesture that they have made and are still making in our regard. 153. We likewise highly appreciate and attach great importance to the political credibility and confidence that the Government of the Supreme Military Council has earned for itself in international bodies, at the political, economic and social levels. At the economic level, we must stress here the valuable aid, credit, subsidies and technical assistance granted by UNDP, IMF, the World Bank, UNESCO, WHO, UNICEF, FAO, the European Eco- nomic Community, the African Development Bank, the League of Arab States and OPEC, all of which contribute considerably to the national reconstruction pr~cess. 154. The international situation as a whole is one of our greatest concerns, as a result of the serious and many prob- lems that characterize it at present. The hotbeds of tension and hostility that. exist in vast areas of our planet; the injustice that persists in trade systems; the increasingly unfa- vourable imbalance in our balance of payments; the gallop- ing inflation which assails our economies-these, in our opinion, constitute the fundamental causes of the alarming situation we have mentioned. We believe that the elimina- tion of that situation of generalized crisis should be one of the priorities of our Organization. The solution of this international crisis could depend to some degree on the sincere political will that should govern negotiations between the industrialized nations and the third world. 155. We reaffirm that our foreign policy will in no way change in its orientation and its concept of scrupulous respect for the principles of peaceful international coexist- ence and the establishment and strengthening of more just and effective relations of friendship and co-operation among nations. 156.. Despite the moderation shown by the leaders of the nationalist movement SWAPO,in accepting the United Nations plan for Namibia, South Africa obstinately con- tinues its illegal occupation of the Territory and the perpet- uation of its ignominious policy of apartheid and racism, with the creation of puppet movements as instruments used by the racist South African Government to continue its illegal occupation of the territory of Namibia. The Govern- ment of the Supreme Military Council strongly condemns the dilatory manoeuvres ofthe racist South African Govern- ment to hinder the implementation of the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia. We resolutely sup- port the armed struggle to which SWAPO .is committed as the only means ofestablishing the sovereignty and indepen- dence of its people. 157. We also condemn most strongly the military incur- sions made by South Africa into Angola, using the territory of Namibia as a launching ground. In view of the continued refusal of the racist regime of South Africa to respect the relevant resolutions adopted by the United Nations, the OAU and the non-aligned movement, the delegation of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea considers that this Assembly 159. Massacres of the peaceful people of Azania, brutal racist repression, imprisonment and the persistent violation of human rights to which our brothers in Azania are sub- jected have not prevented them from intensifying unhesi- tatingly its authentic struggle to win its emancipation and abolish the odious system of apartheid. We express our unconditional support for the struggle waged so coura- geously by the nationalist movements, the African National Congress of South Africa and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania. 160. In the context of this struggle for liberation and for the recovery of honour and dignity, I should like to express again our feeling of joy at the recent victory of the heroic people ofZimbabwe, in the belief that its example will bring about a radical change in the obstinate attitude ofthe racist regime of Pretoria regarding the oppressed people of Aza- nia. The independence of Zimbabwe represents one of the greatest lessons of patriotism of recent years. To that brave people, from this historic rostrum, I extend our warmest congratulations on behalf of the Supreme Military Council and the people of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, and especially of its President, Lieutenant-Colonel Obiang Ngu- ema Mbasogo. 161. Our continent is passing through crucial moments in its history, with the intensification of hostilities which threaten the destruction and annihilation of our peoples: from the situation in Chad, through that in Western Sahara, to that in Ogaden, we are witnessing a great scenario of fratricidal wars which threaten not only the existence ofthe peoples of those regions but also the stabilityand securityof our continent. 162. In connection with these hotbeds of tension, the Government of the Supreme Military Council considers that our efforts should be concentrated on the search for an African solution to those problems. 163. With regard to the Middle East, we are convinced that we shall be unable to achieve a just and lasting peace in the region as long as the rights of the Palestinian people continue to be trampled underfoot by Israel. My Govern- ment considers that stable peace in that region will be possi- ble only through a comprehensive solution to the problem, with the participation of all the parties involved, including the PLO. The continued unlawful occupation by Israel of Arab territories and its refusal to recognize the inalienable 164. The peaceful, negotiated resolution of international disputes and the non-use offorce or the threat ofuse offorce for the solution ofconflicts continue to constitute oneofthe bases on which rests United Nations action to guarantee J?Cace, stability and peaceful coexistence among nations. 165. For this reason, the Government of the Supreme Military Council ofEquatorial Guinea expresses its concern at the latent situation prevailing .in Afghanistan, which is likely to bring about a crisis with unforeseeable consequen- ces for mankind. 166. In this context, we also view with concern the holding of American hostages in Teheran, an act which not only constitutes a flagrant violation of international law butalso represents an ostensible failure to respect human rights. We consider that the immediate release of the hostages would make an important contribution to the just cause of peace and respect for fundamental human rights. 167. I cannot fail to draw attention to something which I believe is on all our minds at this meeting. Simultaneously with the opening of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly, a new situation ofconflict arose which threatens world peace and security. I am referring, of course, to the conflict between two countries, Iran and Iraq, whose peo- ples, however, are united by a common faith. 168. My delegation has confidence in the machinery ofthe United Nations which it hopes willsuffice to restore peace to the region. But I cannot fail to applaud and support the prompt initiative taken at the Islamic Conference in its quest fora rapid settlement of this serious conflict, which adds to the long list of situations endangering world peace and security. 169. Last, and no lessdisquieting, is the problem ofKam- puchea. My country considers that the restoration ofpeace and stability in South-East Asia and the consequent estab- lishment ofa climate of mutual confidence among all States in the region would enable the people of Kampuchea to decide on its future freely, without interference. 170. Every day the international economic situation becomes more alarming. We are witnessing a progressive and unbridled deterioration in trade relations between rich countries and developing countries. Our countries, the non- oil-producing developing countries and in particular the least developed countries, are in a desperate situation. These countries are the victims ofall kinds ofdifficulties: balance- of-payments deficits, considerable increase in their external debts, galloping inflation in their economies, and so on. 171. It is regrettable to note the manipulations of the industrialized countries in the North-South dialogue with regard to the Integrated Programme for Commodities;" it is essential to have a balanced relationship between the price of manufactured goods and the price of raw materials. 172. A new international economic order will never be ac~ieved until new systems of financing are established, which allow for the continued and independent develop- ment of our economies. Such financing should be for long terms and at low interest; it should be placed at the full dis~1 of the least developed of the developing countries, which would enable us to establish in our development programmes those priorities that would help us overcome our dependency on the industrialized countries. 173. As we stated earlier, trade imbalances, balance-of- payments deficits, the progressive increase of external indebtedness as well as the galloping inflation besetting our economies originate in the international monetary system which currently governs the world. It is clear and obvious that the monetary system imposed over three decades ago no longer meets the current situations since the conditions which then prevailed have disappeared. For that reason, it is imperative to establish a new international monetary system which will prevent the disastrous fluctuations and the cata- clysmic economic and financial consequences to which our currencies are today subjected: a new system, not of confis- cation or subjugation of the sovereignty and independence of the countries of the third world, but a new international monetary system, with participation by all States in the elaboration and in the implementation of those norms which should govern the relations between rich and poor countries. 174.. As regards industrialization, from the seventh special session of the General Assembly on development and inter- national economic co-operation to the Lima,' Vienna" and New Delhi? Conferences, we have always reaffirmed that the industrialization of the developing countries could make a valuable contribution to the raising of the living standards ofour peoples. We have repeated in all international forums that, in order toachieve the objective ofthe industrialization of the t.hird world by the year 2000, the question of the financing of industrialization should take priority in the policy of international development. We have stressed that 6 See Proceedings of' the United Notions Conference on Trade and Development,FourthSession, vol.I,ReportondAnnexes(United Nations publication, Sales No. E.76.IJ.D. 10and corrigendum), part one, sect. A, resolution 93 (IV). 7 Second General Conference of the United Nations Industrial Devel- opment Organization, held at Lima from 12 to 26 March 197~, • United Nations Conference on Science and Technology ft" Devel- opment, held at Vienna from 20 to 31 August 1979. 9 Third General Conference of the United Nations Industrial Devel- opment Organization, held at New Delhi from 2I January to 9 February 1980, 175. In the African context, we are gratified at the success of the Lagos economic conference, which is the first demon- stration of the African will to economic emancipation. We are convinced that the Plan of Action adopted at that con- ference 10 represents for the United Nations a valuable con- tribution to the working out of a new international eco- nomic order to which weare committed and which willmeet the true aspirations of all countries. 176. Despite all the joint efforts and despite the modera- tion and understanding shown by the developing countries during the current negotiations on the establishment of a convention on the law ofthe sea, the industrialized countries are still showing their arrogance in attempting to create a selfish law ofthe sea, by placing their technological potential above the just claims of our peoples. A new international economic order cannot be fair or just until such time as the sovereignty of States over all their natural resources is reaffirmed. 177. Economic justice should be the slogan of the decade which is beginning. So long as injustice and the present economic disorder continue, all our efforts with the objec- tive of establishing a new international economic order will prove fruitless. 178. As regards the recent eleventh special session, devoted to economic problems, we regret to note the abyss that still separates the intransigent and arrogant position of the industrialized countries and the just claims of the devel- oping countries. However, we consider that that special session will no doubt mark a new milestone towards the balanced readjustment of international economic relations and will certainly represent a decisive and laudable step in our collective efforts to establish the new international eco- nomic order we have sought to bring about. 179. 1should not wish to end this statement without reaf- firming on this solemn occasion our conviction of the imperative need to intensify co-operation among nations in the quest for adequate solutions to the problems ofdevelop- ment raised by the characteristic features prevailing in each ofour countries. We believe that the time has come to move on to the implementation of the principles and ideals we have proclaimed: the ideals of freedom for all, co-operation at all levels, sincere solidarity within reciprocal respect for the independence of each State, and the establishment ofa new, more just and more balanced world. 180. Mr. SIPRASEUTH (Lao People's Democratic Republic) iinterpretationfrom French): I I 1should like first of all, Sir, to voice my heartfelt congratulations to Mr. von Wechmar on his unanimous election to the lofty post of President of this session of the General Assembly. I am convinced that with his vast experience of the United III Document A/S-II/14, annex I. I J Mr. Sipraseuth spoke in Lao, The French version of his statement 182. Permit me also to express the great appreciation of my delegation to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, Secretary-General of the United Nations, for his tireless efforts to promote the attainment of the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. 183. The thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly has opened at a time when the new Disarmament Decade has begun and on the eve of the Development Decade which we hope will mark a new era that will bring humanity peace, justice and progress. The present session will also observe the twentieth anniversary ofthe adoption ofthe Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, an historic declaration which isdue to the fortunate initiative taken by the Soviet Union" and one which marked a decisive turning point in the heroic struggle of peoples of several countries in our world to bring about their emanci- pation. On this occasion we welcome withjoy to the United Nations Zimbabwe, which has just recovered its indepen- dence, the fruit of a long struggle full of sacrifices. We also welcome the admission ofSaint Vincent and the Grenadines to our Organization. 184. The decade just ended has left us with a positive balance-sheet.of the struggle of peoples for their liberation. The historic victory of the peoples ofLaos, Kampuchea and Viet Nam represents a decisive stage in the bankruptcy of the policy of aggression and expansionism of imperialism and international reaction. The victory of the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and the recent victory ofthe people of Zimbabwe in Africa have further strengthened thedetermi- nation of those still subjected to oppression, colonial domi- nation and anti-democratic regimes to continue their struggle. 185. The victory of the April 1978 revolution in Afghani- stan ushered in a new era of profound political, economic and social changes leading to democracy and progress for. the Afghan people. The victory of the Iranian people put an end to Iran's long dependence on American imperialism and to the backward feudalist regime that had held sway for centuries. The victory of the people of Nicaragua set a brilliant example for the struggle of the peoples of Latin America against the Fascist dictatorial regimesin that conti- nent. The great victory of 7 January 1979of the people of Kampuchea and the victorious resistance of the Vietnamese people against Chinese aggression in February 1979 have inflicted an ignominious defeat on the expansionist and hegemonist policy ofthe leaders of Peking in collusion with the imperialists. 186. The decade just ended has also provided us with numerous proofs that, despite their successive defeats, the forces ofimperialism and international reaction are still bent 187. Nevertheless, the imperialist circles and the forces of international reaction have tried to revive the climate of the cold war and to sabotage the peaceful development of peo- ples. This dangerous attempt, unless it is countered, may well challenge the cause of peace and international security and plunge the world into a new disaster. The peoples ofthe world must redouble their vigilanceand act energetically to suppress this negative trend and guarantee peace and secu- rity to mankind. 188. In South-East Asia, after the brilliant victory won by force of arms over the. American imperialists, the three peoples of Indo-China, instead of being able to enjoy their new-found peace and independence, are now faced with the danger of aggression and expansion. 189. The leaders of Peking have for some time now been pursuing towards the three countries of Indo-China an openly hostile policy aimed at sabotaging peace and the building of socialism in those countries and at dominating them and using them as a bridge-head for theirexpansionist designs in South-East Asia. In order to achieve their evil purposes, they have tried, in collusion with the imperialists and other reactionaries, to pit the other countries ofSouth- East Asia, in particular Thailand, against the three countries of Indo-China, to divide the three, Lao, Kampuchean and Vietnamese nations, to sow discord and division among each of these three peoples. These activities, which have bred tension in South-East Asia, endanger the peace and security of that part of the world. 190. The Lao People's Democratic Republic, in joining several other countries to request the inclusion on the agenda of the present session of the item entitled "Question of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia" [item 119], intends to work positively to establish in that region a climate of peace and co-operation that will put an end to the tension that now prevails there. We attach great importance to the debate in the General Assembly on that item, and we hope that a positive outcome will result from it. 191. After an anti-colonialist and anti-imperialist struggle lasting more than 30years, the Lao people isdeeply commit- ted to peace in order that it may turn to the work ofnational defence and construction. The three peoples, Lao, Kampu- chean and Vietnamese, united in their struggle for peace and national liberation, are more than ever determined together to defend their national independence, sovereignty and terri- torial integrity won at the price ofsuch great sacrifices. They are determined to defend at all costs their peaceful work to consolidate peace and stability in the region, together with all the peoples ofSouth-East Asia. The Declaration issued at the Conference of Foreign Ministers of Laos,Kampuchea and Viet Narn, held at Vientiane on 17 and 18 July 1980 [A/35/347-S/14071. annex Ij, sets forth constructive and reasonable proposals that have received the increasingly 192. But it is extremely regrettable that the goodwill ofthe Governments of the three countries of Indo-China have come up against the obstacle set in their path by the leaders of Peking who, acting in close collaboration with the impe- rialists and using a group of extreme-right reactionaries in the Thai governing circles as pawns, have mounted a vast conspiracy against the peoples of ludo-China. The armed acts of provocation on the Thai-Kampuchean border in June this year, provocations which took place at the same time as the so-called "voluntary repatriation" operations of the Kampuchean refugees launched with intlammatory propaganda, the campaign of slander and denigration waged by the leaders of Peking and the extreme-right reac- tionaries in the governing circles of Thailand against Viet Nam and the armed acts of provocation against Laos of 14 and 15 June this year emanating from the Thai side and leading to the dosing ofthe Thai-Lao border on the very eve of those that occurred on the Thai-Kampuchean border- all are an integral part of the aforementioned conspiracy. The peoples of Indo-China, who have suffered through many years of war against imperialist aggression, are fully aware of these manoeuvres, which are irrevocably doomed to failure. 193. Because they fought for decades against colonialist and imperialist aggression and oppression, the peoples of Indo-China attach inestimable importance to peaceand cleave to independence, freedom and the construction of a better life in their respective countries. And more especially as Laos, a country with just over 3 million inhabitants, has never been and never will be a threat to any neighbour whatsoever. That is why we have, along with Kampuchea and Viet Nam, called upon the countries ofSouth-East Asia to work together with us for the consolidation of peace and stability in the area and for a mutually advantageous co- operation. In proposing the conclusion of bilateral or multi- lateral treaties of non-aggression and peaceful coexistence between ourselves and the countries of ASEAN and other countries in South-East Asia, the settlement of differences through peaceful means and the creation ofa zone of peace and stability, the Lao People's Democratic Republic, the People's Republic of Kampuchea and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam are convinced that such proposals provide solid bases which will lead to a genuine and lasting peace. 194. The negative reply to these proposals only helps the manoeuvres of the imperialists and international reaction- aries for maintaining the item entitled "The situation in Kampuchea" [item 22] on the agenda of this session. It does not create a climate propitious for dialogue; it is an attempt to mislead world opinion regarding the real situation in Kampuchea. Their propaganda and their treacherous manoeuvres attempt to create confusion, to preserve the seat of Kampuchea in the United Nations for a criminal gang, that of Pol Pot and Ieng Sary, and to interfere in the internal 196. My country, as many other countries, deems that the People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea must occupy its rightful place in our Organization. That Council, apart from the fact that it is the sole legitimate and legal representative of the people of Karnpuchea, is constantly animated by the sincere desire to live on good terms with its neighbours and to settle all differences through peaceful negotiations. 197. This attitude is clearly retlected in its statements and in its foreign policy. Its four-point .proposal, which was endorsed by the Conference of the Foreign Ministers of Laos, Kampuchea and Viet Nam, held at Vientiane in July this year, is a just and 'realistic proposal which seeks to reduce tension and establish a climate of trust between Thailand and Kampuchea, as a prelude to a mutually advantageous co-operation between the peoples of those two countries. Not to take this constructive proposal seriously into consideration is not only to reject peace and. stability" the noble objectives for which the peoples of the region have ceaselessly worked, but also to fall into the trap of the expansionists and imperialists who wish to fish in troubled waters and accomplish their evil designs. This attitude is not in the interests of the peoples, nor is it in the interest of the peace and security of South-East Asia and of the world. 198. The Republic of India, one of the founders of the non-aligned movement, which has just officially recognized the People's Republic of Kampuchea, has shown itself to have a wise and realistic policy. 199. My country supports the just position and the con- ciliatory attitude ofthe Government ofthe Socialist Repub- lic of Viet Nam, which has striven to settle through negotiations the problems between its country and the other countries of South-East Asia. My country also strongly supports the just struggle being waged by the fraternal Vietnamese people to defend its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity against the acts of aggression. and subversion of the reactionary holders ofpower in China. We support the just position and the attitude ofgoodwill of the 200. Since the founding of the Lao People's Democratic Republic five years ago, the Lao people have made enor- mous efforts in the task of our country's defence and national construction along the path of socialism which it freely chose. Our choice gave rise to a strong reaction on the part of international reactionaries and imperialists, who have throughout these five years done their utmost, at all levels, to destroy our work of peaceful reconstruction, as they are doing also in the cases of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the People's Republic of Kampuchea. Not- withstanding all this, the Lao people, united as one man, has succeeded,not only in safeguarding its independence, sover- eignty and territorial integrity but also in achieving successes in several spheres of national construction. These successes are due to the consistent efforts of our whole people under the wise guidance of the Lao People's Revolutionary Party. They are inseparable from the militant solidarity and multi- farious co-operation between the Lao people and the Vietna- mese and Kampuchean peoples, the fraternal and unselfish assistance given by the Soviet Union and other socialist countries and the aid from friendly countries and interna- tional organizations, including the United Nations, to which we should like at this time to express once more our pro- found gratitude. 201. The Government of the Lao People's Democratic Republic has always implemented a foreign policy ofpeace, independence, friendship and non-alignment, a policy of peaceful coexistence and co-operation with neighbouring countries, on the basis of respect for independence, sover- eignty, territorial integrity, non-interference in internal affairs and mutual advantage. We welcome the develop- ment of special relations with the Socialist Republic ofViet Namand the People's Republic of Karnpuchea, relations of friendship and many-sided co-operation with the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, and relations becoming daily closer with friendly countries. We have developed our relations of friendship and good neighbourliness with the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma and other coun- tries of the region. However, we regret that our relations with Thailand, our immediate neighbour, have seriously worsened recently despite our persistent efforts to resolve questions in dispute between the two countries through peaceful negotiations and in a spirit of good neighbourli- ness. Notwithstanding the recent openingofa crossing point on the border by the Thai authorities, normal relations between the two countries have not yet been re-established. Only the full implementation of the joint communiques of Laos and Thailand of January and April 1979will,in our opinion, contribute to improving the relations between the Lao and Thai peoples, who have always been good neighbours. 202. During the past year the imperialists and reaction- aries have likewise stirred up tension and created pockets of 204. We highly appreciate the legitimate and necessary assistance given by the Soviet people to the Afghan people, in accordance with the Treaty of Friendship, Good Neigh- bourliness and Co-operation of 5 December 1978between the two countries as well as with the Charter of the United Nations. We staunchly support the just proposal of Presi- dent Babrak Karmal designed to settle with neighbouring countries, through peaceful negotiations, all problems con- cerning peace and security in that region. 205. In the Middle East, the Camp David agreements have led to a complex situation which shifts from day to day in favour of Israel's goals,of expansionism and domination over neighbouring Arab territories. Ignoring universal con.. demnation, the Zionist leaders have ceaselessly proliferated their acts of aggression against the Arab peoples, the last of which was the Israeli decision to make the city ofJerusalem the capital of the Zionist State. Our delegation vehemently condemns that decision, which was declared null and void by the Security Council when it considered that issue. We staunchly support the struggle of the Palestinian people, under the leadership of the PLO, to recover their inalienable rights, including the right to establish an independent and sovereign State. My delegation firmly supports the struggle of the other Arab countries to recover all their territories occupied by Israel and to counter the plots of imperialism. 206. We are in favour ofrespectfor Lebanon's sovereignty and territorial integrity and condemn Israel's attempts to sabotage and destroy that peaceful little State. 207. We support the Korean people in their struggle for the peaceful reunification of their homeland and for the withdrawal of United States troops stationed in South Korea. We condemn the barbaric acts of repression perpe- trated by the authorities ofSeoul against the South Korean population. 208. We are profoundly concerned by the strengtheningof military bases and the increase in military activities of the United States in the Persian Gulf and in the Indian Ocean, and by the creation of the so-called "rapid deployment" force to defend its allegedly vital interests. These activities constitute a serious threat to the peace and security ofall peoples throughout the world. We demand that an end be put to them in order to permit progress towards the transfor- mation of the Indian Ocean into a zone ofpeace, in accord- ance with the profound aspirations of the peoples who live on its shores. 210. We are in favour ofthe fulland rigorous implementa- tion of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations on Cyprus. 211. We support the struggle being waged by the people of Namibia, under the guidance ofSWAPO, for their national independence and strongly condemn the apartheid regime for its obstinate refusal to implement United Nations deci- sions concerning Namibia, as well as for its criminal racist practices in South Africa. 212. We reaffirm our solidarity with the people of the Democratic Sahraoui Arab Republic which, under the gui- dance of the POLISARIO Front, has beenwaginga resolute struggle to bring about the exercise of its basic and sacred national rights. 213. We firmly condemn the acts of aggression perpe- trated by the racist regime of Pretoria against the people of Angola and voiceour full solidarity with that people, which has been courageously fighting to defend its independence and sovereignty. 214. In Latin America the Cuban people continues to be the victim ofan arbitrary blockade by the United States, and a part of its territory isstill under the latter's occupation. We side with the Cuban people and demand that the United States put an end to that blockade, give back the Guan- tanamo base to the Republic of Cuba and stopany attempts to destabilize that part of the world. 215. We welcome the efforts that have been expended for a year now by the people of Nicaragua to rebuild its country and to consolidate the achievements of its revolution, and we wish it even greater success in that work. 216. Puerto Rico is still under colonial domination. Accordingly, we should like to assure the Puerto Rican people of our sympathy and support in its struggle for self-determination and independence. 217. Likewise, we support the valiant struggle of the peo- ples of El Salvador and Bolivia for the full enjoyment of their democratic rights and freedoms. 218. The people of Chile continues to be the victim of the bloody repression by the Fascist regime of Pinochet. Accordingly, we support the valiant struggleofthe people of Chile to recover its genuine democratic rights and freedoms. 219. We fully support the tenacious struggle ofthe peoples and Governments ofGrenada, Jamaica and othercountries of the region against the manoeuvres of intervention and subversion of the imperialists and their lackeys and in defence of their independence and sovereignty. 220. The negotiations on disarmament measures are pro- gressing too slowly, whereas the arms race is being stepped 221. We highly commend the sincere efforts of the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries, the non-aligned countries and the peace-loving countries that have worked resolutely to bring a halt to the arms race and achieve general and complete disarmament under effective interna- tional control. The States parties to the Warsaw Treaty also have worked with the greatest determination to consolidate international security, strengthen detente and reduce the danger of war, both in Europe and throughout the world. The submission last May by the Soviet Union and other socialist countries of a set of peace initiatives, designed to achieve detente in the military sphere and disarmament, was a constructive act firmly supported by my delegation. like- wise, we warmly support the initiative ofthe Soviet Union to submit for consideration by the current Assembly, as an important and urgent matter: "Urgent measures for reduc- ing the danger ofwar" [AI35124I], and the question entitled "Historical responsibility of States for the preservation of nature for present and future generations" [AI351194]. We hope that the debate on theseitems willyield positive results. We also support the efforts of the African and Arab States to make Africa and the Middle East nuclear-free zones and we deeply deplore the collaboration of certain Western countries with South Africa and Israel in the sphere of nuclear weapons. We request those countries to put an end to that collaboration, which merely fosters the proliferation of nuclear weapons. 222. Another cause for concern for the developing coun- tries is the protracted crisis besetting the present world economic situation, a crisis bred by the market-economy developed countries, but which has had more serious reper- cussions on all the developing countries, particularly the least advanced. Undeniably, this crisis stems from the un- just international economic relations at present in force. A remedy must be found. The adoption ofthe Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment ofa New Inter- national Economic Order which would be more just and more equitable gave a glimmer of hope to the developing countries. But the attempts to implement the Declaration and the Programme of Action-contained in General Assembly resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)-have not yielded any significant results so far. The negotiations embarked upon both within the United Nations context and in the various specialized agencies have led to only meagre results, and the reason for this is the lack ofpolitical win on the part of most of the developed capitalist countries, which are clinging to their unjustly acquired privileges.The failure 223. Similarly, the intransigent attitude adopted by certain developed Western countries at the eleventh special session, devoted to economic issues, which has just ended rather ignominiously, only reaffirmed once more the obstinacy of those countries in clinging to the status quo. As long as that unreasonable position is maintained, the world economic crisis will only worsen, thus ceaselessly widening the gap which separates the poor countries from the rich countries. This situation is not without riskfor international peaceand security and can be redressed only by a thoroughgoing and prompt restructuring of the present system of international economic relations. It istherefore in the interests ofallStates to realize these facts and to adopt an attitude consistent with them. 224. Given the complexity of the international situation, the work of the thirty-fifth session is bound to be difficult. However, the delegation of the LaoPeople's Democratic Republic will spare no effort to co-operate with the Presi- dent so as to contribute to the success of the work of this session.

Our brother, Mr. Salim of the United Republic ofTanzania, to whom I am happytoday to pay a tribute, conducted, step by step, with the competence, tact and good humour with which we are familiar, the work of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly, the sixth and seventh emergency special sessions, devoted respectively to the situation in Afghanistan and the question of Palestine, and, finally, the eleventh special session, on international economic co- operation for development. He hands over to Mr .. von Wechmar the task, at once enviable and redoubtable, of presiding over the work of the General Assembly. For more than one reason my delegation is happy to see Mr. von Wechmar assume the presidency of the current session because he is, first, the representative of a friendly country, the Federal Republic of Germany, with which my country maintains close and mutually advantageous co-operation. But he is also a talented diplomat, profoundly acquainted with international problems and full of wisdom and expe- rience, all of whichare reasons for believing in the success- full development "r our work. He may be.assured of the- active co-operation of my delegation. 226. On 24 October the international community will cele- brate the thirty-fifth anniversary of the entry into force of the Charterofthe United Nations, by the adoption ofwhich, in the wake of one of the greatest scourges ever known to mankind, our Governments aroused in the hearts of mil- lions of men and women a ray of hope for a better life, a world of peace and security, justice and equality and eco- nomic and social progress for all peoples and countries. What remains of that hope? Very little, unfortunately, because things are not going well. 227. If we take an objective look at the present state ofthe world at the dawn of the decade of the 1980s, weare obliged to note some bitter facts: that serious hotbeds of tension are 229. The international community has always regarded this state of affairs as prejudicial to international peace and security. It has recognized in apartheid a crime against humanity and has expressed unreservedly its moral, mate- rial and political support for the oppressed peoples of Namibia and South Africa. Countless resolutions, pro- grammes of action and restraining measures have been adopted in order to eradicate colonialism, racism and apart- heid from that part of Africa. But despite all efforts, South Africa, knowing it has the support ofcertain Western Pow- ers, continues insolently and contemptuously to trample underfoot the most elementary principles of law and moral- ity. My Government will never cease to proclaim the pro- found aversion and disgust it feels regarding racism and apartheid, to decry the collaboration which South Africa enjoys and to support unfailingly the liberation struggle carried on by the peoples of Namibia and South Africa to recover their dignity, to win their freedom and to participate democratically in the affairs of their country. 230. I am happy in this connection to avail myself of this opportunity at this session to reiterate to the friendly delega- tion ofZimbabwe the warm congratulations ofmy Govern- ment on its recent admission to this Organization. This isa just tribute paid to the brave people of Zimbabwe, which fought for so many long years for the triumph of freedom and justice. 231. The situation in the Middle East constitutes for my Government another source of concern and disquiet because it ispotentiallyexplosiveand dangerous for interna- tional peace and security. Situated squarely at the cross- roads between North Africa and Africa south ofthe Sahara, having had, since time immemorial, fruitful relations with Arab nations with which it shared a common Islamicculture and civilization and inspired, in all its international actions, by the principles. of non-alignment, Niger cannot remain indifferent at the continued occupation of Arab territories by the State of Israel, the latter's repeated aggression against Lebanon and the tragedy of the Palestinian people. 232. It will be readily understood that my Government proclaims its rejection of any acquisition of territory by force, its condemnation of the.desecration by Israel of the Holy Places in Jerusalem and the transfer to that city of the capital of the Zionist entity, as wellas its full support for all the resolutions adopted in various international bodies call- ingon Israel to withdraw unconditionally from all Arab territories occupied since 1967. 23.4. While southern Africa and the Middle East call for and deserve greater attention by our Organization, it is equally true that many other hotbeds of tension continue to shake the world. The proliferation of such bloody, often fratricidal, confrontations constitutes a serious threat to the already frail balance that governs the survival of mankind. 235. How long will that balance hold? 236. Niger and its people, like the whole of the Islamic community and other peace-loving and security-lovingpeo- ples, deplore the conflict between two neighbourly sister countries with which my country shares the sacred values of Islam-that religion of peace, tolerance, brotherhood and love. I should like to reiterate, on behalfofmy Government, the appeal addressed on 24 September last by President Seyni Kountche for an immediate cease-fire and the estab- lishment of an appropriate framework for a peaceful settle- ment of the dispute between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Iraq. 237. As we continue our analysis of the present world situation, we cannot fail to be struck with amazement and indignation at, and to express our total reprobation of, the all too frequent recourse to certainactions that are prejudi- cial to detente, peace and international security. Time after time, we have witnessed these past years the brutal incursion by foreign forces into sovereign and independent States Members of the United Nations and of the non-aligned movement. 238. Those brutal incursions by foreign forces into the tenitories of the Afghan Republic and Kampuchea are, in our eyes, inadmissible and intolerable because they run counter to all the rules of international law. Niger firmly believes in the sacred and inviolable nature of sovereignty and independence of all States and in the right of each people to endow itself with the political, economic and social regime ofits choice. Niger, together with nations that love peace, liberty and equality, will continue to strive for the withdrawal of all foreign occupation forces and to oppose, as in the past, the recurrence of such actions. 239. I mentioned earlier the world economic crisis among the situations which diminish the hope born ofthe adoption ofthe Charter ofthe United Nations, and which do not give us cause for optimism when we consider the present world situation objectively. 240. The continued deterioration of the' world economy, accelerated by the steady worsening of the terms of trade, 241. Much has been written and said about this sorry state of affairs and its distressing prospects. 242. In particular, emphasis has been placed on the des- pair and poverty in which the greater part ofmankind lives, the ever-increasing indebtedness and impoverishment ofthe third world countries, the implacable encroachment of the desert and the famine which besets or threatens entire popu- lations in many regions of the world. 243. It has also been emphasized that the present interna- tional economic order is cynical and unjust, that it is the carrier of potentially dangerous germs, even for the seem- ingly uncaring empire of the rich. 244. We paradoxically note that all efforts made to remedy this serious situation have'thus far been doomed to failure. 245. The First United Nations Development Decade ended without achieving its objectives. The launching, in the early 19708, of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade suffered the same fate. The negotiations entered into following the sixth special session in 1974,and designed to provide new bases for economic relations between the States ofthe North and those of the South, did not lead, as was hoped for, to the gradual process of the establishment of the new interna- tional economic order. The fine plans ofaction so arduously and patiently elaborated at Lima, Buenos Aires," Vienna and New Delhi have not .., begun to be applied. A few days ago, the eleventh spec,.... session, held to reactivate the North-South dialogue, ended its work in this same hall without there being agreement, after countless reports, on even the procedure to be followed during these global negotiations. 246. These repeated failures of the efforts made so far to establish the new international economic order may be explained by the delaying tactics and hesitation ofthe indus- trialized countries which, compared to the nations of the third world, do not show,the same awareness of the grave dangers threatening the world or the same political will to face up to them. 247. The head ofState of Niger, Colonel Seyni Kountche, stressed that state of affairs on 15 April last when he declared: "The hopes for a solution at the world level will be disappointed so long as the industrialized States show the same inability to learn objectively the lessons to be drawn from the evolution of power relations in the world since 1973. Paralysed by an inward-thinking public desirous of IJ United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation amon!.' Developing Countries, held at Buenos Aires from 30 August to 17. September 1978. 248. Among those objectives, stabilization of prices of raw. materials is for my Government a matter of special concern because the drop in the price of some of our prod- ucts is distressing proof of the narrowness of vision and inability of the wealthy to give willing support to our attempts to move towards economic and social devel- opment 249. Niger nevertheless will continue, despite the disap- pointment and discouragement brought about by the stale- mate in the world, to strive, together with other nations in the third world, for the establishment of a new international economic order. We still nurture the hope that despite the many obstacles and the lack of understanding we have noticed in the past negotiations, wisdom will finally prevail over the selfishness of groups, in the interest of mankind as a whole. 250.' My country firmly believes in North-South co- operation, despite the present difficulties; but the nations of the third world must understand that the North-South dia- logue cannot in itself bring a solution to the many problems which delay and complicate their development efforts. As stated by the head of State of Niger at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Coun- tries, held in Cuba from 3 to 9 September 1979: "The trap in which we are in danger of remaining for a long time consists in believing that the future of the nations of the third world is in the hands ofothers, and that horizontal co-operation is a remote-domain, only accessible in the future. We must see things as they are, but historical reality tells us unceasingly that our move- ment has no future if it does not take root and delays indefinitely the strengthening of economic solidarity amongst its members." That is why my country is assiduously taking care of the close links of co-operation it has established with fraternal and neighbourly countries, in the framework of bodies such as the Economic Community of West African States, the Niger River Commission, the Conseil de I'entente and the Conference of Saharan States, to quote but a few. 251. That is why Niger is also gratified at the highly posi- tive results of the first Conference devoted to economic problems convened by the Heads ofState and Government of the OAU on 28 and 29 April this year at Lagos. The Lagos Plan of Action" represents in our viewan unequivo- cal expression of the political will of our Governments to undertake, for the benefit of the peoples of the continent, concerted action for the endogenous and self-sustained development of our economies which will lead to the crea- tion of an African common market and an integrated Afri- can economic community: the African peoples will not fail to keep this rendezvous with history. 253. First of all, we had to take care of the most urgent needs, in other words, to rescue a whole people, threatened in its existence and dignity, from famine and the epidemics that accompany it; to save the capital represented by our livestock, which was being decimated by the implacable drought that afflicted the Sahelian countries. 254. Then we acted to reintroduce order into the atTairsof State and to organize, on a healthier and more sound basis, the economic and social development of the nation. 255. The launching ofa triennial programme, and then of a five-year development plan, enabled us to record signifi- cant results and encouraging successes on the road to the liberation of our economy from natural factors, alimentary self-sufficiency and economic independence. 256. Thus, thanks to the determination of our people, under the guidance of the Supreme Military Council, we have undertaken, very often successfully, to mitigate consid- erably the effects ofthe drought and relieve our people ofthe agonizing spectre of famine; to build up our livestock; to extend our arable land through a sustained policy ofagricul- tural irrigation; to improve our health and educational infrastructure; to increase the purchasing power of our workers and peasants; to increase our budget and our national investment funds substantially; and to endow our country with the appropriate infrastructure for communica- tions and telecommunications. 257. The results we have achieved, far from having gone to our head, have comforted us in our determination to press on. 258. It is in this context that the Supreme Military Council and the Government seek to establish in Niger, through an original formula, a society ofdevelopment, that is, to use the words of President Kountche, "a morally healthy and bal- anced society, fundamentally united, which seeks the same ideal of justice and has the same will for progress". A national commission has been created for the establishment of that society of development. 259. That commission, which includes all social and pro- fessional strata of the nation, will have the task ofstudying and defining an adequate framework for a policy ofacceler- ated development which will be coherent and harmonious for our country, and the end product of which will be the man of Niger himself. This policy ofdevelopment willbethe fruit of national consensus, obtained through new institu- tions such as to ensure the inclusion of all strata of our society, their consultation by the public authorities and their active and responsible participation in the actions to be planned and taken. 262. These organizations of peasants, of young people, of professional organizations and development cells will be the crucible for reflection and the guiding power ofourdevelop- ing future society, which we are building up in unity, with determination, and removed from ideological considera- tions. In this task, as was so. rightly said by President Kountche, "our instrument of work will be, above all, good sense and the philosophy of the land". 263. This is the exciting experience of Niger at present. It is thus that it hopes to conduct its development, and it hopes to do so in peace and security, which iswhy it will unfailingly continue to support the work of the United Nations and its noble ideals. 264. As I come to the end of my statement, I wish to pay solemn tribute to the daily action of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who has placed his rare intellectual and moral qualities at the exalting service of this historic task of justice, freedom and progress of peoples, a task of harmony and assistance between nations. May he rest assured of the continued support of my Government. 26S. May the work of this Assembly enriched by the expe- rience and contribution ofthe Republic ofZimbabwe and of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, lead to the progress of the cause of peace and international security.

I should like to congratulate Ambassador von Wechmar on his election as President of the thirty-fifth session ofthe General Assembly. My country considers him eminently qualified for the post and we are confldent his presidency will be carried out with distinction. My delegation pledges full co-operation with his presidency. His election is an added honour to his country, with which Malaysia has dose and abiding relations. 267. I also wish to pay a special tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim of the United Republic of Tanza- nia, who so ably guided the thirty-fourth session, two emer- gency special sessions and the recently concluded special session on economic matters. 268. May I also take this opportunity to congratulate Saint Vincent and the Grenadines on its membership in the United Nations. Malaysia wishes to assure that country of its full co-operation and of its friendship. 269. Before I proceed further, I should like on behalf of Malaysia to join the international community in a common appeal for a cessation of hostilities between [ran and Iraq. We welcome the initiative of the Secretary-General and of the Security Council in urging an end to the fighting. We support the efforts of the Islamic Conference in sending a goodwill mission to Iranand Iraq. The conflict between Iran 270. This is again the occasion for us to declare ourendur- ing commitment to the principles of international peace, security and co-operation. But even as wedo so, as we must, it is with disquiet and anxiety that we realize that all our combined protestations have not advanced our search for a better world. The signs are not propitious at all. We have not moved forward. We may well have taken a slide backwards instead. 27I. I am not being alarmist but the deterioration of the international situation due to increasing tension and rivalry between the major Powers, characterized by a tendency to use force in the pursuit of objectives, has taken on a very dangerous edge. The arms race which we are committed to reduce has been accelerated further, providing an inauspi- cious and grim start to the second Disarmament Decade. To exacerbate the situation, there is serious paralysis over the restructuring of the international economic order. The per- spective of the South towards the North is becoming one of distrust. With zero growth and burgeoning poverty, the small and weak regard the established structures as far from friendly. 272. The earlier hope that the spirit of genuine detente, which brought about relaxation of tension and increased co-oneration in Europe, would spread to other parts of the world has been dissipated. In the pursuit of national and strategic advantages, the major Powers have not hesitated to intervene directly in the internal affairs of another State, as events in Afghanistan have demonstrated. And if a major Power decides its interests could be advanced by supporting the regional ambitions of a State, then such support is readily rendered. 273. These are the aspects of major-Power rivalry that are holding the world to ransom now. The incredulous thing is that each action is carried out in the name of fostering and safeguarding peace and security when the contrary is the case. And the spiral grows. And action by a major Power invites corresponding action by another. Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan resulted in the United States withholding ratification of the SALT 11 agreement and increased military activity in the Indian Ocean and the Gulf area. Vietnamese intervention in Kampuchea resulted in Chinese troops moving across the Vietnamese border. 274. Malaysia condemns these actions. The major Powers must show more responsibility. Malaysia rejects the thesis that the interests of major Powers transcend national boundaries and that the fate of independent countries must pivot on the derivatives of major-Power actions. Acceptance of, or even acquiescence in, that would put us all back to the cold war of a bipolar world and would rob us of our precious gains of independent action and the right to pro- gress unthrcatencd and unirnpeded. Together with the coun- tries of the third world and within the non-aligned movement, countries like Malaysia have been able to deter- mine perimeters of action, singly and collectively, that have 275. In the present environment of such instability many problems remain unresolved. As we enter the second Dis- armament Decade, the prospects of a hopeful, if not a final solution to the problem of building a world free from any awesome threat of mass destruction appear remote and elusive. 276. The qualitative and quantative development of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction is escalating as the major Powers vie with one another for military su- premacy. The vast sums of money and scarce resources spent in the process are as staggering as they are alarming. If only a fraction of the estimated $400 billion spent annually by countries on military forces and armaments were to be channelled towards badly needed development projects, the benefits to mankind could be considerable. 277. Despite demands by the international community for a total and comprehensive test-ban treaty, nuclear testing continues unabated. In addition to that, more countries are developing or acquiring nuclear weapons. This dangerous trend goes against the spirit and objectives of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. My delegation cannot but view this with concern. It will only complicate the efforts of the United Nations to create a climate of confidencein which disarmament can proceed. The time for us to act is long overdue, but act we must if we are to avoid nuclear destruction. 278. I wish to join other heads of delegations that have addressed this Assembly in calling on allthe nuclear Powers to work in earnest towards the realization of a comprehen- sive test-ban agreement which would represent the first step towards nuclear disarmament and a halt in the trend towards nuclear proliferation. 279. The Middle East conflict seethes in its intensity. Israel continues to defy the world, violating established principles and scorning United Nations resolutions at will. Jerusalem has been declared the capital of Israel, which is the most patent example of international irresponsibility in modern times, a direct challenge to the world, an action of extreme folly and an affront to Moslems all over the world. The people of Palestine are still being denied their inalienable rights to sovereignty and independence, which adds to the shameful catalogue of injustices being perpetrated in the Middle East. Malaysia calls on those countries which sup- port and sustain Israel to desist from doing so and to join in the universal condemnation of Israeli actions. Together with other countries, especially those in the non-aligned move- ment and t~e Islamic Conference. Malavsia demands that 280. I should like,on this occasion, once again to reiterate Malaysia's full support of the people of Palestine in its struggle to exercise its inalienable rights as recognized by the United Nations: the right to return to its homeland, the right to self-determination and the right to national indepen- dence. We assure the PLO, the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, of our unflinching support for their cause. 281. In Asia, Afghanistan and Kampuchea stand out as examples ofareas where,again, accepted international prin- ciples have been flouted, and the way opened to the exercise of military might and power imperatives. I must repeat here that no country, on any pretext whatever, can intervene in the affairs of another. In the case of Kampuchea, it has.been argued that the Pol Pot regime had committed serious excesses. We are all agreed on this. Malaysia has condemned the killings and other atrocities of that regime, but this does not give any country the right to march into Kampuchea, remove a legitimate Government and install a puppet regime. A solution to the Kampuchean conflict must be found urgently, in accordance with General Assembly reso- lution 34/22 which was adopted overwhelmingly by the Assembly last year. 282. Malaysia, in conjunction with its partners in ASEAN, is prepared to co-operate with all parties concerned to find a political settlement of the Kampuchean conflict and to res- tore to that country its sovereignty and territorial integrity within the framework of the General Assembly resolution. We urge the Secretary-General to convene an international conference open to participation by all parties concerned to negotiate a comprehensive settlement of the conflict. I wish to stress that the essential point is to put an end to the foreign military occupation of Kampuchea and to ensure that a sovereign and independent Kampuchea will not be a threat to any of its neighbours. It is only on this basis that the seeds of future intervention and interference in the internal affairs of that country, either by regional or extra-regional Powers, will be removed and that South-East Asian countries can together determine factors of peace and security as envis- aged in the concept of that region as a zone of peace, advocated by the ASEAN countries. 283. Afghanistan affords a parallel with Kampuchea. The common denominator of military intervention threatens to embroil both regions of Asia, affecting stability and order. Malaysia has deplored Soviet actions in Afghanistan and I reiterate the call here for an immediate withdrawal of all foreign forces in order to enable the people of Afghanistan to· decide their own future, free from interference and coercion. 284. Events in Kampuchea and Afghanistan pose a grave challenge to the United Nations. This challenge must be faced if we are to maintain the strength and credibilityofthe Organization as the guardian of international peace and security. To meet this challenge it is incumbent upon the General Assembly to agree on measures to secure full com- 285. South Africa, ltke Israel, continues with impunity to violate United Nations injunctions. Apartheid debases human dignity. It calls in question not only the legitimacy of the white minority Government of South Africa, but also the basic values and ethical mores sustaining that Govern- ment. The actions of South Africa in resisting United Nations action inNamibia are equally deplorable. Malaysia reiterates its full support for the struggle of the people of South Africa for equality and justice and condemns South African actions in Namibia. South Africa should learn from the developments in Zimbabwe, a country that has written a new and positive chapter in the struggle ofcolonial peoples for freedom and independence. In all its aspects, Zim- babwe's is a remarkable victory which enriches the human spirit and underscores the wisdom ofcollective negotiation. 286. I have dwelt at some length on the political situation facing us today. We are no less confronted by the world economic situation, and it is in no better shape. 287. Mass poverty, non-renewable natural resources, unpredictable food supplies, erratic monetary exchange regimes and world-wide inflation are some of the sorry aspects of the world economic scene. It was with the inten- tion of collectively redressing some or all of these problems that we accepted the goal of working towards a New Inter- national Economic Order. The eleventh special session of the General Assembly, on international economic co- operation for development, was expressly intended to launch the global round of negotiations. Yet, sadly, what transpired fallsfar short ofboth our long-term goals and our immediate needs. Depending on one's position, either in the North or the South, one will take a stand in the continuing debate on what went wrong. But some truths are undenia- ble. The world cannot continue divided and organized into the rich and the poor, with no serious and continuing attempts to redress the situation. There can be no future, only chaos, in continuing to deny the imperative ofnegotiat- ing and compromising with the aim of transforming and restructuring the international economy. 288. What is required is removal of obstacles to the goal that we already agree to. Resistance to restructuring and adapting to change, as evidenced by protectionism and obstructionism, clearly reflects a lack of political will or an unwillingness to broaden that will. It will only be on this basis that we can, as a community, work out lasting solu- tions to all the interrelated problems of growth, inflation, unemployment and monetary stability. The successful con- clusion of the negotiations on a Common Fund under the Integrated Programme for Commodities is a significant landmark manifesting the presence of political will and international co-operation in both developing and devel- oped countries. 290. I should like now to turn to a subject of special concern to Malaysia and which warrants the urgent consid- eration of all countries. I am referring to the problem of illicitdrugs and drug abuse. Malaysia brought this matter up at the sixth special session of the Commission on Narcotic Drugs, held at Vienna from II to 20 February this year. The Prime Minister of Malaysia, in turn, further underlined the seriousness of the problem at the meeting of the heads of Government of the Asian and Pacific States members ofthe Commonwealth, held at New Delhi in early September. 291. To date, international understanding has generally regarded drugabuse as a social problem and taken a human- itarian approach, as reflected in the deliberations of the Economic and Social Council and other related bodies. Permit me to say that such an approach is hardly adequate. There are no hopeful signs to indicate that we have been successfu' in containing, much less eliminating, this prob- lem. On the contrary, illicit trafficking in drugs and drug abuse have mounted and spread. It is now timely for us to recognize illicit drugs and drug abuse as issues which must be confronted by us with utter seriousness and commitment, individually as Governments or collectively under the aegis of the United Nations. 292. It has been recognized that illicit drugs ravage the social fabric, debilitate the mind and spirit of people and corrode the values of individuals. While that is undeniable, it must be further recognized that drug abuse on a pervasive scale threatens and undermines the stability, resilience and national integrity ofcountries. In the hands of international syndicates and vested groups, illicitdrugs and trafficking in them are sinister weapons that can pose serious security problems in some countries. There is a clear link between drug trafficking and other types of organized crime on an international scale, such as the illegal trafficking in fire- arms. In this context itis no longer just a question ofsocial foundations being undermined, but of nations themselves, already weakened by various other problems, buckling and going under Malaysia would like the international commu- nity to be clearly aware of this new dimension. Until the consequences of drug abuse are seen in this context, our actions will be neither corrective nor adequate: they can at best be only rehabilitative. 293. Malaysia is prepared to contribute to initiatives in the international context to bring about effective actions towards reducing, if not eliminating the problems of drug abuse. We appeal to all countries not only to exercise vig- 294. We are, without exaggeration, being buffeted by problems and issues on all fronts. Each aspect borders on the other and they are mutually reinforcing. Every issue is fundamental. This is the time to come to terms with our pledges to secure a better world that will endure, that will not throw us back to the dark ages of conflict and mutual destruction.

May I extend congratu- lations, on behalfof my country and myself,to Ambassador von Wechmar on his election to the presidency ofthe thirty- fifth session ofthe General Assembly. We have every confi- dence that he will carry out the tasks entrusted to him with appropriate diplomatic skills and objectivity. 296. This session has convened in a year already height- ened by the sixth and seventh emergency special sessions, devoted respectively to Afghanistan and the question of Palestine, and the eleventh special session, on the .question of economic development. Those sessionshave focused on some of the economic and political crises that beset this international community and they emphasize the role that the United Nations must play in any effort to maintain and preserve peace in order to attain economic benefits for the poor and exploited people of this-world. 297. We are particularly disturbed that the lessons of the 1960s and 1970s have not been learned. We are frequently faced with violations of the principles of territorial sover- eignty, inviolability of diplomatic personnel and non-use of force in international relations. Those principles constitute prominent and notable corner-stones of international rela- tions and law, to which the nations composing this interna.. tional community continue to pay lip service while simultaneously flouting them with 'impunity. That is a sad commentary on the meaningfulness of international and diplomatic intercourse and the underlying values which are expected to provide a base of hope for our many destitute peoples. 298. The challenges facing the United Nations at this ses- sion are innumerable and perhaps most precariously poised. Never has there been such centrifugal force upon theprinci- pies of the Charter of the United Nations since its signing at San Francisco on 26 June 1945. Perhaps we have reached the watershed: the point at which constraining interests almost make us ignore and forget the real objectives of this community of nations. 299. There are many instances that appear to contradict the intent of the original founding fathers of the United Nations. For example, the ease with which States set up human rights standards only to compromise them on the 300. What they conceived was never intended to be a dogmatic, stultified Organization, but a dynamicentitywith the ability to grow, expand and modify, realistically meeting the constraining pressures that inevitably arise and reflect- ing them within its own combustion in a distinct, sensible and objective manner. 30I. While we must insulate succe.-fing generations from the scourge of war, while we recognize the reasons for the maintenance of international peace ao(j security, while we strive to develop friendly relations among all nations based on mutual respect for the principle of equal rights and the self-determination of peoples, while we understand the necessity for co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural and humanitarian charac- ter, the political will, as distinct from the political interest, to erect these pillars of our intercourse is not only weak but at times non-existent. 302. We have arrived at a point where we must effectively decide to survey the facts confronting our society and deter- mine whether we have inherited the parameters and atti- tudes for inaction, or whether weshall lift ourselves from the ground and demand a proper, justifiable and significant consideration of our situation and the means by which we may achieve a. fair measure of progress. This is now the beginning of the end ofcompromise, a word that is not lost on those who remember 1939. It is the end ofglossing over the niceties of language and intercourse, and the commence- ment ofa looking forward to a serious, concentrated, politi- cal involvement of those that have-and I include the haves even among the developing world-in redressing the plight, and the circumstances of the plight, of those that have not. 303. The questions of international security, territorial inviolability ofStates, non-interference in the internal affairs of States and the non-use of force as a means of solving disputes are vital not only to the existence of States, but to their functional progression. The only way in which a State, and in particular a small island State, can make appropriate economic advancement is by the creation of both the fact and the atmosphere of peace. 304. To this end, the Government ofSaint Lucia calls for a reaffirmation of the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security which was adopted on the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary ofthe United Nations in 1970 and which focuses attention on the indivisible link between international security and economic and social develop- ment. 305. Within this same context, we fully support General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI), adopted on 16 Decem- 306. It is indeed a truism that security for the small State lies within the United Nations system. This is even more pertinent for the small island State. Saint Lucia is a small island State and, as such, is vitallyconcerned not only for its own security but for that of every peace-loving nation. Moreover,whenever there are groups of peace-loving States, particutarly those of the developing world, it is of paramount importance that their area should not be visited by the panoply of warfare. The means exist for the insula- tion of those areas from the unsettling strife of the super- Powers, which is not consonant with and detracts from the necessary environment for the economic development of those States. 307. In this context, Saint Lucia believesin and willwork assiduously for the realization of a zone of peace in the Caribbean. This concept hasalready received the approval of the Organization of American States [OASJ at its ninth general assembly at La Paz, Bolivia. What is now necessary is the implementation of the considerations that have been put forward in that resolution and continually reiterated by most member States of the OAS system. Yet wesee nothing that wecan perceive to be the measure ofa dominant willto effect the movements towards a zone ofpeace. Perhaps it is time that our leaders reached out at the summit level and gave life to this important concept, which must not be still-born. 308. Further, it is necessary that the States of our region and other States should observe the Treaty for the Prohibi- tion ofNuclear Weapons in Latin America (Treaty ofTlate- lolco)," of 1967. Saint Lucia is taking the necessary proceduralsteps to become a party to that Treaty. Similarly, Saint Lucia is intent on ensuring, through effective and appropriate measures, that the Caribbean basin does not become a depository for nuclear waste, which could seriously contaminate our environment and ecology, and will seek to obtain meaningful assurances from those nuclear States that have already set out to usethe area in this way. It seems most retrograde that major maritime Powers should seek to use unsuspecting areas in this way simply because there is not the authority to refuse or the perspica- city to understand the inherent dangers. 309. In keeping with this approach, wesupport the imple- mentation of the Declaration on the Denuclearization of Africa," the establishment ofa nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East and South Asia, and the prohibition of the development and manufacture of new types of weapons of mass destruction and new systems of such weapons. 310. It seems unnecessary to reiterate the plea for a dim- inution of expenditure on arms. We have to ask ourselves whether any plea for the cessation ofmass production ofthe means of war is ever entertained. But we must not fall into 15 Umted Nations. Treaty Series, vo]. 634. No. 9068. p. 326. 311. Be that as it may, in the end it will be the social and economic growth that can be achieved that willdetermine which, ifany, ideology remains to dominate this earth, ifthe logical conclusion of the armaments race isrealized. Is it not rather strange when a State finds it difficult to grant $10 million for the economic development of a State but is prepared at a moment's notice to rush millions, unsolicited, to given areas simplybecause there isa supposed threat to its power balance? Or, alternatively, when the kind of strategic aid granted is inconsistent with and meaningless to the real needs or requests of the supposedly benefiting State? 312. The purchase of an XM-I tank costs approximately $1.5 million. We do not even have to considerwhether itwill work effectively for two hours at a time without major maintenance and the pertinent recurrent costs. Yet many aspects of economic, social and human development, at significantly less cost, if redirected from the armaments build-up, could be instrumental in liftinga section ofa small State's economic growth to a reasonable take-offstage. Let the record show that Saint Lucia favours total world disarm- ament. However, in recognition of the fact that there has been no positive move on the part ofany State to implement the disarmament strategy adopted at the tenth special ses- sion of the General Assembly [see resolution S-lO/2]-and as a consequence world disarmament at this time remains a myth, illusive and unattainable-a-Saint Lucia favours the concluding of an international convention to assure the non-nuc1ear-weapon States against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons. 313. We are fully cognizant that-a number oftlash-points around the world, notably the Middle East, Namibia and Afghanistan, constitute grave dangers to mankind. It is imperative that acceptable and workable solutions be found, that States desist from furthering their power projec- tions through a manipulation of these issues, and that the world community find the moral fortitude to confront the issues in an honest and objective manner. 314. On the economic front, the new Lome 11 Agreement between the European Economic Community and the Afri- can, Caribbean and Pacific States," presents a new vision for international co-operation. We, in a small island State, are thankful for the existence of STABEX,'8 which will assist us in overcoming the ravagesofhurricane Alienin our banana sector. We expect that the architects of the Lome 11 Agreement and the appropriate United Nations agencies will consider similar formulas for our tourist and industrial sectors, for theyare also extremely vulnerable to natural and human predators. 17 Second Atrica-Caribbean-Paclflc-European Community Conven- tion. signed at Lome on 31 October 1979. SeeThe Courier. ACP-EEC, No. 58. November 1979. 316. It is pertinent that we should mention our increasing disappointment with the aid and assistance that is chan- nelled to the small States from the developed States of the developing world. It is unfair only to point the finger in castigation of the aid policies of the developed world. While they must bear the brunt ofthe responsibility for our present economic morass, those ofour developed brethren that have been fortunate enough, by way of resources, population or other pertinent factors, to show economic recovery and progress.should not turn aside and ignore our development needs. The same argument that they continue to address to the developed world can and must be addressed to them. Therefore they must show to the developed world, because they have an obligation to do so, that they can assist us in positive terms, even if their recovery and growth are not fully realized. 317. This is the moral and responsible gesture that must come from these States, which in turn wit! underscore the feeble efforts of the developed world, which are not in keeping with the economic principles to which it pays lip- service. It is important that nee-colonialism not be evident in the approach of our more developed brethren; that there be no miniature power play that is nurtured through the granting of economic aid or energyagreements. We did not trade colonialism for neo-eolonialism. Perhaps it may be relevant to re-emphasize and draw the attention of those States to the principles of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 3281 (XXIX)]. 318. We m Saint Lucra are most gratified by the work: of the United Nations programmes. The allocation of re- sources approved by the Governing Council of UNDP last June represents a significant step in the right direction but we do not agree with the primafaciecriteria used to separate the "developing" countries from those which are designated as "least developed among developing" countries. How- ever, we do welcome the new global programme of action for "the least developed countries" which was adopted at the fifth session of UNCTAD, held at Manila last year." 319. To belabour the issue, we cannot accept the superfi- cial line which distinguishes the rather poor countries from the very poorest countries. As we all know, this designation 19General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. The Tokyo Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations: ,\'upplementary Report by theDirector- General ofGA7T(Sales No. GATT/1980-1). 20 See Proceedings of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, FifthSession, vol. I, Report andAnnexes (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.79.II.D.14), part one, sect. A, resolution 122. 320. But the criteria must also be adapted in terms of a new dimension, that is, of the small island States. Only Maldives and Haiti fall into the category of"least developed among developing" States. But what about the 24 other Member States whose geography, geology and resources- human and financial-pose different considerations and a construction of factors that must be looked at anew and afresh'! It is not only a case to be heard; it is a case to be met with adequate and proper provisions. 321. We must acknowledge that the work ofUNIDO,that of the World Food Conference and that ofthe International Fund for Agricultural Development stand to be acclaimed. We may mention particularly the work ofUNEPand that of IMCO in fostering co-operation for the prevention of marine pollution, an issue of which we in Saint Lucia are seized at present. Further, we pay a special tribute to the work of the Office of the. United Nations Disaster Relief Co-ordinator, specifically in terms of its assistance in the wake of hurricane Alien. But we must add that it may be timely to indicate that disaster adopts varied dimensions, according to the resilience of the involved community and the nature of the cataclysm. Though it is an evil that is as significant to the land mass as it is to the island State, it cannot be met in the same way in both instances. There is a need to look at the procedures for disbursing aid to the island States which are ravaged by hurricanes, typhoons, cyclones, tidal waves and volcanic eruptions in a manner other than the accepted form that is now fashionable. 322.. We in the Eastern Caribbean are a proud, hard- working people who recognize that the paucity of our number and the reality of our territorial constraints com- bine to create, at best, a difficult situation wherein econo- mies of scale cannot be readily realized. This difficult situation is compounded by our sheer vulnerability to every natural disaster that cares to visit our area. We are not alone in this regard. Our sister island States in the Pacific and Indian Oceans share our fears and apprehensions. This Assembly must address itself precisely to the nature of this new dimension in much the same way as it has dealt with the land-locked States and the most disadvantaged States. 323. We do not wish to leave the impression that we view the events that marked the ending of the old decade and the point of departure of the new as allowing for only negative prognostications. The recent women's conference" holds much promise for the eventual elimination of all forms of discrimination against women. 21 World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women: Equality, Development and Peace, held at Copenhagen from 14 to 30 July 1980. 325. There have been five resolutions on Belizeconsidered by the General Assembly since 1975. In view of the effort and time spent on this issue, Belizeshould have already been granted independence, it should have achieved United Nations membership and been well on the way to consoli- dating its achievements after independence. This Assembly should now be addressing the situation of post-indepen- dence Belize, not its pre-independence status. However, this is not the case and this Assembly must beara fair proportion of the guilt for the omission of Belize from its ranks. The time has come for the cessation ofwords, ofpaper work and of inconsequential negotiations, and for a demand for the justice of Belize's proceeding immediately to independence and membership ofour gathering, properly recorded. It is in this vein that we propose the submission of a resolution demanding, inter alia, that the metropolitan Power con- cerned convene with the shortest delay a constitutional confer- ence with a mandate. to set a date for Belize's independence before the end of 1981. 326. Only if that meaningful act is introduced can we realistically state that this forum is committed to the princi- ples that it has itselfestablished and applied in other instan- ces. The diplomatic virtues of negotiation are not always beneficial, or expected to be beneficial, to the parties con- cerned and involved. 327. The recent session of the Third United Nations Con- ference on the Law of the Sea indicates that a final conven- tion may be at hand. It has been a long road, but one that manifestly indicates that the international will to regulate and the desire to recognize growth in law and order have been rewarded. We will attempt to have that convention consider and take account of the real problems for small island States. The concept ofthe small island State does not exist persein the convention, largely because in 1958, when the existing conventions on the law of the sea were nego- tiated, there was not a single small island State in existence. Today there are some 34 independent island States; they deserve proper recognition in much the same way as archipelagic States and land-locked States. In looking at the development of the law. of the sea, we are mindful that a great deal of work has been devoted to the avoidance and mitigation of the effect of pollution. Our vulnerability is extremely acute in this area. We welcome any plan to mit- 328. It is not responsible conduct for a State to look only at the omissions in behavioural terms of this community, without any introspection over the steps it has taken or will take in seeking to play a small but useful part in this world's problematic environment. Saint Lucia, bedevilled by hurri- cane Allei., has applied itself to an approach to the calamity that recognizes an acceptance of its responsibility to the community at large. For my Government accepts that it has to live with natural disasters, and therefore the emphasis must be placed on a preventive policy in development, with an accent on preparedness and resilience to disasters of this kind. It is within this framework that my Government has approached the States Members of the United Nations to assist in the sectoral infrastructural development of our State. 329. But we must not forget that what is tangible in our efforts is the values that we leave in the form ofguidelines for generations yet unborn. This is the historical value of our existence as States in this international community. We were most happy when, in 1965, the General Assembly adopted the Declaration of the Promotion among Youth of the Ideals of Peace, Mutual Respect and Understanding between Peoples [resolution 2037 (XX)]; and later, in 1969, recognized the contribution of youth in the promotion of world peace, justice, social and economic rights, especially in the projection of the goals embodied in the Charterofthe United Nations [see resolution 2497 (XXIV)]. 330. We eagerly look forward to 1985, the year designated as International Youth Year by the General Assembly[reso- lution 34/J5J] with the aims of participation, development and peace. We have dedicated our programmes in Saint Lucia to encouraging and developing an ethos of produc- tivity for our youth and some countries have perceived and understood the nature of this thrust and have given assist.. ance to that enterprise. The fruits of such productivity must accrue to the youth of our State. The legacy is theirs; the future lies beyond. 331. Moreover, Saint Lucia recognizes that the individual- ity of approach to problems in our area is not readily rewarded with success. Therefore we have embraced and committed ourselves to the fullest integration in our region, by way ofthe West Indies Associated States, which associa- tion is at present being negotiated into the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States, into the larger Caribbean Commu- nity entity and finally and futuristically within the complex Latin American entity that involves both the OAS and the Latin American Economic System. There is no ready and immediate satisfaction of geopolitical benefit within these communities. The roads are gradual, based on a necessary economic co-operation and co-ordination which are finally reflected in a strong political togetherness. It is an objective that we must all accept and towards the fruition ofwhich we must all work. 332. The movement towards the interdependence of regions in the largest framework possible is even more important than the recognition of the interdependence of 333. Therefore, it is necessary, as we enter the 1980s, for the vision of this community of regions to be centred on a policyof adherence to principles,dedication and conviction. There isa need to extend beyond the realism of nation-State politics and to enter into the statesmanship of community relations. The universality that will soon be evident in this United Nations will cause a serious reconsideration in respect of the significance of the nation State in universal terms. This is our challenge;the arena isthe circumstanceof this world:the finality isthe survivaland growth or, alterna- tively, the destruction of our universe.

Two representatives have asked to be allowed to excercise their right of reply. May I remind members that, in accordance with General Assemblydecision 34/401, statements inexer- ciseof the right of reply should belimited to lO minutesand should be made by representatives from their seats.

I make this statement with the greatest reluctance, but I must make it inorder to rectify 'he confusion created yesterday [17th meeting] by the remarks of my brother, the representative of Morocco. In the exercise of his right of reply, with regard to earlier statements on the situation inthe WesternSahara, the repre- sentative of Morocco made a curious reference to a so-called invasion of Uganda.by Tanzania. 336. I cannot speak for Tanzania, but in speaking for the people and Government of Uganda I must set the record straight. It is a well-known and well-documented fact that towards the end of 1978 it was Amin's troops that invaded Tanzania and occupied the Kagera Salient. We cannot understand how anybody who is interested in either the truth or the legality ofthissituation could fail to take note of this clear historical fact. This is what in fact occurred, as opposed to what anybody here may wish to havehappened. The attempt to reverse the roles of invaderand invaded is both cynical and preposterous. 337. While Tanzania decided on the one hand to repel the invading army and prevent anyfuture recurrenceof the Amin nuisance, Ugandan resistance movements, on the other hand, sawa God-sent opportunity to moveagainst the Amin regime. 338. The folly and territorial greed of Amin had at long last provided the people of Uganda with a long-awaited opportunity to strike against his Fascist regime. In this our interests converged with Tanzania, but our reasons were different. Tanzania, for its part, was fighting an invader, while we were fighting to liberate ourselvesfrom the grip of a Fascist and murderous regime. In the event the Fascist regime was swept from power. the solidarity it had offered the Ugandan people during our years of struggle against the Amin regime. 340. It was therefore at the request of the Ugandan National Liberation Front that some Tanzanian troops remained in Uganda. It wasfor us a matter ofsurvival.Ifwe had acted otherwise, it would have been tantamount to a suicide wish and, having just emerged from the murderous oppression of the Amin regime,wewerenot well disposedto suicide. 341. There is a specific agreement between the Govern- ment of Uganda and the Government of the United Repub- licof Tanzania stipulating the elementsof thisarrangement. There have already been significant withdrawals of Tanza- nian soldiers from Uganda corresponding to our increasing capacity for self-reliance in the fields of both national defence and civil security. The withdrawal of Tanzanian soldiers iscontinuing and will befinalized as soon as we have completed the main programme for training our national army and police. This isthe clear wishand understanding of both parties to the agreement. As my brother, the represen- tative of Morocco, well knows,thiskind of bilateralarrange- ment is by no means unique or novel on the African continent. 342. We find the concern of our brother the representative of Morocco rather interesting, though belated. We would have appreciated thisconcern more ifit hadcomeduring the time of our greatest need. We would have been grateful if this concern had been demonstrated during our struggle against the Fascist regime. We would have been touched if the concern of the representative of Morocco had been expressedduring the genocidal massacreof more than halfa million of our people by the Amin regime. In place of concern, we witnessed a deadly silence. 343. It is obvious to all that the statement of the represen- tative of Morocco was designedto achieveone purpose and one purpose only, namely, to divert the attention of this Assembl, from a rigorous and sober consideration of the question of Western Sahara. This is a cynicaldevice with which the name of my country, Uganda, should not be associated. The question of Western Sahara is far too serious a matter to be made the subject of such gimmicks. The question of WesternSahara mustand will beconsidered on its merits and on the principles involved. 344. However, it is not my intention thiseveningto debate the question of Western Sahara. The comprehensive views of the Government of Uganda on this question will be enunciated at a more appropriate time.

Today I asked to be allowed to exercise my right of reply on a matter that has nothing to do with the statement that has just been made by my brother from Uganda. But I should like to make one point clear for the benefit of my colleague who has just spoken. 347. At no time in the course of my statement yesterday did I cast any doubt on the legitimacy of the Ugandan people's right to liberate themselves from what they call fascism and to choose the allies they desire. I want to make this point clear in order to re-establish the truth concerning the way in which that truth was distorted by the representa- tive of Tanzania. My colleague from Uganda has just given us an historical survey of the situation that prevailed at one time in his country, and the clarification he has given us seems reassuring. My delegation is happy that the people of Uganda is now able to live in peace and tranquillity. 348. I should now like to exercise the right of reply, for which I inscribed my name this evening. Some African delegations whose naivete or, perhaps, ill will is known to us keep raising the question of the so-called Western Sahara. My delegation reserves the right to return to this question at some future date to offer some clarification at greater length. 349. I should like meanwhile to draw the attention of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Burundi to his failure to take account of the recent evolution of the problem that he raised, pointing. out to him that many countries which allowed themselves to be seduced by insistent propaganda, have .row growing reservations about the existence of a so-called people of the Sahara. I refer both him and his colleague from Angola to the latest recommendation of the "committee of wise men" of the OAU, whose efforts to secure a reduction of tension in the north-west of Africa continue. They will see that there is no reference whatsoever to the existence of a phantom republic, to which Burundi has announced the nomination ofan ambassador, to whom my delegation wishes a happy landing when he reaches his destination. 350. The Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria, whose humanism is well known has not shown the intellectual honesty expected of a man of his stature. My delegation deplores the fact that he has joined in distorting the truth by denying, as regards the situation prevailing in north-west Africa, the dimension of bilateral conflict between Morocco and Algeria and the fact that the hegemonistic aims of the latter in the region have been thwarted. 351. The Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria also tried to represent the acts ofaggression financed by his country as 352. Once again Morocco declares that the populationsof the Saharan provinces have already exercised seIf- determination and have chosen to remain Moroccan. Morocco declares also that decolonization has been achieved by the completion of its territorial integrity, which it reaffirms its determination to defend against all attacks, the origin of which is known to the Algerian Minister.

I feel I must refer to the allusions made by the representative of Morocco to my country. The representa- tive of Morocco has just attacked the African delegations as a whole. I will not answer him for those delegations; they will have an opportunity to do so themselves.. 354. I wish to emphasize that Morocco follows its own course against the tide ofhistory, so it is not surprising that it attacks the African delegations as a whole. 355. According to the representative of Morocco, the statement made by my Minister about this question of Western Sahara [18th meeting], demonstrated naivete and bad faith, as if we were not aware of the evolution of the situation in that region. But I believe that these are rather misleading accusations on his part. 356. The head ofthe Burundi delegation simply referred to the question of the Sahara in order to express my delega- tion's view on the situation. My Minister simply stated the facts and recalled the relevant resolutions oftheOAU and of the United Nations. I do not think the representative of Morocco can say that these resolutions do not exist, that they were invented by my Minister, because these are deci- sions that have been taken by our organizations. I do not know whether the delegation of Morocco considers that it is still a member of these two organizations or whether, while remaining a member, it simply wishes to ignore the decisions taken by them. I hope that the representative of Morocco is aware of the fact that the Democratic Sahraoui Arab Republic has been recognized by most African countries. Indeed, Burundi has invented nothing in its declaration. All representatives know that the majority of African countries recognize that republic. 357. I would confine myself to this point and simply ask the delegation of Morocco if it has any further information on any new situation to offer us. If not, I would just say that the majority of African countries support the POLISARIO Front and the Democratic Sahraoui Arab Republic. The meeting rose at 7.45 p.m,