A/35/PV.21 General Assembly

Mr. President, I should like to join other speakers in congratulating you on you.r election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assem- bly. I am convinced that with your wisdom and experience you willsuccessfullycarry out the tasks which fallto you and lead the deliberations of this session to a favourable conclusion. 49. May I also welcomeSaint Vincent and the Grenadines to membership in the United Nations. 50. I should like to extend the thanks of the Government of the Sultanate of Oman to the Secretary-General for the very effectiveand sincereefforts he has made in the past year in accordance with the mandate conferred upon him and to wish him every success in his work in the service of the United Nations. 5I. This year the General Assembly is meeting in particu- larly tense and unstable international circumstances, and that makes this a veryimportant session,a session which has an even greater obligation to solvethe problems of the world and lessen the dangers facing it, as well as the obligation to help this Organization to discharge its function of seeking solutions conducive to the safeguardingof peace withjustice and establishing the basis for economic and social development. 52. The question of the Middle East is one of the most important conflicts confronting us because it isa danger and threat to international peace and security. It is also a prob- lem that urgently requires a just, global and lasting solution, as has been demonstrated by the concern shown by the international community, and its growing support for the Arab position. 53. The position of the Sultanate ofOman on any peaceful attempt to produce a global, just and lasting settlement to this question is based on the principles which have been recognized by the international community. They are Israel's withdrawal from all the Arab territories occupied since 1967, the right of the Palestinian people to self- determination, and the return of Arab Jerusalem to Arab sovereignty. 54. The international community has recognized the fact that the achievement of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East will be possible only if those principles are respected and that, in turn, requires that Israel discharge its obligation to respect international legality and the Charter ofthe United Nations, and cease to display contempt for the resolutions of the Organization. 55. Recently the Knesset decided to annex Jerusalem and consider it as Israel's capital. That isjust one more example of Israel's scorn and constitutes a flagrant provocation of the United Nations. It is also a challenge to Arab and Moslem feelings. This decision has in fact had the effect of increasing tension in the Middle East and has made it even more difflcult to bring about peace. Israel is well aware of the fact that there can be no lasting peace without the restoration of the Holy City of Jerusalem to Arab sover- eignty. I should like to remindthe Assembly that my coun- try supports the Islamic position on Jerusalem. 56. Recently we witnessed a dangerous phenomenon in the international arena: the intervention ofa major Power in 57. Following Soviet military intervention inAfghanistan, Oman joined 5I other States in calling for an emergency meeting of the Security Council to deal with that interven- tion. As we all know, the veto used by the Soviet Union prevented the adoption ofthe draft resolution submitted by the non-aligned countries to the SecurityCouncil, and made it impossible for the Security Council to discharge its pri- mary responsibility ofsafeguarding international peace and security; that, in turn, led to the sixth emergency special session in January this year. At that sessiona resolution was adopted [ES-6/2] by an overwhelming majority calling for the immediate, unconditional and total withdrawal of the foreign forces from Afghanistan in order to enable its people to determine their own form ofgovernment arid choose their economic, political and social systems free from outside intervention, subversion, coercion or constraint ofany kind whatsoever. The resolution went on to urge the bringing about of conditions necessary for the voluntary return ofthe Afghan refugees to their homes. Unfortunately, that resolu- tion has not been implemented any more than have other resolutions adopted in other forums on this subject, one of the most striking of which was the one adopted at the Eleventh Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers, held at Islamabad from 17 to 22 May last [A/35/419-S/14129, resolution No. 19/11-P]. 58. The continuation ofthe occupation ofAfghanistan by Soviet troops is a threat to international and regional peace and security, and represents a danger to our region. That prompted us earlier jn this session to join other States in requesting the inclusion in our agenda of an item dealing with the situation in Afghanistan [item 116]. 59. The scope of the events in Afghanistan goes beyond the borders of that country and represents a threat to neigh- bouring countries. The international community must put an end to this dangerous phenomenon, so that other small States will not be victims of military intervention bya major Power aimed at overthrowing the regimes in authority and at controlling their destiny. 60. Here we should also like to mention the dangerous situation iu Kampuchea and the continuedpresence there of Vietnamese forces. We must join those who have called for the withdrawal of Vietnamese forces from Kampuchean territory in order to allow the people there to determine their own future and government in complete freedom, without anyforeign pressure or presence. 61. My ,; untry has already welcomed the independence of Zimbabwe and its admission to the United Nations at the eleventh special session of the General Assembly. But I should like to take this opportunity to express our convic- tion that Zimbabwe's accession to independence and sover- eignty gives us cause for optimism at this session. We must also express our satisfaction at the efforts and political sagacity of the leaders ofZimbabwe which led to a peaceful 62. Because ofits geographical position and historical ties with African countries and peoples, Oman must express its concern at the foreign intervention in the Horn of Africa and urge that it be ended. 63. When the Final Document ofthe tenth special session ofthe General Assembly set forth the disarmament strategy [see resolution S-lO/2],we expressed our hope that its adop- tion would lead to objective measures to slow down the arms race. Regrettably, however, directly after that session, there was further escalation in the arms race and the amounts being spent on the development, quantitatively and qualita- tively, of arms, especially nuclear weapons, have attained astronomical levels. We agree with the Secretary-General when he says, in his report on the work ofthe Organization, that "present trends cast ominous shadows over disarma- ment efforts, both within and outside the framework of the United Nations" [see A/35/1. sect. V). 64. Here we can only repeat what we have already said on many occasions, namely, that we cannot deal with arms questions in a vacuum; there is a close connection between arms limitation on the one hand and the sense of security, calm and international legality on the other. We hope to come up, at the start of the second Disarmament Decade, with positive measures for submission to the second special session ofthe General Assembly on disarmament, to be held in 1982. 65. Oman has always supported attempts to strengthen the security and integrity of certain geographical areas, and of course our support and our interest are particularly great in connection with the Indian Ocean, of which we are a coastal State, and with the problem of creating a zone of peace there. My delegation takes part in the work ofthe Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean and in preparations for the forthcoming conference in order to ensure its success and to enable the countries in the area to enjoy peace and security and not to fall prey to any attempt to bring them within the spheres of.influence of others. We want the area to be one ofconstruction and well-being and not one where disturbances willoccur and where, in certain spots, terrorists and saboteurs are active. 66. In the south-western part of our country, unfortu- nately, the Government of Democratic Yemen has made terrorism, sabotage and aggression against neighbours a technique which it wishes to use in its foreign relations. That has given rise to a number of complaints, which have been presented to this Organization. Democratic Yemen has con- cluded a political and military agreement with the Soviet Union which has made it a military base far exceeding the defence needs ofan economically weak country with limited income. 67. We all know that the United Kingdom, which colo- nized that country, had a very large military and naval base 68. The important thing here is to reaffirm what the non- aligned States have always requested: the removal of all foreign bases from the Indian Ocean and that region, in order to make it immune from conflicts of interest and spheres of influence. 69. The major Powers must adopt peaceful policies con- sistent with their obligations under the Charterofthe United Nations. Given those continuing threats, the Sultanate of Oman has no choice but to take whatever legal action it can to guarantee its territorial integrity in observance of the Charter and the principles of non-alignment, especially the principle of non-interference in internal affairs. Oman reaf- firms its fundamental position, which isthat weare opposed to all military alliances regardless oftheir form, and that we call for the elimination of all foreign military bases in the Indian Ocean. 70. Together with its interest in creating a zone ofpeace in the Indian Ocean, Oman continues to discharge its duty as a State on the Strait of Hormuz, a vital artery linking the Gulf to the Indian Ocean. Along it is shipped much ofthe oil sent to consumer countries by the producers. The Sultanate of Oman has presented certain proposals to IMCO on the regulation of maritime traffic in the territorial waters of the Strait. It wishes to safeguard passage through these territo- rial waters in order to preserve its own interests primarily, but also those of its sister States. It is opposed to any action likely to hamper shipping and to lead to foreign intervention ID our area. 71. The problem of refugees is causing us concern at the international level, but particularly in Africa and Asia. Although we are participating in the humanitarian efforts of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to allay the suffering of millions, we hope that studies will be made to find the reasons for the existence of this grave humanitarian problem. Humanitarian aid is not enough; the problem must be tackled at its source. 72. Today we can only say that we welcome and are indeed very pleased with the proposal which has been made hy the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Germany [8th meeting] to include an additional item on our agenda, entitled "International co-operation to avert flows of refugees". We trust that the discussion will lead to realis- tic political solutions to the problem. The first solution must be to put an end to persecution and to obstacles preventing the return of refugees to their homes. There can be no solution to the problem if political and humanitarian con- siderations are separated. The political considerations involved in the problem of refugees must be faced with courage and determination. 74. My delegation agrees with the position ofthe Group of 77 regarding negotiating procedure and the agenda. What we find encouraging isthat the text for the new International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Devel- opment Decade [see A/35/464] was supported by a large majority, and we are convincedthat it willbe a vital part of the efforts to establish a new international economic order. The new Development Strategy will be the framework for development in the dec-de to come. Its implementation depends, in the first place, on the new negotiation frame- work, which requires an atmosphere ofcomplete confidence in place of the distrust that prevailed during the eleventh special session. We say this in all sincerity and without casting aspersions on any of our partners. We hope that at the present sessionagreement will be possible on the agenda for the negotiations and the measures likely to make them a success. 75. Our interest in the world-wide attempts to solvedevel- opment problems goes hand in hand with our interest in developing Oman. We seeeconomic development as a com- , piex task which requires genuine and fruitful co-operation between developing and developed countries. Without such positive co-operation between the two groups it will be difficult to make tangible progress in this field. We believe that the efforts of the developing countries in the field of economic development will benefit not them alone but the international community as a whole. For our part, we are trying by every means to bring about our country's eco- nomic development in a balanced manner so that it shall be of benefit to all our citizens. We are convinced that the guiding purpose of any development effort is to raise the economic and social livingstandards ofeverycitizen,within a framework ofeconomic freedom, making itpossiblefor all members of society to participate effectively in the building ofthe future. Weaffirm that wesincerelywishto participate, together with the international community, in the establish- ment of a world of freedom, prosperity and dignity. 76. Oman will soon be celebrating its tenth anniversary, which is the anniversary of the national reawakening that has been presided over by Sultan Qabus ibn Sa'id since he took up the reins of power. These 10 years are very impor- tant in the history of Oman because we have been able to achieve at the national level, under a wise and enlightened leadership, a balanced development covering education, health, social services in every corner of the country, the construction of ports, roads and communications facilities, and the strengthening of the means ofensuring security and national defence. His Majesty's Government is convinced that economic and social development must have a deliber- ate methodology in order that its fruits be in harmony with 77. My delegation would like to welcome here the results obtained during the ninth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. Those results constitute a victory for the United Nations and demonstrate the effort that it is making to make positive achievements within the framework of constructive negotiations and in spite of all the obstacles encountered. 78. My country has accepted the compromises reached, after numerous difficulties, concerning the taking of deci- sions in the Conference-which is the executiveorgan ofthe international authority-which was accompanied by dem- onstrations of goodwill, not to speak of confidence and effectiveco-operation between all the members ofthe Con- ference, thus preventing a paralysis of its work. 79. Since we are discussing a convention that seeks to codify the rules ofinternational lawgoverningthe rights and duties ofStates with regard to the lawofthe sea, I should like to say that we should give thought also to the rights and responsibilities of countries that border on straits, with a view to ensuring that their security and independence shall be protected and that their coasts shall not be polluted, deliberately or by accident, all this to be covered by clear wording on the subject when texts on navigation in straits are being drafted and adopted at the next and last sessionof the Conference. 80. My delegation hopes also that we shall reach agree- ment on other outstanding items such as, for example, the delimitation of maritime frontiers between States that border one another or that face one another across water, and that the median line will be adopted as the means of delimitation. 81. My delegation agrees with other coastal States on the subject ofthe regulation of the passage of warships through our territorial zone, including the right to be advised in advance ofsuch movement and to authorize it. We sincerely hope that 1981 willsee the signature ofa convention that will establish the basis for accord and peace at sea, which will strengthen international peace and security. 82. In conclusion I would express the hope that detente and co-operation will govern tomorrow's world, notwith- standing differences of political and economic regimes, on the basis of respect for the sovereignty of States, non- interference in their internal affairs and fruitful co-operation among all States, thus ensuring the realization of the princi- ples of the Charter of the United Nations.

I should like, on behalf of the Ethiopian delegation, to congratulate Ambas- sador Wechmar on his unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. We are confident that, with his wide experience, he will effectively guide the important deliberations ofthissessionto apositive and fruitful conclusion. 85. I wish also to pay a tribute to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who, in the discharge of his responsibilities, continues to display tireless efforts to further the aims and purposes of our Organization. 86. It is with joy and pride that I welcome,on behalfofthe Ethiopian delegation, the newly independent States ofZim- babwe and Saint Vincent and the Grenadinesinto the family of nations. Nothing could be more gratifying than to see among us here the delegation of the African State ofZimba- bwe, symbolizing the triumph of a heroic people which went through a gruelling experience in their bitter and determined struggle for freedom and independence. We hail their resounding victory as our own, just as wehailed their ardu- ous struggle as a common African struggle for freedom, equality, justice and social progress. 87. The banner of hope for freedom in southern Africa is now flying higher than ever before. With each passing day the noose around the neck of apartheid is getting increas- ingly tight. Nevertheless, obstinate as it is, the racist regime in Pretoria is not disposed to heed reason and abandon its repugnant practices easily. Futile attempts continue to be made by the architects of apartheid, in collusion with their imperialist collaborators, to perpetuate this vile and perni- cious system. We have no doubt that, had it not been for the overt and covert political, economic, technological and military-including nuclear-collaboration by well-known Western Governments and their transnational corpora- tions, the criminal gang in Pretoria would have long ago been a thing of the past. 88. Despite such wide-ranging collaboration, the struggle of the people of South Africa and that of the Namibian people, under the leadership of their respective liberation movements, isgathering momentum. Ethiopia is convinced that Pretoria's obdurate resistance to the exercise by the Namibian people, under the leadership oftheir sole authen- tic and legitimate representative, SWAPO, oftheir rights to self-determination and independence, will only contribute to the further intensification ofthe determined armed strug- gle, which, in the case of Zimbabwe, is destined to be crowned with resounding victory. 89. This year, as we observe the twentieth anniversary of . the adoption of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countriesand Peoples[resolution 1514 (X~], we strongly urge the Security Council to take action on enforcement measures against the South African regime, under Chapter VII of the Charter, with a view to ending the illegal occupation of Namibia. 90. With regard to Western Sahara, Ethiopia strongly believes that the OAU, which is already seized of the prob- lem, should be given full support in its efforts to achieve a just solution 'within the framework of its relevant decisions and those of the United Nations. 92. That the belligerence and intransigence of Israel have continuously increased is, indeed, amply demonstrated by the proliferation of new settlements in occupied Arab lands, culminating in the annexation of the eastern part of Jerusa- lem as part of the "eternal capital" of the State of Israel. 93. Ethiopia reiterates here its long-standing position that no just and durable peace can beachieved in the Middle East until Israel complies with the numerous relevant resolutions and decisions of the United Nations, including the resolu- tion adopted at the seventh emergency special session of the General Assembly [resolution ES-7/2]. 94. Ethiopia would like to reiterate that only the complete withdraw al of Israel from all Arab territories occupied since 1967 and the exercise by the Palestinian people of their inalienable right to self-determination and a homeland in Palestine will ensure durable peace in the region. 95. Similarly, Ethiopia supports the unity and territorial integrity of the non-aligned countries of Cyprus and Leba- non as well as the peaceful reunification of the Korean people. 96. We extend our solidarity to the peoples of Kampu- chea, Laos and VietNam and fullysupport the joint formula advanced by them for the normalization ofrelations and the maintenance of peace and security in their region. 97. We reiterate our unreserved solidarity with the revolu- tion of Afghanistan, aimed at demolishing an oppressive and archaic feudal system and replacing it by a new progres- siveorder. Westand by the sideofthe Afghan people in their determined struggle to defend the gains of their revolution and preserve their sovereignty, territorial integrity and national independence. 98. The problem of economic growth and social develop- ment has both internal and external dimensions. We in Ethiopia are at this very moment striving to build a just and equitable system that will correspond to our actual needs and aspirations. Indeed, the fundamental structural changes we have been implementing ever since the onset of our revolution in 1974 have been aimed at effectively ensuring the basic human rights of the formerly downtrodden Ethio- pian masses and raising their standard of living. 99. The Ethiopian people, having organized themselves effectively, are today exerting maximum efforts to bring about wide-ranging economic, social and cultural develop- ment. I am proud to say that we are encouraged by the concrete results attained so far in the sphere of economic and social development and in the all-out war we have declared against illiteracy. In the short span of lessthan two years, over 7 million Ethiopians have been enabled to read and write. It was, therefore, with modest satisfaction that Ethiopia accepted the UNESCO medal of merit for 1980in the field of combating illiteracy. While our objective is 100. The holding ofthe First Congress ofthe Commission for Organizing the Party ofthe Working People ofEthiopia and the official launching of its activities is a historic land- mark in the progress of the Ethiopian Revolution. In addi- tion to the All-Ethiopia Peasants' Association and the AII- Ethiopia Trades Union, which have been established at the national level in the past few years, the establishment of youth.and women's associations has provided a firm and unshakeable foundation for our popular revolution. 101. Our objective to speed up the social and economic transformation of our country has, however, been impeded by incessantacts ofaggressionperpetrated against our coun- try, which have unavoidably forced us to divert scarce resources from development projects to national defence. Furthermore, recurrent drought and other natural calami- ties have also severely affected our people. 102. Despite our best efforts, wehave come to the conclu- sion that the reconstruction of a war-devastated economy and the repatriation and resettlement of refugeesand war- displaced people are beyond our means. In this regard Ethiopia's needs and requirements have been assessed by various United Nations missions, whose reports have become documents of the United Nations. 103. Over and above its efforts at the national level,Ethio- pia is widely co-operating with practically all of its neigh- bours. In this connection, I am happy to note that we have established mutually beneficial joint development projects with Kenya, Djibouti and the Sudan. Nevertheless, it remains a hard fact of life that, unless corresponding changes are made in international economic relations at the global level, not much appreciable headway can be made in transforming the internal structure of the vast majority of the developing countries. 104. The international monetary disorder, the deepening global recession, rampant inflation, severe unemployment, adherence to restrictive international trade policies,persist- ent problems of imbalance in international payments and, sluggish world economic growth are some ofthe symptoms ofthe state ofeconomic affairs which characterize the exter- nal structure. 105. Moreover, a gloomy scenario in international eco- nomic relations was underlined by the failureofthe eleventh special session ofthe General Assembly to reach agreement on a newglobal round of negotiations on which much hope had been pinned. 106. The economic and financial situation of the least developed countries has increasingly and dangerously been deteriorating, to the point where many of them face eco- nomic disruption and chaos. Most of them have, in fact, been kept out of the mainstream of international economic activities as a result of their structural handicaps and other serious limitations. 108. The year 1980 has been marked by a dangerous reversal of the process of detente, the escalation of tension, the revival ofthe cold war and an evergreater riskofnuclear confrontation. As the General Assembly isabout to adopt a declaration on the second Disarmament Decadeand launch preparations for the second special session devoted to dis- armament, to be held in 1982, the disquieting reality of the world today is that the arms race, particularly in the nuclear field, has continued unabated. 109. Ethiopia strongly supports the proposal made by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and strongly urges that the international community redouble its efforts to reduce the present level of global tension and to avert a nuclear catastrophe by taking concrete and urgent measures. 110. Currently, imperialism is deploying all types of sophisticated weapons systems in many parts of the world. The Indian Ocean has never before been so congested with warships, aircraft carriers, their escorts and assault troops. The Persian Gulf area, the Middle East region and the Red Sea have also become the depots of the deadly weapons of imperialism. Alliances are being hastily formed, existing bases expanded and new ones acquired to serve as spring- boards for encirclement, destabilization and outright mil- itary aggression, in contravention of the decisions of the OAU, the United Nations and the non-aligned movement declaring the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. Ill. The imperialist circles not only have intensified the arms race but also have defiantly arrogated to themselves the right to declare any region of the world a zone of their vital interest. Consequently, extensivemilitary preparations are under way, including the formation ofa quick interven- tion force. 112. Thus, an ominous development is in the offing in the regions of the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean. Having as its main target the States of the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean region, the quick intervention force poses a grave threat to the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity ofthose States and to their right freely to engage in international economic activities. 113. In pursuit of its imperialist objectives, the United States of America has recently acquired new military bases in Berbera, Kismayu, Mogadishu and elsewhere within Somalia, just over 100 miles from Ethiopia's borders. This dangerous development not only aggravates the already explosive situation prevailing in the Horn ofAfrica but also poses a direct and imminent threat to the sovereignty and territorial integrity and to the popular revolution of Ethio- pia. With contingents of its quick intervention forces con- centrated at Berbera, Kismayuand Mogadishu, the United States has in effect taken a direct-assault position against Ethiopia and all those countries in the region which refuseto 115. Despite the strongest protest which my Government had lodged with the United States Government against the newly established Washington-Mogadishu military axis, only yesterday it was reported that Washington had decided to proceed with the delivery ofweapons to the expansionist aggressors in Mogadishu. The United States Government is pursuing this hostile. policy against Ethiopia in full know- ledge of the fact that, even as I am speaking now, Somalia's regular troops are engaged in wanton acts of killing and destruction. In the circumstances, I wish to underscore that socialist Ethiopia will hold the Government of the United States fully responsible for the consequences of its ill- advised decision. The United States will be held entirely responsible for the tension, conflict situations and actual wars that it is promoting in the Horn of Africa. 116. As a country that is still being victimized byaggres- sion instigated and financed by imperialism-an aggression in which thousands of Ethiopians have been killed and maimed, billions of dollars' worth of property destroyed and over 2 million people displaced-Ethiopia has already alerted the international community to these grave develop- ments. My head of State, Comrade Chairman Mengistu Haile Mariam, has expressed his serious concern over these ominous developments by dispatching high-level delega- tions to the current Chairmen of the OAU and the non- aligned movement and to several Governments around the world. We have also apprised the Secretary-General of the United Nations of the implications of these developments for international peace and security. 117. With the introduction ot the umted States interven- tion force into the Horn ofAfrica, the age-old struggleofthe Ethiopian masses in defence of their independence has entered a new and critical phase. The territory ofSomalia, which was used by Italian fascism as the staging ground for aggression and invasion against my country, is today being used as a spring-board for imperialist intervention against Ethiopia. 118. With the ending of colonialism in Africa and, more specifically, with the creation ofSomalia as an independent State in 1960, Ethiopia hailed and welcomed the new Afri- can State in the earnest belief that the tragic episodes of expansionist wars perpetrated in our region by the colonial Powers for far too long had, at last, been permanently removed. Regrettably, however, Somalia, inheriting a legacy of expansionist dreams from its colonial mentors, devoted its entire human and material resources to the realization of that dream. It is a supreme irony that 119. During the 20 years of Somalia's existence as an independent State, a ceaseless campaign ofslander, repeated wars of aggression and countless acts of terror, subversion and sabotage have been unleashed by Somalia against its neighbours, more particularly against Ethiopia. Each time, Ethiopia has exercised maximum restraint. Successive regimes in Mogadishu, however, continued the iafiltration of their soldiers into Ethiopia for the purpose of wanton destruction of human life and property. 120. Africa's position on the grave situation obtaining in our region has been clear and unequivocal. As reported to this Assembly by the current Chairman of the OAU on 24 September, Africa has fully grasped the gravity of the situa- tion and its implications for the maintenance of"interna- tional peace and security. The specific conditions for peace and the normalization of relations between the two coun- tries, as outlined by the OAU Committee and as subse- quently reported to this Assembly, are the following: recognition of territorial integrity, non-interference in domestic affairs, peaceful settlement of disputes, prohibi- tion of subversion, and inviolability of borders inherited on decolonization. 121. Expansionist Somalia, however, has once again arro- gantly rejected the principled and wise counsel ofAfrica. It has, in fact, shown its defiance of the African family of nations by intensifying its acts of armed aggression. Its impudent and persistent violations ofthe cardinal principles of state sovereignty and territorial integrity enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, and its repudiation of the very resolution of the United Nations to which it owes its creation within its present borders, lead us to question the legal basis of the State of Somalia and its continued mem- bership of this Organization. 122. Somalia's membership of the non-aligned move- ment, whose primary objective of peace it has trampled upon by offering military bases and facilities to a super- Power and in the service of a military bloc, should be seriously reconsidered. The fact that some Arab States have already questioned its membership of the League of Arab States is a clear manifestation ofthe unprincipled, irrespon- sible and mercenary nature of Somalia's ruling clique. 123. The short-term and the long-term interests ofSoma- lia lie not in contemptuous disregard and impudent viola- tion of the norms and principles governing' international relations but rather in adherence to, and full compliance with, the cardinal principles of the' Charter of the. United Nations and that of the OAU, as well as the policy of non-alignment. 125. With respect to the question of refugees,the regimein Mogadishu, which has lost all credibility, claims that it is harbouring 1.5 million so-called "Ethiopian refugees" in its territory. A regime that so dramatically demonstrated its ability to convert its entire regular army into what it conve- niently calls a liberation movement isnow engaged in parad- ing its nomads, orphans, widows and drought victims in relief camps and labelling them "Ethiopian refugees", The assistance it receives by such devious means from well- intentioned members ofthe international community isthen shamelessly diverted to feed its army of aggression. The international community is thus duped into indirectly sup- porting Somalia's wars ofexpansion. My Government cate- gorically rejects this sinister machination and denounces it vigorously. 126. As the international community is well aware, Ethio- pia has declared a general amnesty for all its nationals who happen to be in neighbouring countries. In this regard, thanks to the good offices of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the unfailing co-operation of the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan and that of the Republic of Djibouti, the process of voluntary repatriation of genuine Ethiopian refugees from the two neighbouring countries is being implemented. Whereas Ethiopia has asked for the prompt release and speedy repatriation of those Ethiopians who were forcibly abducted by the invading forces of Somalia, the question of repatriating those falsely labelled "Ethiopian refugees" by Somalia, however, does not arise, for the obvious and sim- ple reason that they are nationals of Somalia herded into concentration camps for the sole purpose of extorting funds from the international community, 127. In conclusion, permit me to make a brief reference to a recent remark by my head of State, Comrade Chairman Mengistu Haile Mariam, who, in articulating Ethiopia's policy of peace and co-operation, said: "As has been repeatedly emphasized at various United Nations forums and the conferences of the non-aligned 128. This is the clear policy to which socialist Ethiopia is unswervingly committed. As I pointed out- earlier in my statement, that policy of peace and co-operation iscontinu- ously being translated into practical action in Ethiopia's relations with her neighbours, namely Kenya, Djibouti and the Sudan. 129, It would be unrealistic on our part to hope that the present ruling clique in Mogadishu would see reason and join the co-operative network that is so happily developing among all the other States of the Horn of Africa. We are, however, gratified by the knowledge that the people of Somalia, whose genuine desire to live in peace and active co-operation with their btothers and sisters in the neigh- bouringcountries has been momentarily distorted by the deranged Merihan clique, will continue to strive for the achievement of the noble aspirations of harmony and prosperity. 130. To those who might mistake our commitment to peace and co-operation for docile submission to persistent provocations, let me clearly and unambiguously sound a solemn warning. Ethiopia has so far consistently exercised patience and restraint. But its patience and restraint should not be presumed to be inexhaustible. Inasmuch as the pres- ervation of its independence, sovereignty, national unity and territorial integrity, and of its revolution, is the sine qua non of its national survival, Ethiopia willnot hesitate to take all and aqy measures necessary to ensure their protection.

Let me begin, Sir, by expressing, on behalf of my delegation, our warmest con- gratulations to Mr. von Wechmar on his election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assem- bly, This honour is.well deserved by both him and his great country. It is a tribute to his own stature as a diplomat and his qualities of leadership, and to the role being played by the Federal Republic ofGermany in the international arena. 132. We also wish to pay a warm tribute to his predeces- sor, Ambassador Salim Ahmed Salim ofthe United Repub- lic ofTanzania, a closeand esteemed friend ofJamaica, who so ably guided the affairs of the General Assembly during the last regular session, as well as during two emergency special sessions and the recently concluded special session. We a~e proud of and greatly indebted to him, particularly for his contribution to improving the working proceduresof the General Assembly. His patience, skill and forbearance were noteworthy and were appreciated by all of-us. 133. To the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim,'my Government expresses its gratitude for yet another year of devoted and able service to the cause of international peace in these difficult times. 135. We are forced by events, since we last met in this forum, to reflect even more profoundly on the current world situation. It gives no satisfaction to observe that the first year of the new decade has differed from the last of the old decade only in so far as the international system has slipped even deeper into crisis, as vision and creative' action have been even more clearly shown to be absent. 136. But even that assessment, accurate as it is, does not fully convey the gravity ofthe current situation, for it failsto reveal that not only a quantitative but indeed a qualitative retrogression isoccurring in the international system. That is the measure of our condition today. 137. Year after year, during the past decade, a recurring theme in this very hall has been the need to complement political independence with economic independence, and to complement political decolonization with economic liberation. 138. But what do wefind?Meeting as weare in the shadow of the eleventh special session-and I say "shadow" deliberately-we can only say with profound dismay and regret that little has changed. The establishment of newand equitable economic relations among States appears destined to remain for a long time a task deferred byan international community insensitive to its own enlightened self-interest. At the same time, other profoundly disturbing develop- ments are occurring in the international system,develop- ments which indicate that basic and fundamental political gains made by the developing countries in the post-colonial era are now also under assault. 139. Jamaica firmly believes that it is neither an accident nor sheer coincidence that the international political climate is undergoing its most significant deterioration at precisely the time when international economic conditions are at their worst and when the need to restructure the international economic system is most compelling. 140. The efftt:t., of this grave situation are now being felt with increasin; . .: and are having deleterious conse- . quences throng: the entire international system. 141. The countries of the Caribbean greatly prize their political independence. This isso not only because werecog- nize political independence as a fundamental and basic right, but because of our harsh experience. The yoke of colonialism rested heavily and for a long time on the shoulders of our peoples. The vestiges still remain. 142. Today our region stands at a critical juncture in its political and economic history. Our primary task is the economic reconstruction of post-colonial society. But, as our people seek to channel their energies and their skills in that direction, we find that that difficult task must be attempted in the context of outmoded international eco- 143. It must be recognized by those who would seek to assert definitive influence on and to be the final arbiters of events in our region that this can ultimately only be the responsibility of the Caribbean peoples themselves. The Caribbean must become a zone of peace and tranquillity. That is why Jamaica once again calls upon all countries, particularly the super-Powers, to respect and accept the ideological plurality of the Caribbean region. That is not now the case. Consequently the task of the Governments and peoples of the region to build more just societiesand to carry out.social and economic reforms in the interest of the majority is made immeasurably more difficult. 144. My Government is profoundly encouraged by the efforts to promote economic co-operation among the coun- tries of Latin America. In June of this year the Government of Trinidad and Tobago established a facility for the coun- tries ofthe Caribbean Community [CARICOMj on the basis of their purchases from that country of petroleum and petroleum products, fertilizer and asphalt. More recently the major oil exporters of our region, Venezuela and Mex- ico, have also established a programme to assist some oil- importing countries in Central America and the Caribbean. My Government warmly appreciates those actions by the Governments ofTrinidad and Tobago, Venezuelaand Mex- ico, and commends them as steps to be considered by other regions and institutions. 145. The call for the establishment of the New Interna- tional Economic Order wasgiven fulland formal expression at the historic Fourth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Algiers from 5 to 9 September 1973 and at the sixth specialsessionof the General Assembly, held in May 1974.At that time most of the developed countries adopted an attitude of either indifference or hostility to our proposals for change. They ignored the prognostications from our side about the dangers we would all faceifthe developed countries failedto take seriously the imperative need for change in the world economic order. 146. A remarkable feature of the present time is the grow- ing convergence of perceptions expressed by both the devel- oped and the developing world when we discuss the global economic situation. We all agree that the prospects for our collective future are bleak indeed. But although we both tend to use the same vocabulary, the actions of the devel- oped countries contradict their language and bear testimony to their continued resistance to changing the structure ofthe world economic system. 147. Today all of us must accept the simple reality that survival has truly become a collective need. It is the concern of us all. The economic circumstances and problems of the North cannot be isolated from those ofthe South. However, some developed countries appear to believe that the devel- oping world can be flattered by their willingnessto engage us in a dialogue on co-operation for global survival while 148. At the current session of the General Assembly it is not sufficient merely to review the state of the North-South dialogue. What we need to do is to commit ourselves to action to take us out ofthe present impasse. Above all we must take steps to manage the process of change which is necessary if we are to achieve peace, equity and stability in the international order. We of the developing world here and now invite the industrialized countries to step forward with us. 149. Jamaica remains convinced that the approach and the principles upon which the Group of 77 insisted at the special session are fundamental to the requirements of the global community and must not be. compromised. The interrelationships between money and finance, commodity trade, energy, raw materials and food determine the global economic condition. 150. We ought therefore, as sovereign Governments act- ing within the framework ofa universal body, to ensure that, in the context of global negotiations, we fulfil our responsi- bility to deal with those problems, problems in respect of which specialized agencies and institutions have neither the universal status nor the global focus to formulate a coherent programme of policies and measures required at this time. Such a process, however much it may respect the functions and competence of various international institutions and forums, must overcome the separation and insulation of issues such as money and finance. 151. Those issues, along with energy, represent the centre- piece of international concern today. They are in fact the life-blood of national and international economic activity and they must be placed at the centre ofglobal negotiations. 152. We are painfully aware of the sensitivities which sur- round the issues of money and finance. What is most strik- ing is the degree to which the interests and institutions involved in this sphere are subjected to powerful and protec- tive forces and the extent to which these have been insulated from the broad global dialogue and the emerging under- standing of development and international economic relations. 153. My Government does not believe that the interna- tional community can treat as sacrosanct an international monetary system and its institutions which adhere to diag- noses and prescriptions relevant to the time and circum- . stances of their establishment over three decades ago. The truth is that we need to demystify these matters. 154. The international monetary system must be urgently brought into line with the complex realities oftoday's inter- national economic concerns and with the clearly evident needs and conditions of the developing countries. The call for such changes becomes more urgent every day, and devel- oping countries are by no means alone in making it. That was most recently demonstrated at the South-North Confer- 155. When we speak of questions such as the adjustment process and conditionality attached to drawings from IMF, we are not merely dealing with broad international and national factors. The practices and policies in those areas have an immediate and direct impact on the lives and pros- pects of individual human beings. We are urged by a number of international institutions and by many others, especially from industrialized countries, that we should attend to the interest of the less privileged in our countries. Yet, the policies and practices related to the adjustment process and to conditionality extract great sacrifices from the very same sectors of our populations. 156. Jamaica believes that reforms would be in the interest of all countries, and would address one of the main prob- lems now affecting the international economic system. 157. Energy is perhaps the most important physical input for the productive and service sectors ofthe world economy. Two basic facts are evident in this context. 158. First, hydrocarbons provide the mainsource of usa- ble energy in today's world, and secondly, supplies of this non-renewable source will be exhausted in the foreseeable future. While the relative emphasis attached to either of these may vary from country to country, we are all greatly affected by both in the long run. 159. The world community therefore has an obligation to deploy adequate financial and technological resources to tap potential sources ofnew and renewable energy. We must ensure that the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, scheduled for 1981, takes concrete action in this regard. 160. The other major concern in energy relates to the availability ofsupplies to the oil-importingdevelopingcoun- tries. Inflation in the global economy sustains the pressure on the price ofoil and the capacities of those countries to achieve economic growth and development. It has been shown, for example, that a 4.5 per cent growth in the gross domestic product of a country in the industrialized world requires a corresponding proportionate increase in the demand for energy. However, in the case of the developing countries, the increase implied in the demand for energy, given the same percentage growth in gross domestic product, is nearer 6 per cent. 161. It is clear, therefore, that on all counts the oil- importing developing countries require special assistance to enable them to meet the energy requirements consistent with their' growth and development objectives. 162. My delegation notes with special pleasure the efforts within the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries to transform the Special Fund into a bank to assist the developing countries. We note also the initiatives in the World Bank to strengthen its facilities for assisting develop- ingcountries with the exploration and development oftheir indigenous energy resources. 164. The eleventh special session was intended to launch the global round of negotiations next year and to approve the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade. We reached consen- sus on the Strategy, but the text that emerged bears the harsh marks of resistance on the part ofmany industrialized coun- tries to a really effective global effort. We failed to persuade the industrialized countries to join in what could have been a consensus on a text on the mechanisms for the global round of negotiations-a text which some developing countries, including Jamaica, found inadequate in expression of the vital role of the central conference. At the current session, the General Assembly must find a way to overcome these obstacles and begin to tackle with real purpose the social and economic problems which confront us all. 165. Earlier this year, the international community took a step towards addressing the problem of price fluctuations and development issues in world commodity trade. My Government welcomes the Agreement establishing the Common Fund for Commodities,' inadequate though it is. But, as we have stated before, this achievement merely provides a foundation upon which we should seek to build enduring structures to deal with the outstanding issues in world commodity trade. 166. The predictions of serious economic difficulties, which some developed countries found convenient to ignore a few years ago, have become the reality of today. 167. This General Assembly must now take full cogni- zance of the fact that the economic and financial crises facing the world and affecting in particular the developing countries can only be corrected by immediate and drastic action. Some are confronted with the problems now. The forecasts tell us that others will face them in turn tomorrow. 168. The Independent Commission on International Development Issues-the Brandt Commission-presented the world with an analysis and a set of recommendations and proposals" for the alleviation ofpoverty and the promo- tion of international peace and equity and stability. These do not represent the full measure of the call for the New International Economic Order. Nevertheless, they confirm the basic thesis of the developing countries that change is imperative: time is not on our side. l Document TD/IPC/CF/CONF/24. 4 North-South: A program for survival: report of the Independent Commission on International Development Issues under the chairman- ship of Willy Brandt (Cambridge. Massachusetts, the MIT Press, 1980). 170. We note with profound concern that a particularly unwelcome development in the past yearor so has been that, as tension in the international system has increased, the focus of concern among the major Powers has shifted deci- sively towards preoccupation with issues ofideological com- petition and great-Power rivalry. This has occurred at the expense of issues vital to the economic survival and develop- ment of the majority of nations. 171. The super-Powers and major blocs must end now their dangerous journey into the past before they become mired so deeply that history will repeat itself as tragedy. 172. The arms race continues unabated. The stalemate which marked last month the review of the non- proliferation Treaty," the renewed calls for more sophisti- cated weapons and weapon systems, reflect the collapse of sanity and moderation and the bellicose spirit of our day. 173. Jamaica believes that detente, which appeal'S to be increasingly in jeopardy, must now be placed firmly and securely back on track if the best interests of the interna- tional community are to be served. In this respect, we wel- come the imminent resumption of discussions between the Soviet Union and the United States on the deployment of tactical nuclear weapons in Europe and the reconvening of the Vienna Talks on Mutual Reduction of Forces, Arma- ments and Associated Measures in Central Europe. Above all, the early ratification of SALT 116 is essential. 174. The defusing of the current international hostility isa matter of immediate concern to all the countries ofthe third world. Our respective regions' continue to be the theatres in which great-Power rivalry and ideological competition take on their most concrete and destructive form as incendiary elements in regional conflicts and disputes. 175. In this context, Jamaica notes with great concern the resurgence of the view that entire regions and areas of the globe-in Africa, in Asia and in Latin America-are consid- ered fair game for the application of outmoded spheres of influence policies by great Powers as part of their arbitrary attempts to fit such areas into the confines oftheir perceived interests. 176. It will be recalled that in an earlier era precisely such assumptions and policies so seriously threatened the inde- pendence, sovereignty and freedom of action of small and less powerful States that the non-aligned movement was founded as a countervailing force in the international sys- tem. Now, two decades later, despite the growth and dyna- mism ofthat great movement and despite its historic role as a vanguard in the democratization of international rela- ~' Second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, held at Geneva from I1 August to 7 September 1980. . ' 6 Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms, signed at Vienna on 18 June 19"9. 177. We remain convinced that the policy of non- alignment offers the best hope for the preservation of the independence of developing countries and for peace in the international community. Jamaica stands firm in its com- mitment to the non-aligned movement and its policies. 178. We have expressed in this and otherforums our views on recent events in South-West Asia. It remains ourconcern that there should be an early return to normality, in the interest of stability in the region and the wider interest of international peace. 179. In South-East Asia, the collective effort of States in that region isrequired inorder to reduce tension and conflict and to establish a zone of peace. 180. Differences betwen Iran and Iraq, two non-aligned States, have regrettably erupted into open conflict. The outbreak of fighting between those two neighbouring Islamic countries isa cause ofgreat human sufferingand has world-wide repercussions. Jamaica takes this opportunity to appeal to these two States to bring an end to hostilities and to resolve their dispute peacefully, in keeping with the Charter of the United Nations and the principles of the non-aligned movement. 181. In the Middle East the crisis has deepened. The past year has seen developments which place further obstacles in the path of peace. We have seen Israel's continued promo- tion of illegalsettlements, its mea.sures intended to annex the eastern part ofJerusalem, and the continuation ofitsattacks on Lebanon, all in contravention of relevant resolutions of the Security Council. 182. At the same time, the denial of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people remains a painful reality. It is well established that at the core of the conflict is the tragedy of the Palestinian people. No peace can be effective or perma- nent which does not enable the Palestinian people to exercise its right to self-determination, independence and sover- eignty, and which does not ensure the securityofallStates in the region. 183. At this session we celebrate the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. The positive achievements of the United Nations in decoloniza- tion in those 20 years need no elaboration. 184. The right of the people ofBelize to self-determination and independence with territorial integrity has been re- affirmed by the United Nations on many occasions. The administering Power acknowledges that right. The people of Belize are ready and anxious to exerciseit. Jamaica supports the proposal to be put forward at this sessionofthe General Assembly so that wecan act to ensure that the exerciseofthe right to independence by the people of Belize is no longer delayed, and that they may with confidence and the support of the world community enjoy that right. Guatemala should no longer be allowed to exercise a defacto veto and thus prolong the colonial status of a neighbouring State. 186. The continued refusal of influential members of the international community to support the application ofsanc- tions against the racist minority regime in Pretoria reveals even more clearly the hypocrisy which informs their position on this question. Gross violations of international norms and conduct are punishable by sanctions. Some members of the international community appear to recognize this only when their immediate interests are directly threatened. 187. No country has more consistently defied the decisions ofthe United Nations and the International COUl1 ofJustice than South Africa. We note with bitterness the behaviourof those States which are only too willingto avoid the applica- tion of sanctions here, despite the most flagrant and con- tinued abuse. 188. The widespread resistance ofthe oppressed people of South Africa to the abhorrent system of apartheid has assumed new dimensions. The brutality and savagery of police repression of protesters earlier this year are signs of the increasing desperation of the authorities. It is an affront to people of conscience that the apartheidregime continues to be sustained and strengthened by contacts with the out- side world. Even worse is the fear aroused by the events of late last year that South Africa had become a nuclearPower. Those who have constantly disregarded the many warnings issued and the calls for terminating nuclear collaboration must face severe indictment for placing the nuclear weapon in the hands of a criminal regime. 189. Despite the prevailing gloom there have been a few encouraging developments. Jamaica welcomes the reopen- ing ofdialogue between the two communities in Cyprus. We encourage the parties to approach the negotiations in a constructive spirit, to lay aside the grievances and antago- nisms of the past, and to work together towards building a united and harmonious existence for all Cypriots. 190. At the World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women, held at Copenhagen from 4 to 30July 1980, we reviewed and evaluated at the midpoint of the United Nations Decade for Women the progress made in implementing the recommendations of the World Confer- ence of the International Women's Year, which was held at Mexico City from 19 June to 2 July 1975. In that sphere, much has been achieved during the first half of the decade. On the international front, there is the Convention on the Elimination ofAll Forms ofDiscrimination against Women [resolution 34/180, annex], of which Jamaica isa signatory. The Voluntary Fund for the United Nations Decade for Women has been functioning since 1977 to the benefit of 192. The Programme of Action adopted at Copenhagen," with its emphasis on equality, development and peace and on such issues as employment, health and education, is important in the continuing quest for the full recognition of the rights of women. 193. A development of major significance is the progress achieved by the Third United Nations Conference on the Law ofthe Sea at its resumed ninth session at Geneva. From that meeting there has emerged a package on all the out- standing matters relating to the exploration and exploita- tion ofthe common heritage area. That package represents a compromise by all sides. It holds out the possibility that t~e adoption of a universal convention on the law of the sea .IS close at hand and that the tenth session of the Conference will be its last. We hope that nothing will occur to disturb that momentum. 194. Jamaica reiterates its readiness to host the interna- tional sea-bed .authority, 195. In all our endeavours we should not fail to give attention to the interpersonal aspect ofhuman affairs, which in the final analysis is the most fundamental. The way in which communities and nations regard each other is often quite different from the way in which individuals react to each other when they meet. 196. Few areas of human activity are more charged with possibilities than travel and tourism, which is a .rapidly growing international industry. No development IS more spectacular than the growth ofthe technology.and its appli- cations, in the field of communications. 197. As we seek here and elsewhere to find ways ofestab- lishing peace and equity in relations between States and regions, v~e must equally search for ways of encouraging greater contact among peoples. That must be achieved on the basis of appreciation for different cultures and in a manner that facilitates the eradication of those notions of superiority, suspicion and hatred which still unduly influ- ence so much of the relations among countries. 198. My delegation calls on the United Nations system to give greater attention to tourism as a means of providing an impetus to global economic activity and to recognize it as a means for promoting better human understanding. 199. It is a long-standing truism among historians that chronological devices such as decades are in many ways but 7 Report of the World Conference of the International Women's Year (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.76.IV.l), chap. 11, sect. A. ~ Report of the World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women: Equality, Development and Peace (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.80.lV.3 and corrigendum), chap. I, sect. A. 200. As we have met in forum after forum to address the major political.and economic problems of our time, the cascade of words has brought forth but a trickle ofdeeds. A verbal avalanche has yielded a veritable mound of inaction. Success continues to elude our grasp. 201. But we must persevere. We must remain undaunted. We must stand firm for peace. We must stand firm against the exploitation of nation by nation, of man by man. From our achievements, though few, we must recognize the meas- ure of the possible. 202. .Our obligation to history and to succeeding genera- tions must beto redouble our efforts now to effect meaning- ful political and economic change new, even as the obstacles increase. 203. The United Nations is the corner-stone of all our hope. It is here we must lay foundations for the future. 204. Mr. NOGUES (Paraguay) itmerpretattonfrom Span- ish): On behalf of the delegation of Paraguay, I am pleased to welcome the new Member States ofSaint Vincent and the Grenadines and Zimbabwe to our community of nations. 205. The long list of items on the agenda of the present session of the General Assembly contains a few of undoubted interest to my country, such as the United Nations Special Fund for Land-locked Developing Coun- tries; the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea; the draft international convention against the recruitment, use.financing and training of mercenaries; the banning of nuclear weapons in Latin America and other continents, as well as related questions; development and international economic co-operation with all their implica- tions; the draft articles on most-favoured-nation clauses and so on. The delegation of Paraguay will be setting forth its views on those and other questions. This should, ofcourse, not be taken to imply a lack ofinterest-s-for ofcourse we are interested to some degree-in all the other agenda items. 206. Having offered this brief clarification, in the interest of the brevity that should mark what is termed the general debate, I am pleased to make mention ofthe positive contri- bution of my country throughout the long period that has passed since Paraguay, with 49 other countries, signed t~e Charter in San Francisco, Since then, we have watched this Organization grow and our words have never strayed from the ideals which attendrd its birth. 207. We are a peace-loving people. In two world wars, we have defended our honour, our land and our rights with bravery. 208. Our country is no improvisation. Our international identity has deep roots in the history of America, and the name of my country is synonymous with firmness, decisive- ness and crystal clarity in its dealings with other nations. We 209. Thanks to those qualities of the Paraguayan people, the Government of President Stroessner has been able to give our country an unprecedented and unparalleled rate of growth in progress and prosperity, in a climate of peace, with guarantees for the essential rightsofthe human person. Paraguay, which is governed by a modern Constitution democratically adopted in 1967, enjoys the free interplay of political parties and, at the present time, boasts an annual growth rate of 10.5 per cent, the highest on the continent, and perhaps in the entire world; our foreign public debt situation is sound, our rate of exchange with the dollar having remained unchanged since 1960; we keep within our public budget in a satisfactory manner, and our unemploy- ment rate is practically nil. Eighty percent ofthe population can read and write, and education and public health receive priority attention from the Government; indeed, sizeable portions of our budgets are allocated to those areas. The large projects in Itaipu and Yacyreta,the expensesfor which we share with Brazil and Argentina respectively, will make Paraguay a leading producer of electric energy. 210. I take the libertyofproviding the Assembly with this brief outline of the general situation in Paraguay today because it is essentialthat weall get to know one another at first hand and in a straightforward manner, especiallythose of us who do not utilize the secrets of mercenary propa- ganda and who do not have the economicorpolitical power to stop that kind'of propaganda. This is a universal forum where there must be not only a legitimate desire for peace but also an honest, desire to speak the truth. We are a responsible, respectablecountry which has rightlyearned its place in the civilized world. 211. Barely two weeks ago, the city of Asunci6n, the capital of my country, was the scene of a barbarous act of terrorism in which General Anastasio Somoza Debayle, ex-President of the Republic of Nicaragua, was brutally assassinated. 212. That heinous murder, so aliento the peacefullifethat the institutions of Paraguay have enjoyed for more than a quarter of a century, elicited vigorous repudiation, quite apart from the question of who were morally or materially responsible, and quite apart from their motives. 213. That infamous act of aggression had one novel fea- ture typical of terrorism: the civilianpopulation was placed on the brink of disaster of incalculable dimensions, for the savage and dastardly act was perpetrated in the full light of day, right in the middle of the city. 214. In 1947, international communism, in league with opponents of our regime who had become docile instru- ments, attempted to set up a Marxist regimein my country. This resulted in an armed clashthat lasted nearlyhalf a year, but was put down thanks to the indomitable will of the Republican National Association and the Colorado Party, which closed ranks with the loyal and uncontaminated army. In 1959 and 1960 armed gunmen, who had been clandestinely infiltrated from abroad, once again tried by 215. On this last occasion the entire citizenryina varietyof ways condemned the crime perpetrated in Asunci6n, and both Houses ofthe National Congress, in a genuine expres- sion of the popular will, unanimously adopted pertinent legislative resolutions. The Chamber of Deputies expressed its "firmest determination not to compromise or falter inthe struggle to preserve the immutable, principles of Western Christian, civilization". The Senate, for its part, after refer- ring to the refugee status of the principal victim, declared that: ". . . from the material evidence and the data thus far collected, there is ample reason to conclude that the assassination was conceived and decided upon abroad; that it was executed by foreigners, with weapons brought in clandestinely for this purpose, and that their motives, whichare foreign to ourcountry, wereat variance with its customs, its respect for human rights,and the democratic nature of its political struggles.Therefore, irrespectiveof the cause motivating the crime, this criminal act consti- tutes a barbaric act ofaggression by international terror- ismagainst Paraguay. It disrupted the public tranquillity in our country with unprecedented bloodshed and has sullied our image, although it is obvious that it was nothing other than an act ofpoliticalspiteand vengeance on the part of other countries'9. 216. By way of additional information, I should like to bring to the attention of this Assembly the fact that the Government of Paraguay has decided to suspend diplo- matic relations with the Nicaraguan Government of National Reconstruction. 217. This decision was based on a number ofclues point- ing to the participation of the Sandinista Movement of Nicaragua in'thecrime perpetrated on Paraguayan territory against the ex-President of Nicaragua. 218. There was also presumption and obvious bad faith in the remarks made by a member of that governing Junta, Rafael C6rdova Rivas, who, ina statement on 17September 1980, made grave threats against-the chief magistrate ofthe Republic of Paraguay, which was a provocation of the Paraguayan people that had elected him, in free elections and by an overwhelming majority, as their chief of State. 219.. Article 3 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [resolution 217 A (Ill)] says that "Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person", and article 14 says that "Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution", while, under articles 10 and 11,only judicial action can impedethat right; and article 30 says that no State, group or person has the right "to engage in any activity or to perform any act aimed at the destruction ofany of the rights and freedoms set forth herein". 221. We must ask ourselves whether mankind, repre- sented in this Assembly, has suicidal tendencies. A well- known military leader of the United States, Douglas MacArthur, once said that, in the final analysis, the reason for all failures is that one "arrived too late". 229. Not deterred by the overwhelming recognition by the international community and the United Nations that the most serious refugee problem in the world obtains in Soma- lia and results from the policies of repression and genocide of the Ethiopian regime, the Minister for Foreign AtTairsof that country has heretofore resorted to the shameless denial by his Government of the existence of the refugees. The policy of his Government to depopulate the Ogaden and resettle their drought-stricken people from other areas is too well known for me to dwell upon. 222. May time not work in favour of barbaric acts and may God kindle a ray of common .sense and hope in our consciences, That is Paraguay's hope, so that the current session of the General Assembly, guided by the well-known diplomatic experience and personal qualities of its Presi- dent.Mr, Rudiger von Wechmar, will become a landmark in the ditlicult task of maintaining international peace and security.

I shall now call on those representatives who have asked to speak in exercise of their right of reply. May I remind members that, in accordance with General Assembly deci- sion 34/40I, the first intervention in the exercise ofthe right of reply should be limited to 10 minutes and the second intervention to five minutes, and that they should be made by delegations from their seats.

There is a sad proverb cur- rent among Somalis which says that "When lies have an early start, it is difficult for the truth to catch up". The misrepresentations of realities to which the Assembly has been exposed today may fall within that wisdom. I am compelled, however, once again to refute falsehood and set the record straight, 225. In the interest of accuracy, therefore, I should like to state once again that no agreement, recent or otherwise. made by my Government has ever permitted foreign mil- itary bases to come into being in our country. 226. But the military bases that actually do exist in north- east Africa are, incidentally, those under the direct control of the Soviet Union, and I note that there are even more across the Red Sea in South Yemen. It isan indisputable fact that the Ethiopian military Government has granted bases at the Eritrean ports of Massawa and Assab and on the Dahlak Islands otTthe same coast. Moreover, the control- ling super-Power is affordedthe unfettered use ofevery one of Ethiopia's many airports-not only military but also civilian airports. 233. It remains to be seen what view the leaders of the OAU will take of such a blatant attempt to use the inner workings ofour continental organization as an extension of Ethiopia's policy of suppression and the denial of human rights. Let the reason for the failure of the deliberations be stated: it is first and foremost that they have not yet-at least at the point when Ethiopia exposed them to the disruptive light of its propaganda-taken into account the legitimate rights of the people of western Somalia themselves. It is those rights, after all, as my Minister pointed out-on 29 September 1980 [15th meeting] that lie at the crux of the dispute. 227. Somalia also totally rejects repeated Ethiopian allega- tions of Somalia's military involvement in the liberation struggle being waged by the Western Somali Liberation Front. The aim of Addis Ababa is to mislead international public opinion by making the liberation struggle appear as armed conflict betweenSomaliaand Ethiopia. One wonders which other Power or State that regime blames for the liberation struggles which continue to be waged by Ovomo, Eritrean, Tigrean and other oppressed nationalities. 228. During the past 10 months colonialist Ethiopia has continually violated the territorial integrity of the Somali 230. The aim behind that Fascist scheme is to bring about the total transformation of the ethnic and demographic composition of the territory and achieve a "final solution" by transplanting other nationalities in their place-all under the guise of resettling so-called displaced persons. 231. The Ethiopian Minister for Foreign Affairs now admits the existence of the enormous refugee problem in norm-eastern Africa-albeit in an evasive way. He speaks of Ethiopian nationals "who happen to be in neighbouring countries" and offers them "general amnesty". Why? What have they done? Is it a crime to flee red terror or seek self-determination? The Minister admits-and the world well knows-that in that empire State it is. The Minister speaks of over 2 million displaced persons, while less than a month ago, his diplomats were cynically claiming their number to be 5 million when they thought there was a chance of international aid. Before that, the figure. was 200,000. We do not know exactly what the true figures are. 232. The Minister for Foreign AtTairs of Ethiopia has taken the amazing and quite unprincipled step of trying to use the uncompleted preliminary and confidential proceed- ings of a Good Offices Committee, set up by the OAU to work patiently towards promoting a just and lasting settle- ment of one of the persistent problems of the Horn of Africa, to further Ethiopia's own mischievous propaganda and obscure continued oppression and the denial of the rights of the colonized people to self-determination and freedom. Perhaps it is that act of political chicanery which drove the Chairman of the OAU to state to this Assembly that the Committee's efforts had not seemed "to have been successful" and that "if anything, tension appears to have increased of late" [8th meeting]. 235. Let it be clearly stated that my Government is not aware of any problems in the cordial relations we have with our brothers and sisters in either Djibouti or Kenya. Our role in the decolonization of Djibouti is too well known to be repeated here. Suffice it to say that the Somali Demo- cratic Republic was the first to recognize the independence of the Republic ofDjibouti. Nor shall weallow Ethiopia to create mistrust between us at this stage. 236. But what of Ethiopia's own relations with its neigh- bours, particularly Eritrea? Members of the Assembly will not have missed the several scarcely veiled threats of impending Ethiopian escalation of the aggressive activity it mounts daily against my country. One need look no further than Eritrea to see that the danger which we are in is indeed very real. 237. One thing is very certain. The aggression against my country, openly bragged of here today, will be resisted fiercely. We consider the threat of aggression against my country, which wasopenly stated at the end ofthe statement by the Minister, as an extremely serious development which we hope that this Assembly will take note of. I assure you that this threat, when it materializes, willbe resisted fiercely, and Ethiopia and its allies will find usat their front, they will find us at their rear, they will find us on their right and on their left. 238. Another certainty remains: that sooner rather than later, the freedom which we Somalis enjoy will becelebrated also by the suppressed nationalities within the prison-State of Ethiopia. Aggression and persistent colonialism meet their just rewards. That is an inescapable fact of history.

On behalfof the delegation ofGuate- mala and very much to my regret, I am in duty bound to exercise the right of reply in order to reject the erroneous assertions of the Minister for Foreign Affairs ofJamaica in connection with the question of Belize. This is very much to my regret since Jamaica, being a member of the British Commonwealth, should be better informed of the evolution of an issue which my country and the United Kingdom decided by common agreement to submit to the procedure for the peaceful settlement of disputes in accordance with the Charter of this Organization. 240. It is true that here in the United Nations we are commemorating the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the historic Declaration on the GrantingofIndependence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, contained in resolution 1514(1960), my country being among those which contrib- uted positively to its formulation. But it isequally true that that resolution contains provisions preserving the territorial integrity of the founding States and of the States Members of this Organization. 242. If it is affirmed that Belizeis ready for independence, Guatemala, a Member. State of this Organization, is also ready to defend its territorial integrity and its nationalunity which are being affected by a still unresolved dispute. 243. In this connection, may I inform the Assembly that this year three meetings for negotiation were held with the participation of representatives of Belize, the United King- dom and Guatemala, and we hope there will shortly be a further meeting atthe highest levelto seek a solution to this problem, which is not simple but very complicated. 244. That is why I formally reject-while expressing my astonishment at it-the assertion of the representative of Jamaica who, instead of understanding that we are in a convulsed world, a world on the brink ofwar and threatened by so many dangers, attacks two countries which are en- deavouring to find through peaceful meansof negotiation a solution to a complex and dangerous problem. 245. It is in this sense that, on behalfofmycountry and my Government, I reject the erroneous assertion ofthe Minister of Jamaica to the effect that Guatemala is exercising a de facto veto, whereas the only thing it has been doing is to exercise its right to defend its national unity and territorial integrity. 246. We believe that he has been the only speaker in this general debate to speak in such terms about Belize,and we regret that fact. We believe that attitudes of that kind, far from contributing to a solution which willlead to an equita- ble settlement of the question and allow even for the safe- guarding of the highest interests ofthe peoples ofBelizeand Guatemala, will hinder the negotiations to which my coun- try and my Government have come with their best inten- tions in the hope of achieving a satisfactory solution.

My delegation asked to be allowed to exercise its right of reply with regard to the false allegations made in the statement of the representative of Oman this afternoon-allegations with which he sought to conceal reality and the latest measures taken by the Omani regimein the signing of agreements with the United States whereby that Power has been accorded the right to establish military bases on its territory. It is not strange that these allegations should have been made by the representative ofthat regime, which faces great opposition from the people of Oman, under the leadership of the Omani Liberation Front. oppo- sition aimed at eliminating the military bases of the United States and achieving true independence and national sover- eignty and control of its resources for the people ofOman. 248. Democratic Yemen resolutely repudiates these alle- gations, which have no basis in fact. since it is dedicated to 249. We reaffirmalso that Oman's present problem is an internal matter which is of interest and concern to Oman alone, no matter what efforts might be made by Oman with regard to the settlement of this problem. These allegations ure in accordance with the plan now being carriedout by world imperialists in order to continue their pillagingof the resources of the region and impose their domination over the peoples of the regionso asto be able to giveeffect to the Camp David agreements of 1978 and protect the racist regime in occupied Palestine. 2S0. The grave threat now posed to our region following the establishment of a number of United States military ~.St."S. especially in Oman and Somalia, requires that the international community. all our peoples and nil peace- loving forces make continuous and tireless efforts to ensure that our region enjoys permanent PCOlCC and independence.

At the beginningof hisstate- ment the representative of Somalia quoted ~1 proverb of his country and said that when lies have .111 early start it is difficult for truth to catch up with them. This is very true, and who among us knows better than the Somalis how to manufacture a new lie to serve their equally illusory goals? 252. The Ethiopian delegation has asked to speak, not to engage in sterile polemics or to dignify with a reply the perfidious remarks of the representative of Somalia. To do so would beto pay undue respect to Somalia's well-known fairy tales. My Foreign Minister has fully apprised this Assembly of Ethiopia's position with regard to the danger- ous developments in our region and their implications for international peace and security. We sympathize with the representative of Somalia, whose task of defending that which is indefensible has led him to the most pathetic form 253. BeforeI conclude my brief intervention. I should like to refer to the allegation of the representative of Somalia concerning the existence of foreign military bases in my country. I solemnly assure this Assembly that there are no foreign military bases of any kind on Ethiopian soil. How- ever, the amazing thing isthat the representativeof Somalia ~u the same timeadded that there wasno agreement between his country and a foreign Power that would allow any foreign Power to have military baseson the soilofSomalia. This must be very disquieting indeed to the Government of the United States, with which Somalia has just signed an agreement and whose Senate Appropriations Committee yesterday voted $40 million as rent for military bases in Somalia. We are familiar with the perfidy and treachery of Somalia, but I think this is a clear warning to the United States, which is getting on to unknown ground and should be on its guard.

The information contained in the statement made by my delegation isaccurate and well known to all.The representa- tive of Democratic Yemen was unable to refute it in his statement. His words were simply an attempt to hide the truth and were intended for local consumption and for propaganda purposes. The contradiction is clear between his claim concerning non-interference inthe internal affairs of a State and the remarks at the beginningof his statement about the exercise of the right of reply. My delegation does not wish to sink to that level and waste the time of this Asfembly.